Algernon Percy

Algernon Percy

Algernon Percy, die seun van die 9de graaf van Northumberland, is gebore in 1602. Na die dood van sy vader word hy die 10de graaf van Northumberland en in Maart 1636 stel Charles I hom as goewerneur van die vloot aan.

Op April 1638 word die graaf van Northumberland Lord Admiraal van Engeland. Hy word toenemend krities oor die beleid van die koning en met die uitbreek van die burgeroorlog het hy geweier om die Royaliste te ondersteun en is hy uit die amp ontslaan.

Algernon Percy, 10de graaf van Northumberland, sterf in 1668.


PERCY, lord Algernon (1750-1830).

b. 21 Januarie 1750, 2e s. van Hugh, 1ste hertog van Northumberland, deur Lady Elizabeth Seymour, da. en h. van Algernon, 7de hertog van Somerset, bro. van Hugh Percy, Lord Warkworth. opvoed. Eton 1756-63 Grand Tour 1767. m. 8 Junie 1775, Isabella Susanna, geb. van Peter Burrell, 8s. 3da. sukses. fa. deur sp. rem. as 2de Baron Lovaine 6 Junie 1786 cr. Graaf van Beverley 2 November 1790.

Kantore gehou

Biografie

In 1773 het Percy ''n delikate en swak toestand. op bevel van sy dokters het hy die suide van Frankryk besoek '.1 Die volgende somer was hy nog in die buiteland, toe die opgrawings begin vir die Northumberland -verkiesing, en hy skryf aan die eienaars van die graafskap dat hy, langer as wat hy van plan was, hom moes aanbied as 'n kandidaat per brief. Dit lyk asof hy afwesig was gedurende die baie omstrede verkiesing, wat deur sy vader bestuur is, maar met 'n aansienlike meerderheid bo -aan die peiling was.

Percy was 'n ondersteuner van die administrasie, sy enigste aangetekende stemme was by die administrasie in drie afdelings oor ekonomiese hervorming, Februarie-Maart 1780, terwyl sy enigste toespraak in die Commons die petisie van Northumberland sou voordra, 6 April 1780.2 Onbestrede herkies in 1780, Percy verskyn nie in een van die bestaande afdelingslyste voor die val van Noord nie. Sy broer, Lord Percy, het op 20 Maart 1782 berig dat Algernon ''n geruime tyd in 'n swak toestand was', 'die winter by Nice deurgebring het'. Engelse kroniek het in 1781 van hom geskryf: 'Hy is 'n jong man met 'n sagte en vriendelike houding en word nie bereken deur skenkings nie, of is geneig om neiging te hê om 'n wesenlike belangstelling in die lastige gewoel van politieke twis te hê.' En op 30 Julie 1783 Horace Walpole het aan Mann gesê dat Percy baie 'min in die openbaar' gegaan het. Hy het nie gestem oor Shelburne se voorlopige vredesvoorvalle nie, 18 Februarie 1783, of Fox se Oos -Indiese wetsontwerp, 27 November 1783, in die lyste wat vroeg in 1784 opgestel is, en word beskou as 'n ondersteuner van Pitt's Administration. In Januarie 1784 verkry sy pa vir hom 'n spesiale res van die baronie Lovaine, waarop sy broer, Lord Percy, vir George Rose kommentaar lewer: 'Ek het geweet dit was wat my broer baie wou hê, alhoewel ek dit besit, sou ek dit nooit kon dink nie was vir hom 'n voorwerp. '4


PERCY, Algernon, lord Percy (1602-1668), van Petworth, Suss. later van Northumberland House, Westminster

b. 29 September 1602, 3de maar 1ste oorlewende. s. van Henry Percy, 9de graaf van Northumberland, en Dorothy, da. van Walter Devereux, 1ste graaf van Essex, wid. van Sir Thomas Perrot & dolk van Haroldston, Pemb. broer. van Henry*.1 opvoed. privaat (William Nicholson) 1608-15 St. John ’s, Camb. 1615, MA 1616 M. Tempel 1615 Christ Church, Oxf. 1617, Padua 1621 reis na die buiteland (Lae Lande, Frankryk, Italië) 1618-24.2 m. (1) c.1628, (met & £ 12,000), Anne (d. 6 Desember 1637), da. van William Cecil*, 2de graaf van Salisbury, 5da. (4 d.v.p.) (2) 1 Okt. 1642, Elizabeth (d. 11 Maart 1705), da. van Theophilus Howard*, 2de graaf van Suffolk, 1s. 1da. (d.v.p.). gestileerde Lord Percy KB 1616 som. aan Lords in fa. ’s baronie 28 Maart 1626 sukses. fa. 5 November 1632 as 10de graaf van Northumberland KG 1635. d. 13 Okt. 1668.3

Kantore gehou

Commr. subsidie, Suss. 16244 j.p. Cumb. 1625-ten minste 1641, 1660-d., co. Duur. teen 1650-1660, Hants teen 1650-ten minste 1653, Mdx. 1630-42, teen 1650-53, 1660-d., Northumb. 1625-d. (custos vrot. teen 1650-60), Suss. 1625-42, teen 1644-d. (custos vrot. teen 1644-50, 1660-d.), Yorks. (E. Riding) 1625-ten minste 1641, 1660-d., Yorks. (N. Riding) 1625-ten minste 1641, Yorks. (W. Riding) 1625-ten minste 1641, Westmld. teen 1650-ten minste 1653, 1660-d., vryhede van Cawood, Wistow en Otley, Yorks. 16645 kommr. oyer en terminator, Home circ. 1625-42, 1660-d., Noordelike sirkel. 1625-41, 1654-d., Suss. 1627, 1644, Cumb. 1630, Mdx. 1634-45, 1660-d., Cambs. 1640, Essex 1640, Beddens. 1640, Londen 1644, Surr. 1644, Grense 1663-d6 ld. lt. Cumb., Northumb. en Westmld. (jt.) 1626-39, Northumb. (sole) 1639-ten minste 1642, (jt.) 1660-d., Suss. (jt.) 1635-42, (sole) 1642, 1660-d., Anglesey, Pemb. en Surr. 16427 balju en huurversamelaar, le Northsheeles, Northumb. 16268 kommr. Gedwonge lening, Cumb., Yorks. (E. Riding), Yorks (N. Riding), Yorks. (W. Riding), Northumb. Suss., Chichester, 1627,9 Swans, Eng. behalwe lid van West Country 162910, Raad in die Noorde 1633-611 deur die hof van die vryheid van Ennerdale, kpr. van die woud van Ennerdale, en kondukteur van huurders in Ennerdale, Cumb. 163312 kommr. versteurings in middelskede 163513 vryman, Portsmouth, Hants 163614 commr. riole, Suss. 1637-41, 1655-60, Mdx. 1637-8, 1645, 1655-60, Kent 1640, Kent en Suss. 1645, 1666, Kent en Surr. 1645, Londen en Mdx. 1645, Gt. Fens 1646, 1654-62, Yorks. 1660-d., seerowery, Londen en Mdx. 1639, Devon 1639, Suff. 1640, Cornw. 1641, Dorset 164215 kpr. Nonsuch Palace, Surr. 163916 aflewering en oyer en terminator, Surr. 1640, Londen 1641, 1644-5, 1659-d., gevangenisaflewering, Surr. 1644, Suss. 164417 kommr. cts. krygsraad, Londen 1644, verdediging, Wilts. 1644, Surr. 1645, Northern Assoc., Cumb., Northumb., Yorks. 1645, bestuur, Westminster kollegiale kerk en sch. 1645, appèlle, Oxf. Univ. 1647, milisie, Cumb., Northumb. en Suss. 1648, 1660, Carm., Dorset, Mdx., Surr. en Yorks. 1648,18

Meester van die perd aan koningin Henrietta Maria 1626-819 PC 5 November 1636-ten minste 1641, 31 Mei 1660-d.20 lid, Oorlogsraad 1637, pres. teen 164021 ld. adm. 1638-42 kommr. Admlty 1642-3, 1645-8,22 vergadering van goddelike 1643, bewaring van boeke en manuskripte 1643 lid, cttee. van beide koninkryke 1644-8 commr. Verdrag van Uxbridge 1645, voorsiening vir New Model Army 1645, aksynsregulasie 1645, misbruik in heraldiek 1645, plantasies 1646, uitsluiting van sakrament 1646, verkoop van bps. ’ lande 1646, vrywaring 1647, bestuur van aanslag 1647, vloot en doeane 1647 , skandalige oortredings 1648, verwydering van obstruksies 1648,23 Verdrag van Newport 164824 commr. graafskipper 1662,25

Adm. Van die Vloot 1636, 163726 genl. (suid van die Trent) 1639-40,27 kapt.genl. 1640-128 kapt. van Tynemouth, Northumb. 1660-d.29

Biografie

Percy was afstammelinge van William de Percy, wat sy naam waarskynlik van Percy-en-Auge in Calvados, Normandië, geneem het. Hy kom kort na die verowering na Engeland en word 'n belangrike baron in Yorkshire voor sy dood op die Eerste Kruistog.30 'n Familielid het Yorkshire al in 1297 in die parlement verteenwoordig, en in 1377 Henry Percy, die vader van Henry ‘Hotspur & #8217, is tot graaf van Northumberland gemaak. Die Percys was egter gereeld in stryd met die koninklike gesag en gevolglik het die graafskap in 1537 in die steek gelaat. In 1557 word dit toegeken aan die oom van Percy ’, wat in 1572 tereggestel is vir sy aandeel in die opkoms van die noordelike grawe. Dit is nietemin toegelaat om met 'n spesiale oorskot na Percy se oupa te gaan, maar die gesin was verplig om te woon in Petworth, hul koshuis in die weste van Sussex, hoewel hulle groot landgoedere in die noorde behou het.

