Italiaanse en Italiaans-Amerikaanse interneringskampe in die Verenigde State in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog

Italiaanse en Italiaans-Amerikaanse interneringskampe in die Verenigde State in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog

Ek maak dus 'n Power Point vir my American History -klas, en ek kan vir my lewe nie 'n kaart vind wat Italiaanse Amerikaanse interneringskampe aandui nie. Ek het Duitse Amerikaanse en Japannese Amerikaanse intermentkampkaarte gevind, maar dit is dit.


Deur tussen die lyne van verskillende aanlynbronne te lees (ongelukkig meestal Wikipedia-artikels) blyk dit dat Italiaans-Amerikaanse geïnterneerdes nie toegewyde kampe gehad het nie, maar in plaas daarvan as Duits-Amerikaanse en Japannese-Amerikaanse geïnterneerdes gehuisves was.

Dit blyk ook dat die enigste Italiaans-Amerikaners wat werklik geïnterneer is, die bewys was van wangedrag of twyfelagtige lojaliteit as gevolg van die sterk lobby van die Italiaanse Arbeidersbeweging (en ongetwyfeld deur die ondergenoemde onderwêreld). Gevolglik was die aantal Italiaans-Amerikaanse geïnterneerdes moontlik minder as 2 000 (hoewel baie meer as wat nodig was om in die vroeë dae van 1942 te registreer).

Daar is al lank gerugte dat die Feds met die Mafia onderhandel het oor sy lojaliteit gedurende 1942 en 1943, in ruil vir 'n paar toegewings aan senior lede soos Charlie (Lucky) Luciano.


75 jaar later onthou die Italiaanse Amerikaners in die Bay Area, oorlogsbeperkings en internering

'Dit is 'n ou Italiaanse woonbuurt,' sê Al Bronzini. 'Dit is die huis waarin ek grootgeword het, net daar.' Al wys my 'n paar plekke wat byna 80 jaar gelede vir hom grootgeword het in East Oakland. 'Seun, dit is anders,' sê hy. "Sjoe."

Hy is 'n bietjie te ongemaklik om die motor te parkeer, so hy wys dinge uit die bestuurdersitplek. Hy vertraag voor 'n hurkgebou. 'Fruitvale Banana Depot is die blou gebou daar,' sê hy. 'Ons het die piesangs agter op die treinspoor afgelaai.'

Vandag is die gebou 'n motorwinkel, maar in die dertigerjare was dit vroeër die vrugtemark van sy vader. Dit was voordat die regering sy ma en pa as 'vyandige vreemdelinge' aangewys het en die gesin byna alles verloor het.

Al se ouers, Clara en Guido Bronzini, het aan die einde van die twintigerjare na die Verenigde State gekom van 'n stad naby Pisa, Italië, nadat die Eerste Wêreldoorlog Italië verwoes het: daar was geen gewasse, geen werk, geen toekoms nie, en die fasciste het mag gekry.

Al onthou sy ma het vir hom gesê dat fasciste by haar huis gekom het toe sy 'n tiener was. 'My oupa, haar pa, hy het geweier om met die fascistiese vlag te wapper,' onthou hy. 'So hulle het my oupa gemartel.'

Clara en Guido het so vinnig as moontlik uit Italië vertrek. Toe hulle aankom, het Amerika vir hulle alles gegee wat Italië nie kon nie. Eers het hulle 'n huis in die distrik Melrose gekoop. Dan 'n yskas om die yskas te vervang en 'n splinternuwe Pontiac met vier deure. Uiteindelik het hulle 'n top-of-the-line Philco-radio gekry. Slegs 'n paar gesinne in die buurt het een gehad.

Al sê: "Dit kan stasies van oorsee ontvang." Sy pa het opera gespeel. 'Hy was mal oor pragtige operamusiek. As ek na die radio luister, was die lewe goed. Die lewe was beter as wat hulle ooit kon dink. ”

Die lewe was so goed dat Clara en Guido vergeet het om die papierwerk vir hul burgerskap af te handel. Dit het nie nodig gelyk nie. Italië en die Verenigde State het 'n goeie verhouding gehad. Alles wat in 1939 begin verander het, toe Italië en Nazi -Duitsland hul kragte saamgesnoer het. Al Bronzini onthou veral sy ma wat geskeur was tussen haar liefde vir Italië en haar liefde vir haar nuwe tuiste in Amerika.

