Wat het gebeur met spoorwegwerkers wie se werk oorbodig geword het?

Wat het gebeur met spoorwegwerkers wie se werk oorbodig geword het?

In die vroeë 20ste eeu was die stoomlokomotief die koning van landvervoer. Die spoorwegbedryf was een van die grootste werkgewers in die VSA, wat 'n groot aantal werkers in diens gehad het om spoorweë te bou en te onderhou, treine te bestuur en te herstel, ensovoorts. Groot ondernemings en hele dorpe het ontstaan ​​om aan die behoeftes van die spoorweë en hul werkers en passasiers te voldoen.

Maar sedertdien het die Amerikaanse spoorweë byna al hul passasiersondernemings en 'n aansienlike deel van hul vragondernemings aan snelweë of lugdienste verloor. Tegnologieë het ook die hoeveelheid arbeid wat nodig is om die treine te laat ry, verminder. Stoomlokomotiewe is vervang deur diesellokomotiewe wat kleiner spanne benodig, nie hoef te stop vir water nie, meer buigsaam was en veel minder onderhoud vereis (hierdie dokumentêr sê 1 000 000 myl tussen groot opknappings vir diesels in vergelyking met 75 000 vir stoom). In plaas daarvan dat groot spanne gandy -dansers spore met handgereedskap onderhou, het swaar masjinerie minder werkers in staat gestel om veel meer baan te behou. Passasiersdienste is ernstig ingekort, veral luukshede soos slaapmotors en eetwaens wat ook arbeidsintensief was.

In die algemeen kan ons sê dat spoorweë verskuif het van die gebruik van 'n groot aantal ongeskoolde handewerkers na 'n kleiner aantal meer geskoolde werkers (en op dieselfde tyd dat die vraag na spoorvervoer afgeneem het). Dit lyk asof ons in die nabye toekoms iets soortgelyks sal sien met tegnologieë soos selfbestuurde voertuie. Wat ek wonder is, wat het gebeur met die spoorwegwerkers wie se werk oorbodig geraak het?? Het die spoorwegondernemings of vakbonde hulle ander werk gegee? Het hulle pensioene ontvang? Of is hulle bloot afgedank en moes hulle die werk soek? Indien wel, het die meeste van hulle werk gekry (en watter soort werk), of het baie in armoede verval? Wat het gebeur met dorpe wat van hul spoorweë afhanklik was vir hul ekonomie? Is daar protes of stakings of ander konflikte veroorsaak deur hierdie veranderinge?

Wysig om 'n paar statistieke by te voeg: Bladsy 15 van hierdie dokument bevat 'n lys van werkstatistieke vir spoorweë 1890-1957 en hierdie bladsy bevat 1947-2014. Daar is vandag minder mense by spoorweë (slegs 212 000) as selfs tydens die Groot Depressie (991 000 in 1933). Tussen 1951 en 1972 verloor spoorweë gemiddeld 40 000 werkgeleenthede per jaar.


Amerikaanse ervaring

Met vergunning: National Archives

1769
Die Skotse meganiese ingenieur James Watt patenteer sy ontwerp vir die eerste praktiese stoomenjin, wat die weg baan vir die gemeganiseerde produksie van die Industriële Revolusie.

1825
In Engeland ontwerp George Stephenson die wêreld se eerste spoorlokomotief. Op grond van Stephenson se jare lange eksperimentering met stoom-aangedrewe voertuie (waarvan die eerste in 1814 gebou is), het die Beweging trek steenkool op 'n baan van nege myl.

1830
Peter Cooper maak Amerika se eerste stoomlokomotief klaar. Die Tom Duim vervoer passasiers en goedere op 'n afstand van 13 kilometer tussen Baltimore en Ellicott's Mills, Maryland. Teen die einde van die jaar bestaan ​​daar soortgelyke lokomotiefroetes in New York en Suid -Carolina.

1841
Die eerste setlaars trek weswaarts oor die Noordelike Groot Vlaktes, wat later bekend staan ​​as die Oregon -roete, wat binnekort 'n kanaal vir emigrasie is.

1845
Asa Whitney lê 'n resolusie voor in die kongres wat die finansiering van 'n spoorweg na die Stille Oseaan onderskryf. Ondanks ses jaar se veldtog, sterf die kwessie namate groter seksualisme en eiebelang die wetgewer se aandag aftrek. Die spoorweg bly 'n kragtige simbool in die openbare bewussyn.

1848
Desember: Uittredende president James K. Polk roer 'n nuwe ywer vir uitbreiding na die weste aan deur die ontdekking van goud in die Oregon -gebied aan te kondig.

1850
9 September: Goudryke Kalifornië word die 31ste staat wat tot die Unie toegelaat word.

1859
Junie: Ontdekking van die massiewe Comstock Lode lok mynwerkers na Virginia City, Nevada, op soek na goud en silwererts. Die nuus herleef die mynbou -ekonomie in Kalifornië en dring daarop aan om 'n pad oos oor die Sierra Nevada te ondersoek.

1860
Julie: Ingenieur en entoesias Theodore Juda los die groot raaisel van die Pacific Railroad op toe hy Donnerpas bereik (vernoem na die noodlottige emigrant van 1846). Juda erken die ligging onmiddellik as ideaal om 'n lyn deur die Sierra Nevada te bou.

November: Juda ontmoet die handelaar in Sacramento, Collis P. Huntington, wat instem om in sy spoorwegprojek te belê. Huntington bring vier ander beleggers by: Mark Hopkins, James Bailey, Charles Crocker en Leland Stanford. Die ses mans organiseer hulself as die eerste direksie van die Central Pacific Railroad Company.

1861
Oktober: Nadat hy sy opname oor die Sierra Nevada voltooi het, keer Juda terug na Washington gewapen met kaarte en profiele om te steun vir krediete vir die Central Pacific Railroad Company.

1862
1 Julie: Die kongres gaan verby en Lincoln onderteken die Pacific Railroad Bill. Die dokument onderskryf die pogings van Sentraal -Stille Oseaan om die Kalifornië -lyn te bou, terwyl dit terselfdertyd 'n Union Pacific Railroad Company beplan om wes van die Missouri -rivier te bou. Die wetsontwerp gee elke onderneming 6,400 hektaar grond en $ 48,000 in staatseffekte per myl gebou. Dit dui nie 'n ontmoetingspunt vir die lyne aan nie.

1863
8 Januarie: Die pas verkose goewerneur van Kalifornië, Leland Stanford, gooi die eerste vrag vuil op die baanbrekerseremonie in die sentrale Stille Oseaan in Sacramento.

Somer: Spanning ontstaan ​​tussen die sentrale Stille Oseaan -raad rondom finansiële en kontraktuele aangeleenthede. Juda vaar Oos om nuwe beleggers te soek.

26 Oktober: Die Sentraal -Stille Oseaan steek sy eerste relings vas.

30 Oktober: Thomas C. Durant, wat 'n beherende belang in die Union Pacific Railroad Company onwettig gemanipuleer het, word aangestel as vise -president en hoofbestuurder van die spoorweg.

2 November: Theodore Juda word op sy reis siek en sterf in New York.

2 Desember: Tydens 'n gala -seremonie breek die Union Pacific grond in Omaha, Nebraska, alhoewel dit 'n geruime tyd duur voordat die spoorweg oral sal gaan.

1864
1 Julie: Terwyl lobbyiste - onder wie Durant, wat meer as $ 400 000 uitdeel - kontant en effekte onder wetgewers uitdeel, neem die kongres 'n hersiene Pacific Railroad Bill goed. Dit verdubbel die grondtoelae, gee alle natuurlike hulpbronne op die spoor af aan die spoorweë en verwyder beperkings op individuele eienaarskap van aandele.

Oktober: Union Pacific crony Herbert M. Hoxie wen die Union Pacific -konstruksiebod en teken dan die kontrak oor aan Durant se nuwe maatskappy, Crédit Mobilier. Deur hierdie stap kan Durant homself betaal vir die konstruksie, wat reuse winste oplewer sonder toesig van die kongres.

29 November: The Sand Creek Massacre. Kavaleriste onder leiding van kolonel John Chivington slag 150 ongewapende inheemse Amerikaners van Cheyenne en Arapaho, waarvan die meeste vroue en kinders is.

1865
7 Januarie: Cheyenne-, Arapaho- en Sioux-plunderaars verwoes die toekomstige spoorwegstad Julesburg, Colorado, as vergelding vir Sand Creek. Hulle vernietig telegraafdraad in Plattevallei, keer dan terug en jaag Julesburg op die grond.