Die vader van Percy het die plek van kaptein van die band met gentleman -pensioenarisse verseker by die toetreding van James en 'n plek in die Privy Council, maar hy het sy familielid, die kruitplotter Sir Thomas Percy, onbewustelik aan die band toegelaat sonder dat hy eers moes neem die eed van die oppergesag, en het gevolglik 16 jaar in die toring deurgebring, waar sy smaak vir chemiese eksperimente hom die geskenk van die Wizard Earl ’ besorg het. Gedurende hierdie tydperk van afgedwonge onaktiwiteit het hy sy huurgeld verdubbel tot byna £ 13,000 p.j., en homself toegepas op die opvoeding van sy erfgenaam om hom op 'n vroeë ouderdom van sy kwekeryonderneming en sy ma se vleuels te speen. Vanaf 1608 het Percy baie tyd saam met sy vader in die toring deurgebring en het moontlik onder die invloed van 'n ander gevangene, sir Walter Ralegh & dolk, geval. Toe hy die toring na Cambridge in 1615 verlaat, het Northumberland gedink dat hy agter en agter baie van sy ouderdomme was, en het hy die aandag van sy onderwyser op sy onbeskaamdheid gevestig, en veral om verskoning in hom te hê, want ons naam is almal onderhewig eerder aan min woorde as aan baie gebabbel ’. Die agterstand was geneesbaar, Northumberland self het toegegee dat Percy teen 1618 'n stuk van die geleerde gehad het en dat hy maklik die tale sou kry op reis in Europa onder die optrede van Edward Dowse*.32 Hy handhaaf sy reserwe: ‘geen man ’, waargeneem Clarendon (Edward Hyde & dolk), ‘ moes steeds minder ledige woorde beantwoord vir ’.33

Northumberland is in die somer van 1621 vrygelaat as deel van 'n algemene amnestie vir politieke gevangenes en Percy, wat twee jaar later volwasse geword het, is in 1624 vir Sussex teruggegee. Op 27 Februarie is hy in die komitee aangewys om die oneer te oorweeg wat die Spaanse ambassadeur na bewering aan die hertog van Buckingham gedoen het, en hy was een van die opdragte om op 3 Maart met die Here te beraadslaag oor die adres om die onderhandelinge vir die Spaanse wedstryd. Hy is ook aangestel om konferensies by te woon met die eweknieë oor die wetsontwerp op monopolieë (8 April) en om in komitees te dien vir wetsontwerpe oor beperkings en die misbruik van voorregte in die staat (1 Mei). Op 16 April is hy benoem in die komitee om saam te stem met die hoofde van 'n wetsontwerp oor die vind van perde en wapens, en was hy ook onder diegene wat opdrag gegee is om die misbruik van heraldiek 12 dae later te ondersoek. Op 29 April het hy die name van Sussex-ampsdraers bekend gemaak wat van katolisisme verdink word. Die vrou van sy pa se voormalige dienskneg (Sir) Edward Fraunceys* en 'n paar van die graaf van Arundel se bediendes het nie die kerk bygewoon nie, het hy gesê, terwyl drie kommissarisse van riole absolute pausies was en#8217.35

Na die einde van die parlement sluit Percy aan by sy swaer, James Hay, eerste graaf van Carlisle, en sy neef, burggraaf Kensington (Henry Rich*) in Frankryk, waar hulle onderhandel het oor die huwelik van prins Charles en terugkeer in die herfs, en met goeie nuus soos vermoedelik, het Chamberlain berig, sou hulle hom nie die boodskapper maak nie Die jaar daarna is hy terug na Chichester, ongeveer 20 kilometer van Petworth. In die eerste Caroline -parlement is hy aangewys om die konferensie met die Lords van 23 Junie 1625 oor die petisie vir 'n vas by te woon, en was hy ses dae later onder die bevel om 'n wetsontwerp te oorweeg om die korrupte verkryging van geregtelike plekke te voorkom.37 Hy is nie bekend dat hy bygewoon het in Oxford nie, waar baie tyd bestee is aan die aanval op die anti-Calvinistiese geskrifte van Richard Montagu, destyds rektor van Petworth en op goeie voet met Percy se pa.

Percy is in 1626 vir Chichester herkies en is in vier komitees aangestel. Hy is opdrag gegee om die konferensies met die Lords by te woon op die Commons -uitnodiging na Buckingham om die hernuwing van die aanhouding van die Sint Petrus (4 Maart), en oor verdedigingskwessies (8 Maart). Hy is ook op 25 Maart aangestel om die wetsontwerp vir die maak van die wapen van die koninkryk meer bruikbaar te oorweeg. blyk vir hom nuttig te wees in die Here, want op 28 Maart is hy opgeroep regs van sy vader se baronie. Hy het die volmag van sy vader ontvang, wat voorheen aan die hertog gegee is, en na die parlement word gerugte dat hy die meesterskap van die perd by Buckingham sou koop, hoewel hy in die geval slegs die ekwivalente posisie in die koningin ontvang het. 8217s Huishouding.40 In die somer van 1628 bedank hy egter sy amp by die hof en tree terug na die land, nadat hy ontnugter geraak het met Buckingham. Later daardie jaar het hy inderdaad aan sy skoonpa, die 2de graaf van Salisbury, gesê dat hy nie die hertog van die hertog betreur het nie.

Teen 1633 het Percy sy vader se titel opgevolg en het hy teruggekeer na Westminster, wat in Maart van daardie jaar deur Carlisle beskryf word as een van die eerlikste, mees diskrete en bekwame jong here oor die hof. Hy het vinnig gestyg in die 1630's, ten spyte van chroniese swak gesondheid, en 'n privaat raadslid en heer -admiraal geword. het in die laaste eeue min of geen voordeel van die Crown gekry nie, nadat hy onder leiding van Charles I se leër in die Tweede Biskoppe -oorlog was, het hy die kant van die parlement geneem in die burgeroorlog, maar 'n leier van die vredesparty geword in die Here, en protesteer teen die verhoor van die koning. Hy het by die Restourasie vergifnis ontvang en is weer in die Privy Council aangestel. Hy het sy testament op 10 April 1667 opgestel, sewe dae later een kode bygevoeg en nog een op 30 Maart 1668, die laaste wat sy neef, die republikeinse Algernon Sidney & dolk, 'n annuïteit verleen. Hy is op 13 Oktober 1668 oorlede en is op 4 November in Petworth begrawe. Sy enigste seun sterf binne minder as twee jaar en laat 'n dogter agter, waardeur die boedels en die naam van Percy uiteindelik oorgaan na Sir Hugh Smithson & dolk, wat in 1766 hertog van Northumberland gemaak is.


Wat het met die Percies gebeur?

Die huidige hertog van Northumberland, Ralph Percy, is die onbekroonde koning van Northumberland. Hy woon in 'n ondeurdringbare, grys, sober middeleeuse vesting, Alnwick Castle, wat in 1100 gebou is en sedert 1309 die tuiste van sy voorvaders was.

Sy voorouers se onmiddellike voorouers sluit in die hertog van Sutherland, die hertog van Hamilton en die hertog van Buccleuch. Sy oupagrootjie was hertog van Richmond en sy oupagrootjie was hertog van Argyle. Maar meer as dit alles, Ralph Percy is die hoof van die Percys, 'n familie wat sy afkoms kan terugvoer na Normandië en Noord -Frankryk, voordat die gebeure van 1066 plaasgevind het. Die Percy's het ons onder meer Hotspur, verewig deur Shakespeare en die Salige Thomas Percy, onthoof deur Elizabeth I en die berugte Thomas Percy wat so onlosmaaklik verbind was met die berugte ‘GUN POWDER PLOT ’.

Wie was die Percy's ’s?

Wat voorheen geskryf en gepubliseer is oor die oorsprong van die Percy ’'s, sê dat dit 'n Viking/Normandiese familie was wat afkomstig was van Mainfred, die Deense kaptein wat hulle voor 886 in Normandië gevestig het, soos beskryf is.

Wat wel waar is, is dat die gesinshoofstoel op 'n plek met die naam Perci in Normandië was, en dat hulle volgens die gebruik hul naam van hul eiendom geneem het. Die geskiedenis van hierdie groot familie hiervoor word weerspieël in wat nou bekend is van hul heraldiek en DNA wat alles dui op hul bestaan ​​voordat hulle na Normandië na die stad Lille naby Bethune in Vlaandere gekom het.

Die eerste lid van die Percy -gesin wat na Engeland gekom het, was Alan de Percy lank voor 1066. Die volgende wat gekom het, was William de Percy, 'n seun van Alan (1030 – 1096), en 'n intieme vriend van William the Conquerer na wie hy gekom het Engeland in 1067 en was bekend as ‘Algersnons ’ as gevolg van sy dra van snorhare – 'n baard. Hierdie William de Percy of ‘Algersnons ’ het hom onmiddellik in die noorde van Engeland gevestig, en teen die tyd dat Domesday Book opgestel is, is hy aangewys as die heer van meer as 100 landgoed. Sy afstammelinge het die titel Baron Percy gedra.

Dit is 'n roemryke stamboom, ongeëwenaard. Net een ding is verkeerd! Die huidige hertog van Northumberland en ontvanger van die ou titels van die familie is glad nie 'n Percy nie. Sy van en dié van sy voorouers behoort Smithson te wees.

In die vroeë 17de eeu het die 10de graaf van Northumberland Algernon Percy 'n prominente rol gespeel in die herstel van die monargie. Hy het eers twee keer getrou met 'n dogter van die Cecil -familie, ondanks die afkeuring van sy vader, wat gesê het dat Die bloed van 'n Percy sou nie meng met die bloed van 'n Cecil as jy dit op 'n skottel gooi nie.. Dit was moontlik die geval, maar die probleem was dat dit blyk dat daar baie min bloed van Percy oor was en dat iets gedoen moes word. Die huwelik het vyf dogters opgelewer, en die vrou is dood. Sy tweede vrou was 'n dogter van die Howards, en hierdie huwelik het 'n seun, die 11de graaf, gebring, wat op sy beurt een seun gehad het wat as kind oorlede is. Met die kind het die Percy ’s blykbaar tot 'n einde gekom, aangesien geen poging aangewend is om ander lewende kadetvertakkinge van die familie op te spoor om direkte manlike afstammelinge van William met die snor te vind nie. (sien James Percy the Trunckmaker -saak!). Al wat oorgebly het, was asof dit een dogter was, die Lady Elizabeth Percy, wat die eensaamste en rykste erfgenaam in die land geword het toe haar pa in 1670 op die ouderdom van vyf en twintig in Italië oorlede is. As 'n baba van vier jaar moes sy die swaar las en verantwoordelikhede van die groot landgoed van die gesin dra. Dit lyk asof die graafskap van Northumberland en die Baronie Percy verkeerdelik uitgesterf het, en dit het gelyk asof die ou familie van Percy saam met haar sou sterf. Sy was die mees geskikte erfgenaam in Engeland, en gevolglik is die arme meisie drie keer voor haar sestiende verjaardag getroud weens die onvermoeide werk en manipulasies van haar weduwee -moeder.

Om te verstaan ​​hoe die moderne hertog van Northumberland vir homself 'n Percy kan sê toe die Percy -lyn blykbaar in 1670 uitgesterf het, moet u die ingewikkelde reeks ongelukke, ontwerpe en bewerings met die afstammelinge van Lady Elizabeth Percy met intrige ondersoek. Elizabeth as gevolg van haar rooi hare het die bynaam ‘carrots ’ gepla deur vryers. Karel II wou haar as vrou vir een van sy bastard seuns hê, maar hierdie keer was hy ongelukkig. Op twaalfjarige ouderdom is sy verplig om te trou met die graaf van Ogle, wat ses maande later oorlede is. Haar tweede man was Thomas Thynne van Longleat, wat in opdrag van 'n ander jaloerse vryer, graaf Koningsmark, deur huurmoordenaars in Pall Mall vermoor is. Twee keer 'n weduwee op die ouderdom van sestien, trou sy uiteindelik in 1682 met die belaglike hertog van Somerset. Dit is nie eens moontlik om te sê dat sy gelukkig en ewig geleef het nie, aangesien die lewe, soos die hertogin van Somerset, die meisie van 'n gekke tiran, nie aangenaam kon gewees het nie. Sy sterf in 1722, en al haar boedels in Percy, in stryd met die direkte wense van haar voorouers, het op die een of ander manier in die hertogdom Somerset gevestig. Onmiddellik is hul seun Algernon Seymour Baron Percy geskep om die erfenis van die gesinne te beskerm.

Algernon is getroud en het 'n seun en dogter gebaar. Die seun was Lord Beauchamp, erfgenaam van die hertogdom Somerset en uiteindelik erfgenaam van die Percy -eiendomme, waaronder Alnwick Castle, sou in die normale gang met die hertogdom Somerset oorlede word. Die dogter was Elizabeth Seymour, wat in 1740 'n huwelik van betekenis gemaak het.

Die eggenoot van Elizabeth Seymour was 'n Yorkshire -kaptein, sir Hugh Smithson, Bart. Sy was toe bekend as Lady Betty Smithson, en vir haar volgende vier jaar was daar geen rede om te dink dat hul status sou verander nie, aangesien hy geen erfgenaam van enige titel was nie. Toe sterf skielik in 1744 die broer van Lady Betty, Lord Beauchamp, skielik, 'n gebeurtenis wat al die verwante gesinne in die wiele gery het. Dit het die uiteindelike einde van die reeks Seymours beteken, en dit het Lady Betty die enigste erfgenaam gemaak van sommige van die Seymour -boedels en vir al die Percy -boedels van haar ouma. Dit het sir Hugh Smithson inderdaad ook 'n baie belangrike man gemaak.

Die lot van die Seymour ’s, die Percy ’s en die Smithson ’s is tussen 1748 en 1750 in 'n kaleidoskoop vasgestel. Eerstens sterf die trotse hertog van Somerset en word opgevolg as 7de hertog deur sy seun Algernon, Lady Betty se pa. In 1749 word die 7de hertog van Somerset verkeerdelik tot die eerste graaf van Northumberland van 'n nuwe skepping gemaak. Hy het geen wettige manlike erfgename gehad nie, dus is 'n buitengewone bepaling ingesluit in die skeppingspatent, waarvolgens die titel en Percy -boedels (insluitend Alnwick Castle) by sy dood aan sy skoonseun Smithson en later erfgename van Smithsons moet oorgaan deur die liggaam van Lady Betty. In 1750 sterf die 7de hertog van Somerset. Die hertogdom het oorgegaan na 'n baie verre familielid (voorouer van die huidige hertog van Somerset), en die nuwe graafskap van Northumberland het oorgegaan na sir Hugh Smithson, wat dadelik die naam en wapens van Percy aangeneem het deur 'n parlementshandeling.

Byna 'n eeu het verloop sedert die laaste Percy -graaf van Northumberland gesterf het, ver buite die geheue van die lewendes in 1750. Smithson was getroud met nie 'n Percy nie, maar 'n Seymour, agterkleindogter van die skynbaar eensame manlike oorlewende van die laaste Percy Earl . Dat hy nou 'n Percy moes word, was 'n wonderlike stuk fantastiese uitvinding.

Die Smithsons was self 'n beskeie, maar ou Yorkshire -familie. In Domesday Book word 'n sekere Malgrun de Smethton gelys, van wie daar duidelike afkoms is na Sir Hugh. Maar dit was min in vergelyking met die majesteit van Alnwick Castle en die rykdom wat uit die besit van 'n paar duisend hektaar gekom het. Ongelukkig is die tekens dat Smithsons se skielike verhoging na die hoogste geledere reguit na sy kop gegaan het.