20 Januarie: President Abraham Lincoln vra die senator van Massachusetts, Oakes Ames, om die Union Pacific Railroad te help bestuur. Ames belê spoedig in Crédit Mobilier en bevorder sy belange in Washington, DC

Laat Januarie: Die aannemer Charles Crocker oortuig die voorman van die sentrale Stille Oseaan, James Harvey Strobridge, om Chinese werkers te probeer as 'n manier om hul arbeidsmag uit te brei, wat tans slegs 'n paar honderd Iere is.

9 April: Robert E. Lee gee hom oor aan Ulysses S. Grant. Die Burgeroorlog eindig. Massas soldate demobiliseer, van wie baie binnekort na die weste sal trek. Die Union Pacific het nog nie 'n spoor gestyg nie.

14 April: President Lincoln word vermoor. Sy lyk sal per spoor na Illinois teruggevoer word op 'n spesiale Pullman -motor.

10 Julie: Terwyl Durant se aktiwiteite in DC groter ondersoek word, word die eerste relings van die Union Pacific -lyn in Omaha gepik.

Laat somer: Sentraal-Stille Oseaan-bemannings begin met die stadige taak om 12 tonnels met die hand te boor deur die Sierra Nevada, gemiddeld 'n paar sentimeter per dag deur die rots. Teen die einde van die jaar sal ongeveer 6 000 Chinese mans in en om die tonnels werk. Dit sal tot 80% van die arbeidsmag in die hele projek uitmaak.

1866
Februarie: Durant besef dat dit belangrik is om produksie te verhoog, en neem generaal Jack Casement aan as die konstruksiebaas van die Union Pacific. Casement bring die winter by Omaha deur en berei die rollende slaapsale voor wat sy spanne in die komende jaar gaan gebruik.

16 April: 'n Ontploffing van nitrogliserien vernietig die Wells Fargo -kantoor in die sentrum van San Francisco.

Mei: Durant huur generaal Grenville Dodge aan as hoofingenieur van die Union Pacific.

Julie: Casementspanne voeg 60 myl spoor by om die Union Pacific -lyn tot by die 100 myl te bring.

6 Oktober: Casement en sy bemannings verby die 100ste Meridian -lyn op die weivelde van Nebraska, wat die Union Pacific die onherroeplike reg verseker om weswaarts voort te gaan, soos bepaal in die Pacific Railroad Act. Durant gooi 'n wonderlike "100ste Meridian Excursion" vir waardige gaste, met 'n spottende Pawnee -hinderlaag.

November: North Platte, Nebraska, sit aan die einde van die Union Pacific -lyn en bied binnekort 'n kragtige kombinasie van salonne, prostitute en misdadigers. Hierdie samestelling en die ander soos dit wat die westelike pers van die ryk volg, word die dorpe "Hell on Wheels" genoem.

21 Desember: Ontsteld deur die toenemende militêre teenwoordigheid in die Powderriviervallei, die heiligste en vrugbaarste jagveld wat in hul besit is, trek 'n groep Sioux -krygers kaptein kaptein William J. Fetterman en sy troepe in 'n dodelike hinderlaag op die Bozeman -roete.

Met vergunning: The Denver Public Library, Western History Collection F18110

1867
Winter: Die Britse chemikus James Howden begin met die vervaardiging van nitrogliserien ter plaatse in die berge vir die sentrale Stille Oseaan, en elimineer die gevare van die vervoer van die verbinding.

Mei: Onder leiding van die Ames -broers verwyder beamptes van die Crédit Mobilier Durant uit die presidentskap van die Union Pacific. So begin 'n vlaag regstappe wat Durant begin het teen Crédit Mobilier en Union Pacific, alhoewel hy steeds nominale leiding oor beide maatskappye uitoefen.

25 Junie: beraadwerk in die Sierras stop tot stilstand terwyl Chinese werkers staak vir beter lone en korter ure. Crocker en Strobridge het voedsel, voorrade en kommunikasie na die Chinese kampe afgesny. 'N Week later gaan die mans teen dieselfde loon terug werk toe.

4 Julie: Dodge stig die stad Cheyenne in Wyoming Territory. Dit is bedoel as 'n oordragpunt op die Union Pacific -lyn, en bevat die rondehuis van die onderneming en 'n militêre stasie. Die onderneming verdeel en verkoop lotte om die vestiging van emigrante aan te moedig. Teen die einde van die jaar sal die bevolking van die nedersetting meer as 4000 wees.

27 Augustus: 'n Groep Cheyenne -krygers buig relings en trek spoor by Plum Creek, Nebraska. Die gevolglike vernietiging ontspoor 'n werktrein wat die Cheyenne -party buit en plunder nadat hy sy bemanning vermoor het. Die enigste oorlewende ontsnap met die kopvel in die hand.

28 Augustus: Werkers in die Sentraal -Stille Oseaan blaas deur die rots van die Summit Tunnel en voltooi die moeilikste van hul take in die berge.

30 November: Terwyl die Chinese spoor lê, lei direkteure van die sentrale Stille Oseaan 'n seremoniële treinuitstappie na die oostelike kant van die Sierra Nevada.

12 Desember: Ondanks volgehoue ​​gevegte onder sy direkteure, verklaar Crédit Mobilier 'n aansienlike aandele -dividend. Oakes Ames word gewild onder wetgewers wat gretig is om wins te maak. Ames versprei 190 aandele in Washington, waarvan 163 aan 11 lede van die kongres gaan.

1868
16 April: Die konstruksie van Union Pacific oorskry die hoogste punt op beide lyne: Sherman Summit, op 'n hoogte van 8.200 voet in die Rockies. Die wedloop om voltooiing - en territoriale besittings - is aan die gang.

9 Mei: The Central Pacific verkoop sy eerste lotte in Reno, Nevada.

18 Junie: Die eerste passasierstrein dreun oor die Sierras na Reno.

Augustus: Mormoonse leier Brigham Young voorsien Stanford van Mormoonse arbeiders vir gradueringswerk in die sentrale Stille Oseaan deur die Utah -woestyn.

29 Oktober: Die moeë burgers van Laramie, Wyoming, vorm 'n waaksaamheidskomitee om die wettelose element van die stad te bestry. Na 'n koorsagtige geweergeveg, slaag die waaksaamdes daarin om dobbelaars en outlaws uit hul nedersetting te dwing en diegene wat oorbly aan telegraafpale en houthutte te hang.

6 November: Na maande van skermutselinge wat bekend staan ​​as 'Red Cloud's War', stel die regering 'n verdrag voor, maar die inheemse Amerikaanse leier, Red Cloud, sal nie neig om te vergader voordat die weermag hulself van die Bozeman -roete verwyder het nie. Hulle stem saam, en Red Cloud onderteken die Powder River -verdrag, wat die Sioux vir ewig hul massiewe jagveld waarborg. Red Cloud word dus beskou as die enigste inheemse leier wat 'n oorlog met die Verenigde State gewen het.

1869
Januarie: Corinne, Utah, word gestig. Dit is die eerste nie-Mormoonse nedersetting in die gebied, en dit sal die laaste ware Hell on Wheels-stad wees.

8 April: Na maande van toenemende spanning, 'n geslote lobby in Washington, druk op die kongres en afgebroke vergaderings tussen die twee maatskappye, vestig Dodge en Huntington 'n ontmoetingsplek vir hul twee reëls. Dit verg onstuimige argumente van twee dae, maar die mans onderhandel oor konvergensie tydens die Promontory Summit, Utah.

28 April: Oorwinningsdag. Charles Crocker besluit dat hy nog 'n laaste ding het om aan die Union Pacific en die wêreld te wys. In 'n merkwaardige sterkte en organisasie het sy bemannings in die Sentraal-Stille Oseaan 'n ongeëwenaarde spoor van 10 myl gelê tussen sonsopkoms en sonsondergang.

6 Mei: Terwyl Pullman -motors weswaarts in die rigting van die Promontory Summit beweeg, blokkeer onbetaalde stropers die lyn en 'n brug spoel uit by Devil's Gate. Hierdie ontwikkelings vertraag die aankoms van hooggeplaastes van Durant en Union Pacific met twee dae.

8 Mei: Ten spyte van die vertraging, gaan die jubileums voort soos beplan in stede in Kalifornië. By die Sentraal -Stille Oseaan -seremonie in Sacramento word roosterbrood uitgebring na die baanbrekervisies van Asa Whitney en Theodore Juda.

10 Mei: Te midde van 'n skare hooggeplaastes en werkers, met die enjins Nr. 119 en Jupiter die spoorweë van die Sentraal -Stille Oseaan en die Stille Oseaan pas byna aan mekaar. Telegraafoperateurs wat na albei kuste stuur, stuur die houe van die hamer terwyl hulle op 'n goue punt val. Die nasie luister terwyl wes en oos in onverdeelde vereniging saamkom.