Om graaf van Northumberland te wees, was nie genoeg vir sy nietigheid nie, hoewel dit geslagte van die werklike Percys tevrede gestel het. Hy is voorgestel as Lord kameraan, maar die markies van Hertford is in plaas daarvan aangestel. Northumberland het 'n mate van vooruitgang geëis deur vergoeding, en toe 'n Marquessate voorgestel word, dring hy daarop aan dat hy 'n Dukedom het. Die koning, George III, het op een of ander manier ingestem! So word sir Hugh Smithson die eerste hertog van Northumberland en graaf Percy in 1766, en burggraaf Lovaine van Alnwick in 1784. Hy is die direkte voorouer van die huidige hertog.

Die enigste ongerief wat sake kan ontstel, is die skielike verskyning van 'n ware Percy -erfgenaam. Hulle wou nie, maar een eiser James Percy, het sy regte twintig jaar lank gedruk onmiddellik na die dood van Josceline, die laaste graaf van Northumberland in 1670. Hy was 'n stamvervaardiger en wou 'n graaf wees, en het 'n versoekskrif aan die House of Lords gedoen. Hy het jammerlik gefaal as gevolg van die eindelose en genadeloos vasbeslote weduwee Hertogin, Elizabeths Mother. Uiteindelik moes James Percy 'n bordjie om sy nek dra om hom te verkondig Die onbeskaamde voorgee van die ou titel Earldom of Northumberland ”.


Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Percy, Algernon (1602-1668)

PERCY, ALGERNON, tiende graaf van Northumberland (1602–1668), seun van Henry, negende graaf van Northumberland [q. v.], is in Londen gebore en is op 13 Oktober 1602 gedoop (Chamberlain, Briewe tydens die bewind van koningin Elizabeth, bl. 157 Collins, Peerage, red., Brydges, ii. 346). Percy is opgelei aan St. John's College, Cambridge, soos familiepapiere bewys, en nie aan Christ Church, Oxford nie, soos Collins en Doyle (Fonblanque, House of Percy, ii. 367). Sy pa stuur hom daarna om na die buiteland te reis en gee hom gedetailleerde instruksies oor wat hy moet waarneem en hoe hy hom moet gedra (Antiquarian Repertory, iv. 374). Op 4 November 1616 word hy 'n ridder van die bad (Doyle, Amptelike Baronage, ii. 663). In die parlement van 1624 verteenwoordig hy die graafskap Sussex, en in dié wat in 1625 en 1626 die stad Chichester genoem word. Hy word op 28 Maart 1627 as Baron Percy in die House of Lords ontbied en sy vader word opgevolg as tiende graaf van Northumberland op 5 November 1632.

Charles I was angstig om die steun van Northumberland te verseker en het hom op 16 Mei 1635 die bevel van die Kouseband (Strafford -briewe, ek. 363, 427 Fonblanque, ii. 630). Die volgende paar jaar word hy voortdurend vertrou met die hoogste vloot- of militêre poste. Op 23 Maart 1636 word hy aangestel as admiraal van die vloot wat deur skeepsgeld opgewek is om die soewereiniteit van die seë te bevestig. Dit het niks verder gedoen as om 'n sekere aantal Nederlandse vissers te verplig om lisensies vir visvang van Northumberland se meester te aanvaar nie. Maar die ondoeltreffendheid daarvan was eerder te danke aan die beleid van Charles as aan die skuld van sy admiraal (Gardiner, Geskiedenis van Engeland, viii. 156 Strafford -briewe, ek. 524 Cal. Staatsdokumente, Dom. 1635–6, pp. Xx, 357). Northumberland was vol ywer vir die diens van die koning en het in Desember 1636 'n verklaring aan hom oor die misbruik in die bestuur van die vloot voorgelê, met voorstelle vir die hervorming daarvan, maar hoewel dit ondersteun word deur genoegsame bewyse van die beweerde euwels, het die kommissarisse van die admiraliteit het geen stappe gedoen om dit reg te stel nie. 'Hierdie prosedure', het Northumberland aan Strafford geskryf, 'het my tot 'n besluit gebring om myself nie meer te pla met 'n hervorming nie, tensy ek daartoe beveel word' (Strafford -briewe, ii. 40, 49 Cal. Staatsdokumente, Dom. 1636–7, pp. 202, 217, 251 Fonblanque, ii. 379). Strafford, wat Northumberland met alle mag gesteun het, het hom aangespoor om geduldig en konstant te wees in sy pogings, en het deur Laud aangedring op sy aanstelling as een van die kommissarisse van die admiraliteit, of as heer hoë admiraal (Strafford -briewe, ii. 54). In April 1637 word Northumberland 'n tweede keer as admiraal aangestel, maar kon weer niks bereik nie. Sy afsku was baie groot. Hy het bitterlik aan Strafford geskryf uit sy ankerplek in die Downs. 'Om die hele somer saam op hierdie plek te ry sonder hoop op aksie, om daaglikse onrus in die vloot te sien en nie middele te hê om dit reg te stel nie, en om in 'n werk te wees waar 'n man nie diens aan die staat kan doen nie, om eer aan homself te verkry, en ook nie vergunning vir sy vriende nie, is 'n voorwaarde waarvan ek dink niemand sal ambisieus wees nie '(ib. ii. 84 Gardiner, viii. 219 Cal. Staatsblaaie, Dom. 1637, pp. Xxi – xxv). Op 30 Maart 1638 word Northumberland verhef tot die waardigheid van die heer hoë admiraal van Engeland, wat hom egter slegs tydens plesier verleen is, en nie, soos in die gevalle van Nottingham en Buckingham, lewenslank (ib. 1637–8, bl. 321 Collins, ii. 247). Die bedoeling was dat hy sy pos sou behou totdat die hertog van York oud was om hom op te volg (Strafford -briewe, ii. 154 Gardiner, viii. 338). Die probleme in Skotland het ook die militêre kantoor van Northumberland meegebring. In Julie 1638 stel die koning 'n komitee aan van agt privaatraadslede vir Skotse aangeleenthede, waarvan Northumberland een was. Die inagneming van die ontevredenheid van die mense en die koning se onvoorbereidheid vir oorlog het hom laat dink dat dit vir die koning veiliger was om aan die Skotte die voorwaardes te gee as wat hulle haastig was om 'n oorlog aan te gaan. 'God stuur vir ons 'n goeie einde aan hierdie lastige besigheid', skryf hy aan Strafford, 'want tot my vrees kon geen vreemde vyande soveel gevaar vir hierdie koninkryk bedreig as nou die bedelaarsvolk nie' (ib. ii. 186, 266). Op 26 Maart 1639, toe die koning hom voorberei om na die noorde te gaan om die leiding oor die leër te neem, word Northumberland aangestel as generaal van al die magte suid van die Trent en lid van die raad van regentskap (Cal. Staatsdokumente, Dom. 1638–9, bl. 608). Sy privaatbriewe aan sy swaer, die graaf van Leicester, toon dat Northumberland ontevrede was met die koning se beleid en dat hy geen vertroue in die meeste van sy mede-ministers gehad het nie. Sekretaris Coke wat hy as onbekwaam beskou het, en probeer het om sy plek vir Leicester te kry. Sekretaris Windebanke beskou hy nie net as onbekwaam nie, maar as verraderlik, en was woedend oor sy inmenging met die bevel van die vloot, wat Tromp in staat gestel het om Oquendo's skepe in 'n Engelse hawe te vernietig. Northumberland se eie standpunte het hom tot 'n alliansie met Frankryk eerder as Spanje aangespoor, en hy was gekant teen Hamilton, Cottington en die Spaanse fraksie in die raad. Strafford was sy vriend, maar hy het gedink dat hy te veel geneig was tot Spanje, en Laud se godsdiensbeleid het hy nie gehou nie. Die ontevredenheid in Engeland en die leegte van die skatkis van die koning het vir hom die sukses van die oorlog teen die Skotte byna onmoontlik gemaak (Collins, Sydney Papers, ii. 608–23 Cal. Staatsdokumente, Dom. 1639–40, pp. 22, 526 Strafford -briewe, ii. 276). Om hierdie redes het Northumberland met vreugde die oproeping van die Short -parlement gegroet en spyt oor die hewigheid waarmee die meegevoel druk op die herstel van hul griewe gemaak het. 'As hulle goed ingelig is', het hy aan Lord Conway geskryf, 'is ek oortuig dat hulle mettertyd hul begeertes kon bereik' (Cal. Staatsdokumente, Dom. 1640, pp. 71, 115 Sydney Papers, ii. 623). Gesteun slegs deur lord Holland, het hy gekant teen die ontbinding van die parlement in die komitee van agt, en het hy hom uitgespreek teen Strafford se voorstel vir 'n kragtige inval in Skotland. Vane se aantekeninge in sy toespraak is: 'As daar nie meer geld is as wat voorgestel word nie, hoe kan ek dan 'n offensiewe oorlog voer? 'n probleem om niks te doen nie of om hulle alleen te laat, of om voort te gaan met 'n kragtige oorlog '(Hist. MSS. Komm. 3de Rep. Bl. 3 Gardiner, Geskiedenis van Engeland, ix. 122). 'Wat sal die wêreld van ons in die buiteland oordeel', het hy by Leicester gekla, 'om ons te sien dat ons so 'n aksie onderneem, sonder om te weet hoe ons dit vir 'n maand moet onderhou? Dit maak my siel hartseer om by hierdie berade betrokke te wees, en die gevoel wat ek het van die ellende wat wil ontstaan, word deur sommige ontevredenheid by my ingehou. ... Die toestand waarin die koning verkeer, is uiters ongelukkig. Ek kon nie glo dat wyse manne ons ooit in so 'n toestand sou kon bring as wat ons nou is sonder om seker te wees van 'n oplossing nie '(Collins, Sydney Papers, ii. 652, 654).