1872
4 September: Tydens 'n hewige presidensiële veldtog breek die Crédit Mobilier -skandaal uit in die pers en smeer die naam van baie gevestigde regeringsfigure wat na bewering hul invloed vir Crédit Mobilier -aandele verkoop het. Onder hulle is die voorsitter van die huis, James G. Blaine van Maine, wat voorstel dat 'n ondersoekkomitee die aantygings waardeloos sal vind.

1873
Februarie: 'n Kongreskomitee ondersoek die Crédit Mobilier. Die skandaal veroorsaak openbare ontnugtering met verkose leiers, maar die komitee gee baie min straf uit. Alle groot spelers ontsnap ongedeerd, behalwe sondebok Oakes Ames, wat uit die kongres gestem word en Washington in die skande laat. Hy sterf net maande later.

1880
Teen 1880 dra die Pacific -spoorweg jaarliks ​​$ 50 miljoen se vrag. Dit het gedien as 'n slagaar vir 200 miljoen hektaar nedersetting tussen die Mississippi en die Stille Oseaan. Die Vlakte -Indiërs is versprei na reservate, en daar bly min as 1 000 buffels oor van die miljoene wat vroeër die grasvelde bevolk het. 'N Reis tussen San Francisco en New York, wat vroeër ses uitmergelende maande kon duur, duur nou 'n paar dae.

1882
Deur die belangrike rol wat Chinese immigrante gespeel het in die bou van die infrastruktuur van Kalifornië te ignoreer, aanvaar die Kongres die Chinese uitsluitingswet, wat verdere immigrasie van Chinese arbeiders vir 'n tydperk van tien jaar verbied. Die kongres sal hierdie wet in 1892 en weer onbepaald in 1904 verleng.

1884
Gebroke met die wins van die spoorwegonderneming en beroerd oor die dood van hul tienerseun, skenk Leland en Jane Stanford die Leland Stanford Junior University op familiegrond in Palo Alto, Kalifornië.

1889
'N Ooreenkoms met die Amerikaanse regering verdeel die Sioux -gebied in die Powder River -vallei, wat voorlopig deur die Verdrag van 1868 aan inheemse Amerikaners beloof is. na blanke nedersetting.


20 beroepe uit die 20ste eeu wat nie meer bestaan ​​nie

Alhoewel tegnologie die afgelope eeu talle werkgeleenthede by die arbeidsmag gevoeg het, van netwerkadministrateurs tot die beroemde Insta, het dit ook 'n magdom beroepe onderweg verouder. Volgens 'n onlangse verslag van McKinsey & amp Company, teen 2030, sal meer as 800 miljoen mense hul werk aan outomatisering verloor. Lank voordat kassiere en tolversamelaars die dinosourus se kant toe gegaan het, was hierdie beroepe egter in die kap.

Van gevaarlike loopbane wat jy nie sal glo dat dit ooit bestaan ​​het tot diegene wat ons al mis nie; hierdie werk uit die 20ste eeu wat nie meer bestaan ​​nie, laat jou dalk net 'n bietjie nostalgies voel. En as u meer bewyse wil hê van hoe ver ons gekom het, kyk dan na hierdie 20 huishoudelike toestelle wat nie bestaan ​​het toe u jonk was nie!

As u vroeg in die middel van die 20ste eeu met iemand op die telefoon wou in verbinding tree, was 'n skakelbord-operateur die persoon wat u kon help. Skakelbordoperateurs was noodsaaklik wanneer u 'n oproep wou maak, en een oproeper via die sentrale kantoor verbind met die party wat hulle wou bereik via 'n netwerk van handproppe. Alhoewel hierdie beroep verouderd kan lyk, was skakelbordoperateurs eintlik tot in die 1960's in gebruik. En as u u loopbaan wil bevorder, begin dan met die verwydering van hierdie 20 subtiel seksistiese dinge wat mense by die werk sê uit u woordeskat.

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Dink u dat u wekker u soggens wakker maak, irriterend is? Stel jou nou voor dat dit 'n werklike ou was wat aan jou venster klop en vir jou gesê het om uit die bed te kom. Knock-ups, of knock-ups, het die uitsluitlike doel gedien om mense soggens uit die bed te kry, en het dit tot in die vyftigerjare gedoen. En as u u loopbaan na die volgende vlak wil neem, kyk dan na die 25 beste maniere om 'n promosie te behaal!

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In die 19de en 20ste eeu kan u 'n eerlike dag se loon verdien met slegs 'n bietjie bloedverlies as 'n bloedsuiker. Leech -versamelaars sou uitgaan in water wat deur bloedsuiers bewoon word en dit bymekaarmaak en dit aan dokters en hospitale verkoop vir bloedvergietingsbehandelings. Ongelukkig het die gebruik van hul liggaam as aas dikwels tot infeksies en ander liggaamlike skade gelei, en die beroep is sedertdien dood.

By sommige mediese praktyke word bloedsuiers egter steeds gebruik - ons stuur mense eenvoudig nie meer in moerasse om dit bymekaar te maak nie. Klaar vir 'n verandering van pas? Maak seker dat u gewapen is met hierdie 6 geheime wapens om die werk wat u het te verander in die een wat u wil hê.

As u in die laaste deel van die 20ste eeu grootgeword het, onthou u waarskynlik die pyn om u gunsteling videoband in u videorecorder te sit. Tik: die videorecorder -herstelwerker, wat dit kan red Fraggle Rock video en u videorecorder in die proses. Maar met die opkoms van DVD's en stromingsdienste, sal u vandag moeilik wees om 'n VCR-tegnologie te vind. Dink u dat videorecorders frustrerend is? Hulle het niks oor die 30 slegste huishoudelike toestelle wat ooit gemaak is nie.

Yssnyers het hul lewens in gevaar gestel deur op watermassas te gaan en blokke ys te verwyder met handsaag of kragsae, wat later verkoop sou word om voedsel koud te hou. En as u gereed is om na 'n meer vervullende posisie te gaan, is dit die vinnigste manier om gepromoveer te word!

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Netflix is ​​ongetwyfeld wonderlik, maar ons vergeet dikwels die werk wat alles behalwe uitgeskakel is: dié van klerke in videowinkels. Terwyl daar nog 'n paar Blockbusters oorbly - een in Oregon en 'n paar in Alaska - is 'n bedryf wat vroeër was, niks meer as 'n nostalgiese nuwigheid vandag nie. Is u werk op die rand van veroudering? Ontdek die beste manier om 'n ontslag te oorleef.


Voordat elektriese straatligte algemeen was, was dit die taak van 'n lamp om die strate saans verlig te hou. Met 'n lang paal met 'n lont aan die een kant, sou die lampe die olie of kerse wat in straatlampe gebruik word, aansteek en die oggend weer snuffel. Tans is dit feitlik onmoontlik om 'n lamp te sien wat voltyds werk in enige groot stad, veral in die Verenigde State. En as u u werkslewe ten goede wil verander, begin dan met die 40 beste maniere om u loopbaan te begin!

Tans is daar 12 verskillende soorte melk beskikbaar by feitlik enige kruidenierswinkel waar u instap. Vyftig jaar gelede was daar net die een tipe wat deur 'n melkman by jou huis afgelewer is. Aangesien Amerikaners gemiddeld 'n liter melk minder per maand drink as 50 jaar gelede, is dit geen wonder dat die aflewering van melk 'n aantrekkingskrag het nie. En as u dink dat u werk sleg is? Wag net totdat u die 30 gekste korporatiewe beleid sien wat werknemers moet volg.

Voor die aanbreek van moderne knaagdierdoders, kon u betroubare werk vind om rotte te vang. Ratvangers was gedurende die tyd van die Swartplaag gewild in Europa en was nog steeds in die vroeë deel van die 20ste eeu wêreldwyd werksaam. En as u gereed is vir 'n meer vervullende loopbaan, moet u seker maak dat u die geheime truuk ken om u CV op te let.

Vandag het ons klein toestelle in ons huise wat ons kruidenierslyste vir ons kan skryf as ons niks anders doen as om dit te vra nie. Vanaf die laat 19de eeu tot die middel van die 20ste eeu is diktee egter deur diktafoonoperateurs hanteer. Klaar om u eie loopbaanprong te maak? Kyk na hierdie 25 werk van die huis af met hoë salarisse!

Alhoewel dit 'n pyn kan wees om 'n 18-wieler met hout op die snelweg te navigeer, is hierdie vragmotors 'n groot verbetering in vergelyking met die vorige praktyke van die houtkapbedryf. Geval: tot in die sewentigerjare was houtbestuur een van die gewildste metodes om hout van plek tot plek te verskuif, terwyl mans met 'n houthout langs die rivier ry om hulle na die meulens te bring. Ongelukkig was die praktyk uiters gevaarlik, met talle houtbestuurders wat hul lewens op die baan verloor het.