Reeds in die vorige Desember het Charles aan Northumberland aangekondig dat hy van plan was om hom generaal te maak van die magte wat vir die tweede Skotse oorlog opgewek is (ib. ii. 626). Volgens Clarendon is Strafford oorspronklik ontwerp vir die pos, maar hy verkies om eerder as luitenant-generaal onder die graaf van Northumberland te dien, in die oortuiging dat die toekenning van daardie voorrang hom sterker aan die koning se belang sou heg, en dat sy krag in die noordelike dele sal die koning se dienste groot voordeel inhou (Rebellie, red. Macray, ii. 80 n.) Sy opdrag is gedateer 14 Februarie 1640 (Rushworth, iii. 989). Ten spyte van sy twyfel en moedeloosheid, het Northumberland hom kragtig inspan om die weermag te organiseer en 5000 bygedral. aan die lening wat vir die diens van die koning in 1639 aangegaan is (Sydney Papers, ii. 629 Cal. Staatsdokumente, Dom. 1640, pp. 294, 363, 514, 572). Maar in Augustus 1640 het hy siek geword, en Strafford het in sy plek bevel oor die leër geneem (ib. bl. 588, 603).

In die Long -parlement trek Northumberland geleidelik aan die kant van die opposisie. Hy was een van die getuies teen Strafford op die drie-en-twintigste artikel van die beskuldiging, en hoewel hy ontken dat Strafford van plan was om die Ierse weermag teen Engeland te gebruik, was sy getuienis van die heer-adjunk se aanbeveling van arbitrêre maatreëls uiters skadelik. Die koning, wat Northumberland aan Leicester geskryf het, was kwaad vir hom omdat hy nie vir Strafford (Rushworth, Trial of Strafford, pp. 533, 543 Sydney Papers, ii. 665).

Northumberland himself was vexed because the king declined to promote Leicester (ib. ii. 661–6). Clarendon represents Northumberland sending to the House of Commons Henry Percy's letter about the army plot as the first visible sign of his defection (Rebellie, iii. 228 Commons' Journals, ii. 172–5). It was followed in the second session by an ​ open alliance with the opposition party in the House of Lords. Northumberland signed the protests against the appointment of Lunsford to the command of the Tower, against the refusal of the House of Lords to join the commons in demanding the militia, and against their similar refusal to punish the Duke of Richmond's dangerous words. The popular party showed their confidence in Northumberland by nominating him lord lieutenant of the four counties of Sussex, Northumberland, Pembroke, and Anglesey (28 Feb. 1642). His possession of the post of lord high admiral secured the parliamentary leaders the control of the navy. When the king refused to appoint the Earl of Warwick to command the fleet, the two houses ordered Northumberland to make him vice-admiral, and Northumberland obeyed. On 28 June 1642 the king dismissed Northumberland from his office, but too late to prevent the sailors from accepting Warwick as their commander ( Clarendon , Rebellie, iv. 330, v. 376 Hist. MSS. Komm. 3rd Rep. p. 85 Gardiner , History of England, x. 176, 185, 208).

Charles felt Northumberland's defection very severely. He had raised him to office after office, and, as he complained, ‘courted him as his mistress, and conversed with him as his friend, without the least interruption or intermission of all possible favour and kindness’ ( Clarendon , Rebellie, iii. 228 Memoirs of Sir Philip Warwick, bl. 117). In three letters to Sir John Bankes, Northumberland explained his position. ‘We believe that those persons who are most powerful with the king do endeavour to bring parliaments to such a condition that they shall only be made instruments to execute the commands of the king, who were established for his greatest and most supreme council. … It is far from our thoughts to change the form of government, to invade upon the king's just prerogative, or to leave him unprovided of as plentiful a revenue as either he or any of his predecessors ever enjoyed.’ He protested that the armaments of the parliament were purely defensive in their aim. ‘Let us but have our laws, liberties, and privileges secured unto us, and let him perish that seeks to deprive the king of any part of his prerogative, or that authority which is due unto him. If our fortunes be to fall into troubles, I am sure few (excepting the king himself) will suffer more than I shall do therefore for my own private considerations, as well as for the public good, no man shall more earnestly endeavour an agreement between the king and his people’ ( Bankes , Story of Corfe Castle, pp. 122, 129, 139).

True to these professions, Northumberland, though he accepted a place in the parliamentary committee of safety (4 July 1642), was throughout counted among the heads of the peace party ( Gardiner , Great Civil War, i. 53, 80). On 10 Nov. 1642 he was sent to present a message of peace to the king at Colebrook, and in the following March he was at the head of the parliamentary commissioners sent to treat with the king at Oxford. Whitelocke praises his ‘sober and stout carriage to the king,’ his civility to his brother commissioners, and the ‘state and nobleness’ with which he lived while at Oxford (Memorials, edit. 1853, i. 195–201 Old Parliamentary History, xii. 29, 201). His zeal for peace made him suspected by the violent party. Harry Marten took upon himself to open one of Northumberland's letters to his wife, and, as he refused to apologise, Northumberland struck him with his cane. This took place on 18 April 1643 in the painted chamber, as Marten was returning from a conference between the two houses, and was complained of by the commons as a breach of privilege (Lords' Journals, vi. 11 Clarendon , Rebellion, vii. 20). In June Northumberland was accused of complicity in Waller's plot, but indignantly repudiated the charge, and Waller's statements against him are too vague to be credited ( Sanford , Studies and Illustrations of the Great Rebellion, pp. 543, 562). He was one of the originators of the peace propositions agreed to by the House of Lords on 4 Aug. 1643, and appealed to Essex for support against the mob violence which procured their rejection by the commons (ib. bl. 576 Gardiner , Great Civil War, i. 185 Clarendon , Rebellie, vii. 166–75). Finding Essex disinclined to support the peace movement, Northumberland retired to Petworth, and for a time absented himself altogether from the parliamentary councils. Clarendon, who held that the king might have won back Northumberland by returning him to his office of lord admiral, asserts that if the other peers who deserted the parliament at the same time had been well received by the king, Northumberland would have followed their example (Rebellie, vii. 21, 188, 244, 248).

A few months later Northumberland returned to his place in parliament, and the two houses showed their confidence by appointing him one of the committee of both kingdoms (16 Feb. 1644). In the treaty at Uxbridge in January 1645 Northumberland again acted as one of the parliamentary commissioners, and was their usual spokesman ( Whitelocke , i. 377, 385 Clarendon , Rebellie, viii. 218). But he was hardly as ​ ready to make concessions as before. ‘The repulse he had formerly received at Oxford upon his addresses thither, and the fair escape he had made afterwards from the jealousy of the parliament, had wrought so far upon him that he resolved no more to depend upon the one or provoke the other, and was willing to see the king's power and authority so much restrained that he might not be able to do him any harm’ (ib. viii. 244). During 1645 he acted with the leaders of the independents, helping to secure the passage of the self-denying ordinance, and the organisation of the new model army ( Gardiner , Great Civil War, ii. 189 Sanford , Studies and Illustrations, bl. 353). On 18 March he was appointed to the guardianship of the king's two youngest children, with a salary of 3,000l. a year and it was even reported that if the king continued to refuse to come to terms, the Duke of Gloucester would be made king, with Northumberland as lord protector (ib. Lords' Journals, vii. 279, 327). After the fall of Oxford the Duke of York also passed into his custody, with an allowance of 7,500l. for his maintenance.

With the close of the war Northumberland again took up the part of mediator. His own losses during its continuance had amounted to over 42,000l., towards which, on 19 Jan. 1647, parliament had voted him 10,000l. (Hist. MSS. Komm. 3rd Rep. p. 86 Commons' Journals, viii. 651). In January 1647 he united with Manchester and the leading presbyterian peers in drawing up propositions likely to be more acceptable to the king than those previously offered him. They were forwarded through Bellièvre, the French ambassador, who transmitted them to Henrietta Maria ( Gardiner , Great Civil War, iii. 213). On 26 Nov. 1646 Northumberland had been accused of secretly sending money to the king during the war, and the charge had been investigated at the desire of the commons by a committee of the House of Lords but the informer himself finally admitted that the charge was false (Lords' Journals, viii. 578, 678). That it should have been made at all was probably the effect of his obvious preference for a compromise with Charles.

Northumberland was one of the peers who left their seats in parliament after the riots of July 1647, and signed the engagement of 4 Aug. to stand by the army for the restoration of the freedom of the two houses (Lords' Journals, ix. 385). It was at Northumberland's house, Syon, near Brentford, that the conferences of the seceders and the officers of the army were held and an agreement arrived at ( Waller , Vindication, bl. 191). When the king was in the hands of the army, and during his residence at Hampton Court, he was allowed to see his children with more frequency than before, parliament, however, stipulating that Northumberland should accompany his charges. In one of these interviews it is said that Charles gently reproached Northumberland for his defection, and hinted that, if he would return to his allegiance, the Duke of York should be married to one of his daughters. But Northumberland remained firm against any temptations while his opposition to the vote of no address proved that fear was equally unable to make him swerve from the policy of moderation and compromise ( Green , Lives of the Princesses of England, vi. 360 Gardiner , Great Civil War, iv. 52). On 21 April 1648 the Duke of York escaped from Northumberland's custody, and made his way in disguise to Holland. But as early as 19 Feb. Northumberland had asked to be relieved of his charge, and declined to be responsible if he should escape so the two houses, on hearing the earl's explanation, acquitted him of all blame in the matter (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1648–9, p. 19 Lords' Journals, x. 220 Life of James II, i. 29–33). In the following September Northumberland was appointed one of the fifteen commissioners sent to negotiate with Charles at Newport, and appears from his subsequent conduct to have regarded the king's concessions as a sufficient basis for the settlement of the nation. In the House of Lords he headed the opposition to the ordinance for the king's trial. ‘Not one in twenty of the people of England,’ he declared, ‘are yet satisfied whether the king did levy war against the houses first, or the houses first against him and, besides, if the king did levy war first, we have no law extant that can be produced to make it treason in him to do and for us to declare treason by an ordinance when the matter of fact is not yet proved, nor any law to bring to judge it by, seems to me very unreasonable’ ( Gardiner , Great Civil War, iv. 289).

Under the Commonwealth and protectorate Northumberland remained rigidly aloof from public affairs. He consented, however, to take the engagement to be faithful to the Commonwealth ( Sanford , Studies and Illustrations of the Great Rebellion, bl. 292). At his own request parliament relieved him of the expensive and troublesome charge of Prince Henry and the Princess Elizabeth, appointing, at his own suggestion, his sister, the Countess of Leicester, to fill his place ( Cary , Memorials of the Civil War, ii. 127, 138 Commons' Journals, ​ vi. 216). He took no part in any plots against the government. An attempt to make him out to be a delinquent failed but the demand that Wressell Castle should be made untenable, and the consequences of a loan raised by the parliament, for which he had become engaged, gave him some vexation (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1649–50, p. 286 Hist. MSS. Komm. 3rd Rep. pp. 87–8). He refused to sit either in Cromwell's House of Lords or in that summoned by his son in 1659. To Richard's invitation he is said to have replied that, ‘till the government was such as his predecessors have served under, he could not in honour do it but, that granted, he should see his willingness to serve him with his life and fortune’ (Clarendon State Papers, ii. 432). He looked forward to the restoration of the House of Lords as a necessary part of the settlement of the nation, but deprecated any premature attempt on the part of the lords themselves to reclaim their rights. On 5 March 1660 he wrote to the Earl of Manchester, referring to the recent attempt made by some of the lords to persuade Monck to allow them to sit, and urging its unseasonableness ( Manchester , Court and Society from Elizabeth to Anne, i. 395). An unconditional restoration he did not desire, and was one of the heads of the little cabal which proposed that merely those peers who had sat in 1648 should be permitted to take their places in the upper house, and that these should impose on Charles II the conditions offered to his father at the Newport treaty ( Collins , Sydney Papers, ii. 685 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 729). In the Convention parliament which met in April 1660 he supported a general act of indemnity, and was heard to say that, ‘though he had no part in the death of the king, he was against questioning those who had been concerned in that affair that the example might be more useful to posterity and profitable to future kings, by deterring them from the like exorbitances’ ( Ludlow , Herinneringe, 267, ed. 1894).

Though the policy which Northumberland had pursued must have been extremely distasteful both to the king and to his ministers, he was sworn in as a privy councillor immediately after the king's return (31 May 1660) ( Blencowe , Sydney Papers, bl. 158). He was appointed lord lieutenant of Sussex (11 Aug. 1660) and joint lord lieutenant of Northumberland (7 Sept. 1660), and acted as lord high constable at the coronation of Charles II (18–23 April 1661). But he exercised no influence over the policy of the king, and took henceforth no part in public affairs. He died on 13 Oct. 1668, in the sixty-sixth year of his age, and was buried at Petworth.

Clarendon terms Northumberland ‘the proudest man alive,’ and adds that ‘if he had thought the king as much above him as he thought himself above other considerable men, he would have been a good subject.’ ‘He was in all his deportment a very great man,’ and throughout his political career he behaved with a dignity and independence more characteristic of a feudal potentate than a seventeenth-century nobleman. Without possessing great abilities, he enjoyed as much reputation and influence as if he had done so. ‘Though his notions were not large or deep, yet his temper and reservedness in discourse, and his unrashness in speaking, got him the reputation of an able and a wise man which he made evident in his excellent government of his family, where no man was more absolutely obeyed and no man had ever fewer idle words to answer for and in debates of importance he always expressed himself very pertinently’ (Rebellie, vi. 398, viii. 244). At the commencement of the civil war he had ‘the most esteemed and unblemished reputation, in court and country, of any person of his rank throughout the kingdom.’ At the close of the struggle he preserved it almost unimpaired. ‘In spite of all the partial disadvantages which were brought upon him by living in such a divided age, yet there was no man perhaps of any party but believed, honoured, and would have trusted him. Neither was this due to any chance of his birth, but, as all lasting reputation is, to those qualities which ran through the frame of his mind and the course of his life’ (Sir William Temple to Josceline, eleventh earl of Northumberland, 26 Dec. 1668 Fonblanque , ii. 475).

Northumberland married twice: first, in January 1629, Lady Anne Cecil, eldest daughter of William, second earl of Salisbury. This match was strongly disapproved by the bridegroom's father, who attributed his wrongs to the jealousy of the first Earl of Salisbury, and declared that the blood of Percy would not mix with the blood of Cecil if you poured it in a dish’ ( Fonblanque , ii. 370). She died on 6 Dec. 1637, and was buried at Petworth (Strafford Letters, ii. 142). By her Northumberland had issue five daughters, three of whom—Catharine, Dorothy, and Lucy—died in childhood Lady Anne Percy, born on 12 Aug. 1633, married, on 21 June 1652, Philip, lord Stanhope, and died on 29 Nov. 1654 Lady Elizabeth Percy, born on 1 Dec. 1636, married, on 19 May 1653, Arthur, lord Capel (created Earl of Essex in 1661), and died on ​ 5 Feb. 1718 (ib. ek. 76, 116, 469 Collins , ii. 353 Fonblanque , ii. 388, 407).

Northumberland's second wife was Lady Elizabeth Howard, second daughter of Theophilus, second earl of Suffolk. The marriage took place on 1 Oct. 1642. She died on 11 March 1705. By this marriage the great house built by Henry Howard, earl of Northampton, came into Northumberland's possession, and was henceforth known as Northumberland House. It was demolished in 1874 to make room for Northumberland Avenue ( Wheatley , London Past and Present, ii. 603). By his second countess Earl Algernon had issue: (1) Josceline, eleventh earl of Northumberland, born on 4 July 1644, married, on 23 Dec. 1662, Elizabeth, youngest daughter of Thomas Wriothesley, earl of Southampton, and died on 21 May 1670, having had issue a son, Henry Percy, who died on 18 Dec. 1669, and a daughter, Elizabeth Percy, born on 26 Jan. 1667, afterwards Duchess of Somerset (2) Lady Mary Percy, born on 22 July 1647, died on 3 July 1652.