Vandag luister ons na podcasts. Gedurende die 20ste eeu het miljoene egter op radiodramas ingeskakel en hul gunsteling akteurs betrap deur die reekse wat destyds so gewild was. En terwyl sommige radio -entoesiaste probeer om die formaat terug te bring, is die aantal akteurs wat vandag in hierdie werk kan bestaan, waarskynlik nul.

Voordat die drukbedryf gedigitaliseer word, moes al die verhale met die hand deur 'n tikmasjien gestel word voordat dit gedruk kon word. Aangesien die inskrywings van gedrukte koerante tot die laagste vlak sedert die veertigerjare gedaal het, volgens die Pew Research Center, lyk dit ook asof drukpapiere vir hierdie wêreld ook nie lank mag wees nie.

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Die goeie nuus: sigaretrook het wêreldwyd tot die laagste punte gedaal. Die slegte nuus? Dit beteken dat die sigaretmeisie, 'n vrou wat sigarette uit 'n boks om haar nek verkoop het, eens 'n gereelde deel van die naglewe-ervaring in die vroeë tot middel van die 20ste eeu, iets van die verlede is.

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Met die opkoms van knoppie-hysbakke, het ons die onvermydelike afname van die hysbakoperateur gesien, wie se enigste taak was om hysbakke handmatig te bestuur en om passasiers op die gewenste vloere aan en af ​​te laat. Terwyl u dit soms nog steeds in sommige geboue as 'n nuwigheid beskou, het hysbakoperateurs amper verdwyn.

Vandag, of u nou 'n gootbal of 'n slag geboul het, hierdie penne sal onvermydelik deur 'n outomatiese masjien weggespoel word. Gedurende die 20ste eeu, voor die koms van outomatisering, was dit egter die taak van 'n pennetjie om rolbalpenne handmatig skoon te maak en te vervang en seker te maak dat boulballe na 'n raam terugkeer na hul regmatige eienaar.

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U werkplek laat u moontlik luister na u gunsteling podcast of oudioboek, maar gedurende die 20ste eeu was daar mense wie se enigste taak dit was om vir werkers voor te lees. Lektore is gereeld by fabrieke aangewend om óf koerante vir werkers voor te lees terwyl hulle moeite doen om hulle op te voed en vir hulle 'n afleiding gedurende die werksdag te gee.

Voordat elektriese klokwinders uitgevind is, word die werk gereeld met die hand gedoen deur 'n spesiale klokwinder. Alhoewel hierdie werk amper uitgeskakel is, is daar 'n noemenswaardige uitsondering: net vyf jaar gelede het Big Ben 'n klokwinder gehuur. Die lopende koers? Net noord van $ 50,000 per jaar.

Aangesien die meeste rolprentteaters oorskakel na digitale projektors, is die rol van die filmprojeksionis grotendeels verouderd. Terwyl sommige rolle van die projeksioniste in die bioskoop verander het na programmering en bestuur, sal u waarskynlik probleme ondervind om iemand te vind wat vandag nog professioneel 35 mm -films projekteer.

Vandag kan 'n skootrekenaar net so min weeg as 'n hardebandboek. Gedurende die 20ste eeu het dit egter 'n hele mens - of soms 'n span daarvan - geneem om die krag in een van hierdie klein masjiene wat baie van ons vandag as vanselfsprekend aanvaar, op te wek.

Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog is sogenaamde menslike rekenaars gebruik om komplekse wiskundige vergelykings uit te voer. NASA het in die middel van die 1900's ook menslike rekenaars gebruik, soos in die boek uitgebeeld Versteekte figure en die film met dieselfde naam. Dink dit 'n wilde loopbaan? Wag totdat u hierdie 15 belaglike werksgeleenthede sien, sodat u nie kan glo dat hulle bestaan ​​nie!

Om meer wonderlike geheime te ontdek oor hoe om u beste lewe te lei, klik hier om aan te meld vir ons GRATIS daaglikse nuusbrief!


Moeilike gesinslewe

Op 19 Desember 1813, tot groot ontsteltenis van sy ouers, trou Vanderbilt met sy eerste neef, Sophia Johnson. Die egpaar sou uiteindelik 13 kinders hê, waarvan 11 tot volwassenheid oorleef het. So suksesvol as wat hy in die sakewêreld sou wees, was hy 'n vreeslike vader en eggenoot. 'N Lewenslange vrouehater wat meer as drie seuns wou gehad het, en#xA0Vanderbilt   het min aandag aan sy dogters gegee en glo sy vrou met prostitute bedrieg het. Na berig word, het Vanderbilt sy seun en#xA0 Cornelius Jeremiah twee keer in 'n kranksinnige asiel geplaas. Hy het ook op 'n stadium dieselfde aksie vir Sophia onderneem, nadat Vanderbilt liefdevolle belangstelling getoon het in die gesin en die jong goewerneur.


Arbeidsdag se gewelddadige wortels: Hoe 'n werkersopstand op die B & ampO -spoorweg 100 mense dood gelaat het

In die somer van 1877 het die Verenigde State 'n uitbraak van arbeidsonrus ondergaan wat so wydverspreid en gewelddadig was dat sommige gedink het dat 'n nuwe Amerikaanse revolusie aan die gang was, hierdie keer gekenmerk deur die kommunistiese ideale wat pas deur Frankryk gebrand het.

Die Great Railroad Strike van 1877 het op 16 Julie in Martinsburg, W.Va. Gewelddadige botsings het uitgebreek, en vandaar het die moeilikheid met die groot spoorlyne na Baltimore, Pittsburgh, Chicago en St.

Byna twee vierkante kilometer van Pittsburgh het in vlamme opgegaan. Menigte polisie en skares oproeriges het mekaar in Chicago gejag. Die staking het die B&O, die Erie- en Pennsylvania -spoorweë ontwrig, mynwerkers, ysterwerkers, langboere en kanaalbootmanne opgevee en plekke so ver uit mekaar geraak as Worcester, Mass. En San Francisco, so ver suid as Nashville en Galveston, Tex. Op sommige plekke het die staking, ten minste 'n rukkie, die kleurlyn tussen wit en swart werkers uitgevee.

Teen die tyd dat die staking afgelê is, het na raming 100 000 werkers deelgeneem en ongeveer 100 mense is dood. Dit was die naaste wat die jong nasie aan 'n landwye algemene staking gekom het en dui op die behoefte aan 'n meer progressiewe toekoms.

"[M] enige Amerikaners sou terugkyk na die somer van 1877 as 'n keerpunt," skryf Philip Dray, wie se boek "There Is Power in a Union" die Amerikaanse arbeidsgeskiedenis dokumenteer.

Die vonk kom toe John W. Garrett, president van die Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, 'n loonverlaging van 10 persent afteken. Dit het 'n remman se daaglikse loon tot $ 1,35 verlaag en was die tweede sodanige besnoeiing in 'n jaar. Dit het ook gekom toe Amerikaners steeds sukkel ná die paniek van 1873, een van die ergste ekonomiese terugslae wat nog ooit gesien is.

B&O -werkers in Baltimore het 'n protesoptog probeer aanbied, maar is deur die polisie in die wiele gery. Die aksie beweeg dus in die rigting van Martinsburg, die eindpunt van 'n B & O -afdeling.

Op 16 Julie het die bemanning van 'n veetrein die werk verlaat en die beesvleis in die hitte laat braai. Toe het 'n remman werkers gelei om treine te ontkoppel sodat hulle nie die erf kon verlaat nie. Die polisie het ingetrek, maar is weggery. Die goewerneur van Wes -Virginia, Henry M. Mathews, het die plaaslike burgermag ontbied.

Die milisie het die volgende dag bevel oor die veetrein geneem en dit aan die gang gesit, maar hulle word deur stakers ontmoet, van wie een 'n skakelaar gegooi het om die trein af te lei. Skote is uitgeruil: een aanvaller is dood en 'n lid van die burgermag is gewond. Mathews het 'n beroep op president Rutherford B. Hayes gedoen om federale troepe te stuur. Hayes het gehoor gegee.

Genl.maj W.H. French het in Martinsburg aangekom met 200 soldate van die 4de Amerikaanse artillerie en die hoop, skryf Dray, dat 'n skouspel van bajonette genoeg sou wees om die orde te herstel. Die soldate het, sonder hulp van B&O -werkers, die treine laat loop.