A portrait of Northumberland and his countess by Vandyck was No. 719 in the National Portrait Exhibition of 1866 it is in the possession of the Marquis of Salisbury. Another by the same painter, the property of the Earl of Essex, was No. 760. The latter was No. 57 in the Vandyck exhibition of 1887. Lists of engraved portraits are in Granger's ‘Biographical History,’ and in the catalogue of the portraits in the Sutherland copy of Clarendon's ‘History,’ in the Bodleian Library. They include engravings by Glover, Hollar, Houbraken, Payne, and Stent (>).

[A life of Algernon, earl of Northumberland, based mainly on the family papers, is contained in De Fonblanque's House of Percy, vol. ii. The papers themselves are calendared Hist. MSS. Comm. 3rd Rep. A life is also given in Lodge's Portraits Doyle's Official Baronage, ii. 663 Collins's Peerage, ed. Brydges, vol. ii. Collins's Sydney Papers other authorities cited in the article.]


Family and offspring

Hy het _____ getrou Anne Cecil in 1629 (baptized February 23, 1612, † December 6, 1637), eldest daughter of William Cecil, 2nd Earl of Salisbury and his wife Catherine Howard . The couple had the following children:

  • Catherine Percy (died as a child)
  • Dorothy Percy (died as a child)
  • Anne Percy (born December 19, 1633, † November 29, 1654), ∞ on June 21, 1652 Philip Stanhope, 2nd Earl of Chesterfield
  • Elizabeth Percy (born December 1, 1636, † February 6, 1718), ∞ on May 19, 1653 Arthur Capell, 1st Earl of Essex
  • Lucy Percy (died as a child)

On October 1, 1642, Northumberland married Elizabeth Howard (* around 1622, † March 11, 1704/05), the second daughter of Theophilus Howard, 2nd Earl of Suffolk and his wife Elisabeth Home . He had the following children with her:


Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Percy, Henry Algernon (1502?-1537)

PERCY, HENRY ALGERNON, sixth Earl of Northumberland (1502?–1537), was eldest son of Henry Algernon, fifth earl [q. v.], by Catherine, daughter of Sir Robert Spencer. He was born about 1502, and sent, when quite young, to be a page in Wolsey's household. He was knighted in 1519, and, in spite of the fact that his father had destined him as early as 1516 (Letters and Papers, Hen. VIII, ii. ek. 1935) for the daughter of the Earl of Shrewsbury, he fell in love with Anne Boleyn, then a young lady about the court. The intrigue was soon discovered, and the Earl of Northumberland sent for. Wolsey himself, though ignorant as yet of the king's inclinations, scolded the young man. Lord Percy gave way, but there is little doubt that the attachment lasted through his life. In July 1522 he was made a member of the council of the north in October he was made deputy warden of the east marches, and Dacre suggested that, young as he was, he should be made warden the same year. On 19 May 1527 he succeeded his father as sixth Earl of Northumberland he was made steward of the honour of Holderness on 18 June on 2 Dec. he became lord warden of the east and west marches.

Northumberland had many misfortunes. He was constantly ill from a kind of ague. He was burdened with debt, and yet had to keep up a vast establishment and engage in much fighting on his own account. Wolsey treated him like a boy so long as he was in power. He was not often allowed to go to the court, nor even to his father's funeral. To add to his other distresses, he disagreed with his wife, who soon returned to her father, and hated her husband heartily for the rest of his short life. Many of his troubles are reflected in his letters (cf. Skelton , Why come ye not to Court?). His chief friend was Sir Thomas Arundell [q. v.]

In spite of his anxieties he was very active on the borders. He had leave in 1528 to come to London, Wolsey writing that he hoped he would prove ‘conformable to his Hyghness's pleesor in gyvyng better attendaunce, leaving off his prodigality, sulleness, mistrust, disdayne, and making of partys.’ In 1530, while he was at Topcliffe, he received a message from the king ordering him to go to Cawood and arrest Wolsey. He seems to have acted as humanely as he could, and sent his prisoner south in the custody of Sir Roger Lascelles, while he remained to make an inventory of the cardinal's goods. He was one of the peers who signed the letter to the pope in July 1530 asking that the divorce might be hurried on, and, from his friendship with Sir Thomas Legh [q. v.], it seems as though he were of the new way of thinking in religious matters. On 23 April 1531 he was created K.G. on 11 May 1532 he was made sheriff of Northumberland for life and on the 26th of the same month a privy councillor. In 1532 Northumberland stood in great peril. His wife, drawing, doubtless, upon her recollection of matrimonial squabbles, accused him of a precontract with Anne Boleyn. She confided her alleged grievance to her father, who cautiously mentioned the matter to the Duke of Norfolk. Anne Boleyn ordered a public inquiry. Northumberland denied the accusation, and his accusers were routed.

Northumberland took part in the trial of Lord Dacre in July 1534. In the January following he was accused of ‘slackness’ on the borders, and also of the graver offence of having a sword of state carried before him when he went as justiciary to York. Illness was doubtless in part responsible for his neglect of duty in the previous year. But Chapuys ranked him, on information which he had from his doctor, among the disaffected early in 1535. Having no children, Northumberland now began to arrange his affairs. In February 1535 he wrote to Cromwell that the king had given him leave to name any of his blood his heir but, on account of their ‘debylytery and unnaturalness,’ he had determined to make the king his heir. This decision he confirmed later. In 1536 he was created lord president of the council of the north, and vicegerent of the order of the Garter. In May 1536 he formed one of the court for the trial of Anne Boleyn, but when he saw her he grew ill and left the room. Anne is said to have confessed a pre ​ contract with him in the hope of saving her life. In September 1536 he had a grant of 1,000l. to come to London in order to make arrangements about his lands. The matter had not been completed when the northern rebellion known as the ‘pilgrimage of grace’ broke out. Northumberland's brothers and mother were open sympathisers with the rebels, but the earl himself remained loyal. The rebel leader, Aske, and his men came to Wressell, where he was ill in bed. The earl, who is spoken of as ‘Crasyside,’ was besought to resign his commands of the marches into the hands of his brothers, or at all events go over to the rebels. He refused both requests and when William Stapleton, in whose depositions we have an account of the affair, went up to see him, ‘he fell in weeping, ever wishing himself out of the world.’ Aske sent him to York, to protect him from the fury of his followers, who wanted to behead him. Finding himself ‘for ever unfeignedly sick,’ he made a grant to the king of his estates, on condition that they might pass to his nephew. When, however, his brother, Sir Thomas, was attainted, he made the grant unconditional in June 1537. By this time his mind was fast failing. He removed to Newington Green, where Richard Layton [q. v.] visited him on 29 June 1537. He says that he found him ‘languens in extremis, sight and speech failed, his stomach swollen so great as I never see none, and his whole body as yellow as saffron.’ He died on 29 June 1537, and was buried in Hackney church. Weever quotes an inscription, but Bishop Percy in 1767 could find no trace of it. He married, in 1524, Mary Talbot, daughter of George, fourth earl of Shrewsbury, but left no issue. The earldom fell into abeyance on his death, but was revived in favour of his nephew Thomas, seventh earl [q. v.] His widow lived until 1572. She had a grant of abbey lands, and was suspected of being a Roman catholic, a favourer of Mary Queen of Scots, and of hearing mass in her house. She was buried in Sheffield church.

Northumberland's two brothers, Sir Thomas and Sir Ingelram Percy, took an active part in the management of his estates. They were both important leaders in the pilgrimage of grace. Both were taken prisoners. Sir Thomas was attainted and executed in 1537. His sons, Thomas, seventh earl [q. v.], and Henry, eighth earl [q. v.], are separately noticed. Sir Ingelram Percy was confined in the Beauchamp Tower, where his name is to be seen cut in the stone. But he was soon liberated, went abroad, and died about 1540. He left an illegitimate daughter Isabel, who married, in 1544, Henry Tempest of Broughton.

[De Fonblanque's Annals of the House of Percy Letters and Papers, Henry VIII State Papers, i. 109, &c., ii. 140, iv. 59, v. 16, &c. Archæol. xxxiii. 4 Bapst's Deux gentilshommes Poètes, 17, 133–4 Froude's Hist. of England, vol. ix. Friedmann's Anne Boleyn, passim Doyle's Official Baronage Nott's Wyatt Cavendish's Life of Wolsey Rot. Parl. Wriothesley's Chron. and Chron. of Calais, in the Camden Society's publications.]