Maar die stakers het 'n lae graad guerrilla-konflik begin. Spoorwegwerkers - nou aangesluit deur mynwerkers, ysterwerkers en bootmanne van die Chesapeake & Ohio -kanaal - skuil onder brûe of agter blinde krommes en kom op om treine met klippe te lok of die spore met puin te blokkeer.

Die goewerneur van Maryland, John Lee Carroll, sien 'n naburige staat in beroering, roep die Maryland National Guard in Baltimore en stuur dit na Cumberland, 'n belangrike B & O -aansluiting nie ver van Martinsburg nie. Terwyl wagte van die 5de regiment uit die wapenrusting van die stad na Camden -stasie marsjeer, het fabriekswerkers in Baltimore die straat binnegekom om te juig - totdat daar 'n boodskap gekom het waarom die soldate gemobiliseer is. Binnekort het die juigende skare 'n klipgooiery geword.

Meer troepe is ontbied, net om dinge te vererger. Terwyl die Maryland National Guard se 6de regiment dieselfde pad volg, het duisende betogers, miskien tienduisende - ''n skare, saamgestel uit die ergste elemente in die stad', soos die New York Times dit stel - met bakstene losgelaat. Sommige soldate het gehardloop. Ander skiet die lug in. Sommige het in die skare geskiet en 10 mense doodgemaak.

Teen hierdie tyd het die woede oor die spoor gegaan na Pittsburgh, die industriële hart van die land. Probleme het begin nadat die Pennsylvania Railroad beveel het dat alle treine in 'dubbelkop' moet gaan-'n opset met twee lokomotiewe wat een bemanning gedwing het om die werk van twee te doen.

Nie in Pittsburgh nie, het die stakers gesê. Weereens was die polisie magteloos om in te gryp, en die plaaslike milisie het die arms gestapel in simpatie met die staking. Gouverneur van Pennsylvania, John F. Hartranft, het die National Guard ontbied uit Philadelphia, die Iron State se mededingende staatsstaat.

Die Philadelphia -troepe - baie veterane uit die burgeroorlog - het aangekom in 'n trein wat deur klippe gegooi is en stukke steenkool wat tydens die reis op hulle gestort is. Hulle was swaar gewapen, met artillerie en 'n Gatling -geweer. Op Saterdag 21 Julie, op die hoek van Libertylaan en 28ste straat, het die soldate met 'n skare van ongeveer 6 000 mense bots. Skote is afgevuur en minstens 20 mense is dood.

'In koue bloed geskiet deur die Roughs van Philadelphia', blêr 'n plaaslike koerant. “The Lexington of Labor Conflict Is at Hand.”

The crazed mob looted gun shops and weaponized freight cars loaded with coal, setting them on fire and rolling them downhill toward the roundhouse where the soldiers had sheltered. By the next morning, the soldiers had no choice but to flee under fire, and their Gatling gun was put to use. A chunk of the city had been put to the torch.

Chicago was next. Leaders of the Workingmen’s Party — which was heavily influenced by Marxism and was a forerunner of the Socialist Party — addressed a crowd of 30,000 people in downtown Chicago to form a “Grand Army of Labor,” Dray writes. “Pittsburgh! Pittsburgh! Pittsburgh!” the cry went up. Then violence broke out, and 30 people died.

In St. Louis, a relatively peaceful general strike shut down everything — and for that reason most frightened the leaders of industry, Dray writes. Talk spread of an “American Commune,” and the Workingmen’s Party led 10,000 in a parade singing “La Marseillaise.” But martial law was declared, arrests were made, and the Great Strike was on its way to becoming memory.

Afterward, the railroad barons were unrepentant. The B&O’s Garrett thought the soldiers should have killed more strikers. Others dismissed the unrest as the doings of foreign subversives. Politicians instead focused on strengthening the National Guard, often by building armories. But despite losing the strike, laborers had changed perceptions: In growing numbers, Americans came to believe that government should do more for social justice.

“What labor won was a new appreciation of its own strength,” Dray writes, “and of the power of the strike.”


The automated workplace

Robotic machines can perform certain unpleasant and dangerous jobs such as welding or painting. They can handle loads of up to a ton or more and work efficiently in temperatures ranging from near freezing to uncomfortably hot. In many cases automation has eliminated physical and mental drudgery from human labour and has allowed the worker to change from a machine operator to a machine supervisor.

Automation also boosts productivity (as measured in output per man-hour), even as it reduces the number of workers required for certain tasks. In the 1950s and ’60s, for example, productivity increased while employment decreased in the chemical, steel, meatpacking, and other industries in developed countries. Except in the rust belt regions (older industrial areas in Britain and the United States), no mass unemployment has ever materialized. Instead, as certain jobs and skills became obsolete, automation and other new technologies created new jobs that call for different skills.

Automation has brought about changes in the worker’s relationship to the job. Here the differences between labour practices in different countries prove instructive. The scientific management principle of breaking work down into small, repetitive tasks was based perhaps upon the notion that the worker does not think on the job. For example, when American factories became mechanized, the workers were not permitted to stop the assembly line if anything went amiss that was the task of supervisory personnel. This led to low productivity and poor quality control. By comparison, workers in Japanese factories were allowed to stop the process when something went wrong. Workers were assigned to “quality circles,” groups that could give workers a say in the performance of their tasks and in the process of problem solving. This approach represents an application of Mayo’s Hawthorne effect—something Japanese managers had learned from American management consultants such as W. Edwards Deming. By encouraging workers to participate in the quality control efforts, the management approach improved both productivity and quality.

A similar way of enhancing quality and work performance is what is known as group assembly, which started in Swedish automobile plants and was also adopted by the Japanese and then by the Americans. With this system a group of workers is responsible for the entire product (as opposed to individual workers who perform only one small task). If something goes wrong on an assembly line, any worker can push a button and hold things in place until the problem is resolved.

As this approach is increasingly employed throughout the world, it brings major changes to the labour force and to labour-management relations. First, it allows smaller numbers of more highly skilled workers, operating sophisticated computer-controlled equipment, to replace thousands of unskilled workers in assembly-line plants. As a consequence, the highly skilled worker, whose talents had been lost on the old-fashioned assembly line, has again become indispensable. The proliferation of automated machinery and control systems has increased the demand for skilled labourers and knowledgeable technicians who can operate the newer devices. As a result, automation may be seen as improving efficiency and expanding production while relieving drudgery and increasing earnings—precisely the aims of Frederick W. Taylor at the turn of the 20th century.


East St. Louis Massacre

The name refers to a race riot that occurred in the industrial city of East St. Louis, Illinois, over July 2-3, 1917. It is also referred to as the “East St. Louis Riot.” As historians have looked at its various causes, they have labeled it in different ways, depending on what aspect of it they have focused their attention on. Some recent historians have called it a “pogrom” against African Americans in that civil authorities in the city and the state appear to have been at least complicit in—if not explicitly responsible for—the outbreak of violence. Even in 1917, some commentators already made the comparison between the East St. Louis disturbance and pogroms against Jews that were occurring at the time in Russia. Roving mobs rampaged through the city for a day and a night, burning the homes and businesses of African Americans, stopping street cars to pull their victims into the street, and assaulting and murdering men, women, and children who they happened to encounter. A memorial petition to the U.S. Congress, sent by a citizen committee from East St. Louis described it as “a very orgy of inhuman butchery during which more than fifty colored men, women and children were beaten with bludgeons, stoned, shot, drowned, hanged or burned to death—all without any effective interference on the part of the police, sheriff or military authorities.” In fact, estimates of the number of people killed ranged from 40 to more than 150. Six thousand people fled from their homes in the city, either out of fear for their lives or because mobs had burned their houses.

In the early years of the 20th century, many industrial cities in the North and the Midwest became destinations for African Americans migrating from the South, looking for employment. East St. Louis was one of these cities, where blacks found opportunities to work for meatpacking, metalworking, and railroad companies. The demand for workers in these companies increased dramatically in the run-up to World War I. Some of the workmen left for service in the military, creating a need for replacements, and the demand for war materiel increased industrial orders. The workforce had been highly unionized and a series of labor strikes had increased pressure on companies to find non-unionized workers to do the work. Some companies in East St. Louis actively recruited rural Southern blacks, offering them transportation and jobs, as well as the promise of settling in a community of neighborhoods where African Americans were building new lives strengthened by emerging political and cultural power. By the spring of 1917, about 2,000 African Americans arrived in East St. Louis every week.

Racial competition and conflict emerged from this. The established unions in East St. Louis resented the African American workers as “scabs” and strike breakers. On May 28-29, a union meeting whose 3,000 attendees marched on the mayor’s office to make demands about “unfair” competition devolved into a mob that rioted through the streets, destroyed buildings, and assaulted African Americans at random. The Illinois governor sent in the National Guard to stop the riot, but over the next few weeks, black neighborhood associations, fearful of their safety, organized for their own protection and determined that they would fight back if attacked again. On July 1, white men driving a car through a black neighborhood began shooting into houses, stores, and a church. A group of black men organized themselves to defend against the attackers. As they gathered together, they mistook an approaching car for the same one that had earlier driven through the neighborhood and they shot and killed both men in the car, who were, in fact, police detectives sent to calm the situation. The shooting of the detectives incensed a growing crowd of white spectators who came the next day to gawk at the car. The crowd grew and turned into a mob that spent the day and the following night on a spree of violence that extended into the black neighborhoods of East St. Louis. Again, the National Guard was sent in, but neither the guardsmen nor police officers were at all effective in protecting the African American residents. They were instead more disposed to construe their job as putting down a black revolt. As a result, some of the white mobs were virtually unrestrained.

A national outcry immediately arose to oust the East St. Louis police chief and other city officials, who were not just ineffective during the riots, but were suspected of aiding and abetting the rioters, partly out of a preconceived plan, suggested Marcus Garvey, to discourage African American migration to the city. The recently formed NAACP suddenly grew and mobilized—with a silent march of 10,000 people in New York City to protest the riots. They and others demanded a Congressional investigation into the riots. The report of the investigation, however, pointed to the migration of African Americans to the East St. Louis region as a “cause” of the riot, wording that sounded like blaming the victims. As Marcus Garvey had said of an earlier report of the riot, “An investigation of the affair resulted in the finding that labor agents had induced Negroes to come from the South. I can hardly see the relevance of such a report with the dragging of men from cars and shooting them.” A similar point about simple justice for the victims and where to place the blame for the riots nearly caused ex-President Theodore Roosevelt to come to blows with AFL leader Samuel Gompers during a public appearance shortly after the riot. Roosevelt demanded that those who had perpetrated the violence and murders in East St. Louis be brought to justice. Gompers then rose to address the crowd and, as a reporter for the Chicago Tribune, wrote, “He read a telegram which he said he had received tonight from the president of the Federation of Labor of Illinois. This message purported to explain the origin of the East St. Louis riots. It asserted that instead of labor unions being responsible for them they resulted from employers enticing Negroes from the south to the city ‘to break the back of labor.’” This enraged Roosevelt, who jumped up, approached Gompers, brought his hand down onto his shoulder and roared that, “There should be no apology for the infamous brutalities committed on the colored people of East St. Louis.” Roosevelt, like many other Americans of all races, was particularly appalled by the irony that such an event could occur in the United States at the same time that the country, by entering World War I, was declaring its intentions to export abroad its vision of freedom and justice. This theme was picked up by many editorial cartoonists in newspapers across the U.S. East St. Louis was by no means the only northern industrial city to experience race riots during this period. A conviction grew among some African Americans that they could not depend on an enlightened white community or government, either in the South or in the North, to insure their rights and their safety, but that they would have to fight for their own rights. In an editorial entitled "Let Us Reason Together," in his magazine, The Crisis, W. E. B. Du Bois wrote, “Today we raise the terrible weapon of self-defense. When the murderer comes, he shall no longer strike us in the back. When the armed lynchers gather, we too must gather armed. When the mob moves, we propose to meet it with bricks and clubs and guns.”

Vir meer inligting

Harper Barnes, Never Been a Time: The 1917 Race Riot That Sparked the Civil Rights Movement. New York: Walker & Company, 2008. Elliott M. Ruckwick, Race Riot at East St. Louis, July 2, 1917. Carbondale: University of Illinois Press, 1982. Charles L. Lumpkins, American Pogrom: The East St. Louis Race Riot and Black Politics. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2008. U. S. House of Representatives, Special Committee on East St. Louis Riots, East St. Louis Riots. Washington: GPO, 1918.


Labor Day’s violent roots: How a worker revolt on the B&O Railroad left 100 people dead

In the summer of 1877, the United States endured an outbreak of labor unrest so widespread and violent that some thought a new American revolution was in the offing, this time tinged with the communist ideals that had just burned through France.

The Great Railroad Strike of 1877 began in Martinsburg, W.Va., on July 16 when railroad workers responded to yet another pay cut by shutting down the yard. Violent clashes broke out, and from there the trouble raced along the great railroad lines into Baltimore, Pittsburgh, Chicago and St. Louis, building in ferocity as it went.

Nearly two square miles of Pittsburgh went up in flames. Mobs of police and mobs of rioters hunted each other down in Chicago. The strike disrupted the B&O, the Erie and the Pennsylvania railroads, swept up miners, iron workers, longshoremen and canal boatmen, and touched places as far apart as Worcester, Mass., and San Francisco, as far south as Nashville and Galveston, Tex. In some places, the strike erased the color line between white and black workers, at least for a while.

By the time the strike was put down, an estimated 100,000 workers had taken part and about 100 people had died. It was the closest the young nation had come to a nationwide general strike and pointed to the need for a more progressive future.

“[M]any Americans would look back to the summer of 1877 as a turning point,” writes Philip Dray, whose book “There Is Power in a Union” documents U.S. labor history.

The spark came when John W. Garrett, president of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, signed off on a 10 percent wage cut. It knocked a brakeman’s daily wage to $1.35 and was the second such cut in a year. It also came as Americans were still struggling after the Panic of 1873, one of the worst economic skids ever seen.

B&O workers in Baltimore tried to stage a protest but were thwarted by police. So the action moved down the line to Martinsburg, the terminus of a B&O section.

On July 16, a cattle train’s crew walked off the job, leaving the beef to roast in the heat. Then a brakeman led workers in decoupling trains so they couldn’t leave the yard. Police moved in but were driven off. West Virginia Gov. Henry M. Mathews called up the local militia.

The militia took command of the cattle train the next day and got it moving, but they were met by strikers, one of whom threw a switch to divert the train. Shots were exchanged: one striker was killed, and a militia member was wounded. Mathews called on President Rutherford B. Hayes to send federal troops. Hayes complied.

Maj. Gen. W.H. French arrived in Martinsburg with 200 soldiers of the 4th U.S. Artillery and the hope, Dray writes, that a show of bayonets would be enough to restore order. The soldiers, without help from B&O workers, got the trains running.

But the strikers began a low-grade guerrilla conflict. Railroad workers — joined now by miners, iron workers and boatmen from the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal — hid under bridges or behind blind curves, emerging to ambush trains with stones or block the tracks with debris.

Maryland Gov. John Lee Carroll, seeing a neighboring state in turmoil, called out the Maryland National Guard in Baltimore and dispatched them to Cumberland, a key B&O junction not far from Martinsburg. As 5th Regiment guardsmen marched from the city’s armory to Camden Station, Baltimore factory workers came into the street to cheer — until word got out about why the soldiers were mobilized. Soon the cheering crowd became a stone-throwing mob.

More troops were summoned, only to make things worse. As the Maryland National Guard’s 6th Regiment followed the same path, thousands of protesters, perhaps tens of thousands — “a mob, composed of the worst elements in the city,” as the New York Times put it — let loose with bricks. Some soldiers ran. Others fired into the air. Some fired into the mob, killing 10 people.

By now the rage had traveled the rails to Pittsburgh, the country’s industrial heart. Trouble began after the Pennsylvania Railroad ordered that all trains go in “double-headers” — a configuration using two locomotives that forced one crew to do the work of two.

Not in Pittsburgh, the strikers said. Once again, police were powerless to intervene, and local militia stacked arms in sympathy with the strike. Pennsylvania Gov. John F. Hartranft summoned the National Guard from Philadelphia, the Iron City’s cross-state rival.

The Philadelphia troops — many Civil War veterans — arrived in a train gouged by stones and chunks of coal dumped on them during the journey. They were heavily armed, with artillery and a Gatling gun. On Saturday, July 21, at the corner of Liberty Avenue and 28th Street, the soldiers clashed with a mob of about 6,000 people. Shots were fired, killing at least 20 people.

“Shot in Cold Blood by the Roughs of Philadelphia,” a local newspaper blared. “The Lexington of Labor Conflict Is at Hand.”

The crazed mob looted gun shops and weaponized freight cars loaded with coal, setting them on fire and rolling them downhill toward the roundhouse where the soldiers had sheltered. By the next morning, the soldiers had no choice but to flee under fire, and their Gatling gun was put to use. A chunk of the city had been put to the torch.

Chicago was next. Leaders of the Workingmen’s Party — which was heavily influenced by Marxism and was a forerunner of the Socialist Party — addressed a crowd of 30,000 people in downtown Chicago to form a “Grand Army of Labor,” Dray writes. “Pittsburgh! Pittsburgh! Pittsburgh!” the cry went up. Then violence broke out, and 30 people died.