Person:Algernon Percy (3)

Kolonel Lord Algernon Malcolm Arthur Percy (2 October 1851 – 28 December 1933) was a British career soldier and Conservative politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1882 to 1887.

Percy was the second son of the 6th Duke of Northumberland and his wife Louisa Drummond daughter of Henry Drummond of Albury Park, Surrey. He was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. From 1872 to 1880, he was a lieutenant in the Grenadier Guards. He was Major of the 3rd Battalion of the Royal Berkshire Regiment from 1881 to 1886. He was also J.P. for Surrey

In 1882, Percy was elected Member of Parliament for Westminster and held the seat until it was divided under the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885. In the 1885 general election, he was elected MP for St George's, Hanover Square until he resigned his seat in 1887.

Percy was a major in the 3rd (Militia) Battalion of the Northumberland Fusiliers from 1886, and was promoted to lieutenant-colonel on 15 July 1895. In early 1900 he joined the regiment when it was stationed at Malta. He was appointed in command of the Tyne Volunteer Infantry Brigade on 5 March 1902, with the rank of colonel in the Volunteer Force whilst so serving. In the 1902 Coronation Honours list he was on 26 June 1902 appointed an aide-de-camp to King Edward VII, with the regular rank of colonel. He served as such until the King´s death in 1910, and was re-appointed ADC to King George V from 1910 to 1920.

Percy married Lady Victoria Edgcumbe (a daughter of the 4th Earl of Mount Edgcumbe) on 3 August 1880 and they had two children:


According to the 1911 encyclopedia he made unsuccessful attempts to reform the navy, so in a sense Pepys continued his work. There's a picture of him at:
http://www.npg.org.uk/live/search/portrait.asp?li…

His father was an interesting fellow.
"Born 1564, the 9th Earl was two years older than James VI. He owned massive estates in northern England as well as the south. His main establishment was Pentworth in Sussex. Although his speech was inclined to be slow and he was slightly deaf he was a highly gifted man. His scientific experiments and library earned him the title of


This month’s local history focus is Northumberland and we’re kicking things off with a look at the county during the British Civil Wars. Dr David Scott, senior research fellow in our Commons 1640-1660 project, explores the county torn between Scotland to the North and the rest of England to the South.

Northumberland in the eyes of Stuart England’s not-so-liberal elite was one of ‘the dark corners of the land’ – a county where the light of southern Protestantism and civility still struggled to penetrate. A century or more later and the border counties, like the Scottish Highlands, would be admired by those of refined sensibility for the wild beauty of their scenery and the supposedly unaffected simplicity of their inhabitants. But a rather less romantic view of the region prevailed in the seventeenth century. The London cartographer Richard Blome described Northumberland in 1673 as ‘a county of a sharp and piercing air and…thinly inhabited, which is occasioned through its near neighbourhood to Scotland and its barrenness, being for the most part exceeding rough, hilly and very hard to be manured’ (R. Blome, Britannia (1673), 179).

‘Near neighbourhood to Scotland’ was a particularly black mark against Northumberland’s name – but not one that its inhabitants would have contested. The accession of the Scottish king James VI to the English throne in 1603 had consigned the Border Reivers and the ‘debateable lands’ to history and gone too, or so it seemed, was the threat of invasion from Scotland. But old fears and animosities died hard. Early-Stuart Northumbrians generally shared the view of the border magnate, Algernon Percy, 10th earl of Northumberland, that Scotland was a ‘beggarly nation’, in every way England’s inferior (The Earl of Strafforde’s Letters and Dispatches ed. W. Knowler (1739), ii. 186).

Sir Algernon Percy 10th Earl of Northumberland, His First Wife Lady Anne Cecil, and their Eldest Daughter, Lady Catherine Percy. Anthony van Dyck, c.1633. National Trust, Petworth House

The Scots’ friends in Northumberland were mostly confined to Newcastle and the town’s few hundred or so puritans, who looked northwards to their fellow godly Calvinists for support. Newcastle’s merchant princes, on the other hand, looked southwards to London and its insatiable demand for coal. The Tyne Valley coalfield was the largest in England, and huge profits were to be made mining, shipping and vending coal to feed the capital’s hearths and stoves. ‘This great trade hath made this part to flourish in all trades’, observed one Northumbrian in 1649, and had powered Newcastle past York as northern England’s largest and wealthiest town (W. Gray, Chorographia, or a Survey of Newcastle upon Tine (1649), 37).

Charles I’s wars against his rebellious Scottish subjects in 1639-40 brought home to Northumbrians, quite literally, the old evils of life on England’s northern frontier. When the Scots had last invaded Northumberland, in 1513, they had had been turned back just south of the border when they did so in 1640 their victorious army occupied the entire county and garrisoned Newcastle. Having marched out of northern England in 1641, the Scots marched back in again early in 1644 – this time at the invitation of Parliament to help defeat the king in the English civil war.

Map of Tyneside, taken from Ralph Gardiner’s petition ‘England’s grievance discovered, in relation to the coal trade’, 1655. Via Tyne and Wear Archives

Hatred of the Scots and their puritanical religion (Presbyterianism) turned Northumberland solidly royalist in the civil war and swelled the ranks of the ‘Whitecoats’ – the Northumbrian brigade that refused to surrender at the battle of Marston Moor and was wiped out by Scottish and parliamentarian cavalry. The Scots’ second occupation of Northumberland and the surrounding counties lasted fully three years, until early 1647, during which time their pay-starved troops committed such ‘infinite oppressions and extortions’ that many northern parliamentarians became as vehemently anti-Scottish as the royalists (Bodl. Nalson IV, f. 212v). At Westminster, meanwhile, the more the Scots tried to foist their authoritarian brand of Presbyterianism onto Parliament, the more convinced were some MPs of the need for at least limited religious toleration and for an end to Scottish interference in English affairs. Heading this anti-Scottish party – a faction known as the Independents – were the earl of Northumberland and the New Model Army’s second-in-command Oliver Cromwell, whose Ironsides had joined in the slaughter of the Whitecoats at Marston Moor.

The Independents’ domination at Westminster provoked yet another Scottish invasion of England, in 1648 – this time in support of the king rather than Parliament. Battered and bruised by their experiences in the first civil war, most Northumberland royalists sat this second one out. Besides, few of them were eager to fight alongside the Scots even against fanatical puritans like Cromwell. Indeed, the ruinous impact of the second civil war on the region would push some Northumbrians in a decidedly radical direction themselves. The mayor of Newcastle and 80 freemen petitioned Parliament in October 1648, requesting that ‘full and exemplary justice be done upon the great incendiaries of the kingdom [i.e. the king and his abettors], the fomenters of, and actors in, the first and second war and the late bringing in of the Scots’ (The Moderate, no. 14 (10-17 Oct. 1648), 115-16, 120 (E.468.2)). Charles’s execution in January 1649 occasioned no regret from the town’s leaders, merely disappointment that he had ‘died like a desperate ignorant Roman – nothing we can see in him tending to a true Christian or the power of godliness’ (The Moderate, no. 30 (30 Jan.-6 Feb. 1649), 295-6 (E.541.15)).

Among the 59 men who signed the king’s death warrant was Newcastle’s MP John Blakiston. The high proportion of northern MPs among the regicides may well reflect hopes in the region that cutting off the king’s head would also sever the regnal union between England and Scotland and end any further danger of the Scots invading in support of ‘their’ king. But the Scots clung obstinately to the idea of a British monarchy and invaded England a fourth time, in 1651, in the cause of Charles II. The overwhelming reaction among Northumbrians to Cromwell’s subsequent defeat of the Scots (at Worcester) and conquest of Scotland was probably one of wearied relief.

Northumberland suffered its final invasion when the English army in Scotland under General George Monck crossed the border late in 1659 en route to London and a bloodless campaign that would end with the restoration of the monarchy in May 1660. Newcastle sent a loyal address to Charles II, expressing the hope that he would ‘unite a divided church, compose a distracted kingdom and ease an oppressed people’ (CSP Dom. 1660-1, p. 4). But the legacy of two decades on the front-line of Britain’s civil wars could not be wished away so easily. The threat of Scottish invasion steadily receded from the 1650s. However, the trauma of war, occupation and regicide had opened divisions in Northumbrian society that would linger for generations.

You can find previous blog from our ‘Local History’ series here. Follow the work of the Commons 1640-1660 project via the James I to Restoration section of our blog.


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