In St. Louis, a relatively peaceful general strike shut down everything — and for that reason most frightened the leaders of industry, Dray writes. Talk spread of an “American Commune,” and the Workingmen’s Party led 10,000 in a parade singing “La Marseillaise.” But martial law was declared, arrests were made, and the Great Strike was on its way to becoming memory.

Afterward, the railroad barons were unrepentant. The B&O’s Garrett thought the soldiers should have killed more strikers. Others dismissed the unrest as the doings of foreign subversives. Politicians instead focused on strengthening the National Guard, often by building armories. But despite losing the strike, laborers had changed perceptions: In growing numbers, Americans came to believe that government should do more for social justice.

“What labor won was a new appreciation of its own strength,” Dray writes, “and of the power of the strike.”


The Great Railroad Strike of 1877 Historiese agtergrond

Summer, eighteen hundred seventy-seven. The United States officially ended the twelve-year period spent "reconstructing" the nation after a divisive war. Republican Rutherford B. Hayes was four months into his hard-won presidency, having lost the popular vote to New York's Governor Samuel Tilden but winning the office thanks to the partisan electoral college. Industrial growth, evident in the North prior to the war, was widespread, changing the economic foundation of the nation and the relationship of the individual to his work for the next century.

As devastating as the War Between the States was for soldiers and civilians, it was remarkably lucrative for entrepreneurs and financiers. The economy boomed with necessary production of goods for both the battlefield and the home front technological advancements bred further innovation. The steel industry had already benefited from a new manufacturing technique known as the Bessemer process, developed in the 1850s, that used less than one-seventh the amount of coal previously needed. Shipping speed and profits increased due to advancements in water power and steam engines. New York City, a hub of national mercantilism and commerce, became a center for the buying and selling of money itself by the Civil War, housing the notable Stock Exchange of the City of New York. Venerable businessmen Cornelius Vanderbilt and Daniel Drew became even more prosperous, but the future of the country belonged to a younger generation. The robber barons and captains of industry of the last quarter of the nineteenth century were all under forty in 1861: Jay Gould, Jim Fisk, J.P. Morgan, Philip Armour, Andrew Carnegie, James Hill and John Rockefeller were in their early twenties Collis Huntington and Leland Stanford were over thirty, and Jay Cooke, not yet forty. Their business acumen, willingness to take risks, and downright arrogance resulted in exorbitant, some would say obscene, wealth, much of which was, at this point, plowed back into the businesses to create even more capital. Their power is evident in the panic of Black Friday (September 24, 1869), caused by the efforts of Jim Fisk and Jay Gould to corner the gold market.

Money, technology, greed and a profound lack of government regulation gave rise to new forms of companies and corporations. The first businesses to become really big were the railroads, and regional lines frequently had monopolies over freight transportation and charges. In 1869, freight accounted for $300 million in railroad earnings. By 1890, the amount more than doubled, to $734 million. The Albany Argus published the train schedules in its daily newspaper. So tied to the vagaries of railroad charges were farmers in the mid-West that they took their concerns to the Supreme Court (Munn v. Illinois, 1876).

At the beginning of Ulysses Grant's second term, several Eastern financial institutions ran out of funds as a result of bad loans. The subsequent Panic of 1873 ravaged the nation banks closed, the stock market temporarily collapsed, and an economic depression affected Americans for approximately five years. Within the first year, 89 railroads (of the 364 then existing) went out of business their failure left farmers with no means of transporting products, and they too became casualties. The new industrialized economy was so intertwined that a vicious downward cycle began: by 1875, more than 18,000 companies collapsed. With no money and no visible relief on the horizon, Americans took out their frustrations on the available targets: government, corporations, banks, immigrants. Businesses turned to workers.

The change from an agrarian to industrial economy transformed the value of labor. Workers became just another cog in the machinery of business. When profits declined beyond those acceptable to stockholders, it was the worker who received lower wages, or was dismissed. The steady movement of rural dwellers to urban industrial areas and ever-increasing numbers of immigrants provided business owners a constant source of cheap labor, willing to work under the most deplorable of conditions. In the 1870s, workers did not yet organize when they finally did, their unions were not sanctioned or protected by the federal government until decades later, in the 1930s.

Such was the United States in July, 1877. The Railroad Strike began simply enough, in Martinsburg, West Virginia, on July 16. It became the first massive strike of American workers, and was viewed at the time as rebellion and insurrection. So great was the fear of corporate America that huge, stone armories were constructed around the country to protect the citizenry from a working people's revolt. They remain in many cities today as a reminder of a perceived war on capitalism and "the American way of life." Such is the legacy of The Great Strike of 1877, otherwise referred to as The Great Upheaval.

The Baltimore & Ohio Railroad cut wages for its workers by 10 per cent on Monday, July 16 it was the second such action in eight months. Confused and angry, the trainmen milled around the yard throughout the day. A crew abandoned work on a cattle train at day's end, and workers refused to replace them. Crowds gathered, uncoupled engines, and refused to continue operation until wages were reinstated. When the mayor arrived to quell the crowds and order the arrest of the leaders, he was jeered and ridiculed. Police were powerless to convince workers to operate the trains, and quickly withdrew.

B&O officials sought help from Governor Henry Matthews, who wired Col. Charles Faulkner, Jr., commander of the Berkeley Light Guard, to gather his troops in support of the rail officials. On Tuesday morning, Faulkner's militiamen, many of whom were railroad workers arrived in Martinsburg. As the cattle train moved out of the station with the militia on board, a striker, William Vandergriff, pulled a switch to derail the train. He shot a soldier who tried to restart the train, and was then shot himself. The engineer and fireman left the train volunteers refused to answer Faulkner's call to run the train. Faulkner wired the governor that he was unable to control the situation the crowds and militia were full of strike sympathizers.

What followed was spontaneous combustion. Firemen and rail workers stopped freight traffic along the entire line of the B&O passenger and mail service went uninterrupted. Seventy engines and six hundred freight cars quickly piled up in the Martinsburg yard. Governor Matthews, determined to break the strike, sent in Light Guards from Wheeling they too sided with the strikers, and they were moved from the rail yard to the courthouse. The people of Martinsburg were resolute in their support of the workers. The strikers, it would seem, were successful order was restored.

However, B&O officials wired Washington, D.C. to request the employment of the U.S. Army, even suggesting that the Secretary of War be apprised of the situation. Faulkner wired Governor Matthews that a "bloody conflict" incited by railroad workers would prove too much for his small militia the governor in turn, backed by an appeal from B&O president, wired President Hayes for help.

As the strike spread along the web of rail lines, the pattern remained the same: workers react to the pay cuts with a work stoppage officials attempt to run the trains with militia and volunteers attempts are abandoned due to popular support of the rail workers.

Wage cuts began earlier, June first, on the Pennsylvania Railroad the Brotherhood of Engineers, Conductors and Firemen did nothing to protect its members, and workers took matters into their own hands. But wages were not the only working conditions at issue on railroads. Workers disapproved of the "first crew in, first crew out" system, which left workers no rest or family time. The length of the work day was calculated by miles rather than hours, and that mileage more than doubled. Runs were irregular, thereby making wages and work schedules erratic. No overtime pay was granted reduction in crews meant longer hours, harder work handling extra cars.

Railroad brotherhoods, organized to assist workers in reaching their goals, were ineffectual delegates were intimidated by rail officials and frequently capitulated to owners' demands without consulting the rank-and-file. And unions were full of spies, spreading word of work stoppages to company officials, who would in turn fire potential strike committee members. This panic would lead committee leaders to deny reports of impending strikes or work actions, leaving locals devoid of union leadership and direction. The Great Upheaval was the result of independent initiatives up and down the rails.

Three hundred federal troops entered Martinsburg on July 19 the workers in Martinsburg were supplanted in their efforts by strikebreakers from Baltimore, who began running the trains under military control. Just when it appeared as though the strike was indeed broken, railroad workers received support from wide-ranging sources: striking boatmen on the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal miners from Piedmont, West Virginia boatmen, migrant workers, and young boys at Cumberland, Maryland. The president of the B&O, recognizing the possible extent of the strike, urged Maryland Governor John Carroll to call up the National Guard. Again, met by large numbers of labor sympathizers, the militia was driven back Governor Carroll wired President Hayes for the U.S. Army.

During the same week, the Pennsylvania Railroad ordered a change in the operation of all freights running eastward from Pittsburgh, resulting in more work and increased danger of accidents and layoffs. Again, crew members independently refused to obey orders. Word of the strike spread quickly, and so did the arrival of militia.

On Sunday, July 22, militia dispersed an angry crowd with threats of gunfire in Buffalo, New York on Monday, the crowd returned armed, pushed aside the militia, and forced the closing of the Erie roundhouse. By that evening, all major railroads abandoned attempts at moving anything but local passenger trains out of Buffalo.

Strike actions took place in sympathy around the nation: Harrisburg, Pennsylvania - shops closed Zanesville, Ohio - hotel construction halted, factories and foundries shut down Toledo, Ohio - general strike, calling for a minimum wage of $1.50 per day Texas and Pacific Railroad workers in Marshall, Texas, strike against the ten per cent cut. African-American workers in the South struck for equal pay to white workers in Galveston, Texas black sewer workers in Louisville, Kentucky, initiated a strike that within three days involved coopers, textile workers, brick makers, cabinet workers and factory workers. Within a week after it began in Martinsburg, the railroad strike reached East St. Louis, where 500 members of the St. Louis Workingmen's Party joined 1,000 railroad workers and residents. Strikers in St. Louis continued operation of non-freight trains themselves, collecting fares rail officials would have preferred to have all service extinguished, so that passengers would discredit the strikers and side with the companies.

For all of its fervor and support, the Great Railroad Strike of 1877 ended by August 1, unsuccessful, its workers no better off at the end than when it began. Workers did not receive pay raises legislation strengthened anti-union attitudes, and state militias were increased. Wat het verkeerd gegaan? In many ways, the very spontaneity of the strike was its own undoing the workers were, after all, unorganized. The strike evolved, or erupted, because of a collective dissatisfaction with workers' loss of control to company bosses, and an almost subliminal idea that their power lay in mutual support. The workers overthrew established authority and control, but were unable to sustain the momentum or unity as the strike grew. After initially being ousted, forces of law and order regrouped in short order and were able to marshal their forces swiftly and confidently. In cities such as Chicago, Civil War veterans were organized ward by ward civilians were sworn in as special police, freeing regular police for strike-related duty. The general public feared the violence of the workers many editorials and pundits aligned their actions with those of the 1871 Paris Commune uprising. Whispers and headlines included the words "socialists," "anarchists," and "communists." Behind all local and state efforts to break the strike was the federal government, with its military and legislative muscle.

Ultimately the strike involved more than 100,000 railroad workers in fourteen states they walked off their jobs, smashed cars and pulled up tracks in Boston, Chicago, St. Louis, Toledo, Louisville, Buffalo, and San Francisco. Before service was restored, more than 100 were dead, hundreds injured, thousands jailed, $5 million of property destroyed.

The Great Strike of 1877 is memorable for being the first of many to follow. Its dramatic display of cooperative power virtually ceased the movements of society and commerce. This lesson was not lost on business owners, many of whom thought twice about cutting wages in the near future. Some companies in the 1880s initiated labor reforms, providing death benefits, limited medical services, and pension plans for their workers. The Workingmen's Party gained a national presence. And, in 1878, the opponents of workers' revolts began constructing the protective armories.


Pullman Strike

The Pullman Strike of 1894 was one of the most influential events in the history of U.S. labor. What began as a walkout by railroad workers in the company town of Pullman, Illinois, escalated into the country's first national strike. The events surrounding the strike catapulted several leaders to prominence and brought national focus to issues concerning labor unrest, SOCIALISM, and the need for new efforts to balance the economic interests of labor and capitalism.

In 1859, 28-year-old George M. Pullman, an ambitious entrepreneur who had moved from New York to Chicago, found success as a building contractor. When a new sewage system was installed that necessitated the raising of downtown buildings by ten feet, he ran a business where he oversaw large teams of men working with huge jacks to raise the buildings. Pullman quickly became wealthy.

Continuing his penchant for innovation, Pullman turned in 1867 to the subject of railroad travel and created a new line of luxury railroad cars featuring comfortable seating, restaurants, and improved sleeping accommodations. As demand for the "Pullman coaches" grew, Pullman further demonstrated his financial acumen. He did not sell his sleeping cars instead he leased them to railroad companies. By 1893, the Pullman Company operated over 2,000 cars on almost every major U.S. railroad, and the company was valued at $62 million.

A firm believer in capitalism and moral uplift, Pullman gathered a group of investors and began to build the nation's first model industrial town near Lake Calumet on the southwest edge of Chicago. Between 1880 and 1884, the village of Pullman was built on 4,000 acres. In addition to the company's manufacturing plants, the town contained a hotel, a school, a library, a church, and office buildings as well as parks and recreational facilities. Houses were well-built brick structures that featured cutting-edge conveniences of the era such as indoor plumbing and gas heat. Other innovations included regular garbage pick-up, a modern sewer system, and landscaped streets. An equally firm believer in the necessity of making a profit, Pullman operated his town as he operated his company, leasing the housing to his workers and selling them food, gas, and water at a 10 percent markup.

A significant drop in the country's gold reserves, prodigious spending of U.S. Treasury surpluses, and the passage in 1890 of the Sherman Silver Act led to the financial panic of 1893. The ensuing corporate failures, mass layoffs of workers, and bank closings plunged the country into a major depression. In response, the Pullman Company fired more than a third of the workforce and instituted reduced hours and wage cuts of more than 25 percent for the remaining hourly employees. Because Pullman had promised the town's investors a 6 percent return, there was no corresponding reduction in the rents and other charges paid by the workers. Rent was deducted directly from their paychecks, leaving many workers with no money to feed and clothe their families.

In desperation, many workers joined the newly established American Railway Union (ARU) that claimed a membership of 465 local unions and 150,000 workers. ARU organizer and president EUGENE V. DEBS had become nationally prominent when he led a short but successful strike against the Great Northern Railway in early 1894. In May 1894, the workers struck the Pullman Company. Debs directed the strike and widened its scope, asking other train workers outside Chicago to refuse to work on trains that included Pullman cars. While the workers did agree to permit trains carrying the U.S. mail to operate as long as they did not contain Pullman cars, the railroads refused to compromise. Instead, they added Pullman cars to all their trains, including the ones that only transported freight.

Despite repeated attempts by the union to discuss the situation with Pullman, he refused to negotiate. As the strike spread, entire rail lines were shut down. The railroads quickly formed the General Managers Association (GMA) and announced that switchmen who did not move rail cars would be fired immediately. The ARU responded with a union-wide walkout. By the end of June, 50,000 railroad workers had walked off their jobs.

The economic threat and sporadic violence led the GMA to call for federal troops to be brought in. Illinois governor John P. Altgeld, who was sympathetic to the cause of the striking workers, refused the request for troops. In July, U.S. attorney general RICHARD OLNEY, who supported the GMA, issued a broad INJUNCTION called the Omnibus Indictment that prohibited strikers and union representatives from attempting to persuade workers to abandon their jobs.

When striking workers were read the indictment and refused to disperse, Olney obtained a federal court injunction holding the workers in CONTEMPT and, in effect, declaring the strike illegal. When the workers still refused to end the strike, Debs and other leaders were arrested and Olney requested the federal troops saying they were needed to move the mail. President GROVER CLEVELAND sent more than 2,000 troops to Chicago, and fighting soon broke out between the rioting strikers and soldiers. Soldiers killed more than a dozen workers and wounded many more.

With strike leaders in prison and a growing public backlash over the looting and ARSON committed by some striking workers, the strike was effectively broken. Most of the workers returned to their jobs in August, although some were blacklisted and never again worked for the railroads. Debs was charged with contempt of court for disobeying the court injunction and conspiracy to obstruct the U.S. mail. CLARENCE DARROW, an attorney who had quit his job as general counsel of the Chicago and North Western Railway, defended Debs and the other ARU leaders, but they were convicted and spent six months in prison. They were released in November 1895.

Darrow went on to become a prominent defense attorney as well as a well-known public orator. Debs, whose contempt of court conviction was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in In re Debs, 158 U.S. 564, 15 S.Ct. 900, 39 L.Ed. 1092 (1895), was further radicalized by his experiences. In high demand as a popular speaker particularly in the industrial states of the North, Debs became the influential leader of the Socialist Party, running for president several times between 1900 and 1920.

Pullman, who continued to regard himself as a morally upright man despite the critical findings of a presidential commission appointed to investigate the strike, died in 1897. Fearful that his body might be degraded or stolen by former strikers, Pullman's family had his body buried in a concrete and steel casket in a tomb covered with steel-reinforced concrete. In 1971, the former "company" town of Pullman was designated as a national landmark district.

The Pullman Strike of 1894 and its aftermath had an indelible effect on the course of the labor movement in the United States. The use of federal troops and the labor injunction sent a message to U.S. workers that would not change until the NEW DEAL of the 1930s. The polarization of management and labor would continue for decades.