'Sy het haar oë gehuil', onthou hy. 'Sy kon net nie glo wat gebeur nie. En die ergste kom nog. ”

Dit kom net twee maande nadat die Verenigde State die oorlog betree het, in Desember 1941. Al was dertien. Hy onthou dat hy saam met sy gesin aandete geëet het toe twee polisiemanne by hul huis gekom het.

'Hulle het gesê:' Mnr. Bronzini, ons moet u huis deursoek. U is op die vyandelike vreemdelinglys. ''

Clara en Guido was nou twee van die 50 000 Italiaanse immigrante in Kalifornië wat as 'vyandige vreemdelinge' aangewys is.

'Hulle het die huis deursoek', sê Al. 'Niks gevind nie. Daarom sê hulle: 'Ons moet u Philco -radio neem'.

Flitse, kameras en kortgolfradio's word as smokkel beskou.

Hy onthou dat sy ma by die polisie gesmeek het: '' Neem asseblief nie my radio nie. '

Die regering het 'n aandklokreël ingestel en reisbeperkings geplaas op almal wat 'n 'vyandige vreemdeling' genoem word. Al se ouers kon nie meer as vyf kilometer van die huis af sonder 'n permit nie. Clara en Guido en die 600 000 ander Italianers met die naam "vyandige vreemdelinge" moes by 'n nasionale register aansluit en foto's en persoonlike inligting verskaf.

Al sê: 'Hulle moes elke Vrydag na die biblioteek gaan en hul klein uitheemse boek laat stempel.'

Dan het die weermag verbode gebiede geskep. Dit was gebiede rondom strategiese fasiliteite, soos die kus en olievelde. Die vrugte mark van die gesin was in een van die gebiede.

'My pa het dus 'n kennisgewing gekry dat sy geliefde Banana Depot vir hom buite die perke is,' verduidelik Al.

Op 'n manier was die Bronzinis gelukkiger as ander. Hulle moes hul huis behou. Die verbode gebiede het byna 10 000 ander Italiaanse immigrante uit hul kushuise in Pittsburg, Alameda en San Francisco gedwing. Die Amerikaanse vloot het beslag gelê op bote wat deur Italiaanse vissers besit word. Sonder 'n inkomste uit die Banana Depot, het Guido werk geneem waar hy dit kon vind. Maar die stigma om 'n 'vyandige vreemdeling' te wees, het hom gevolg.

'' N Bietjie gesels en bingo, die ou is 'n 'vyandige vreemdeling'. Hy is hier weg, ”sê hy.

Vir Al se ma het die toenemende ooreenkomste tussen die lewe wat sy in Italië ontsnap het en die nuwe beperkings in Amerika oorweldigend geword.

Al sê: 'Sy het in Italiaans gesê:' Non abbiamo fatto niente a nessuno. Ons het niks aan niemand gedoen nie. Waarom gebeur dit? ’”

Dit het so erg geword dat Clara 'n geestelike ineenstorting opgedoen het en in 'n hospitaal opgeneem is. 'Dit was nie 'n mal vrou nie,' sê hy. 'Dit is 'n vrou wat van haar waardigheid ontneem is.'

Al onthou dat hy een Sondag saam met sy pa en broer vir haar gaan kuier het. Dit is nog steeds vir hom moeilik om te onthou dat hy haar so gesien het. 'Sy het in 'n reguit baadjie op haar bed gesit. 'N Reguit baadjie,' sê hy en skeur.

Binne 'n jaar het die regering die beperkings op Italiaanse 'vyandige vreemdelinge' opgehef, met verwysing na hul lojaliteit aan Amerika. In die Bronzini -gesin het Clara stadig herstel. Guido het die Banana Depot weer oopgemaak. Hy en Clara het wel genaturaliseerde Amerikaanse burgers geword. Al sê dit was een van die gelukkigste dae in hul lewens. 'Hulle het die Verenigde State nooit die skuld gegee vir die behandeling wat hulle ontvang het nie,' sê hy. 'Hulle het hulself blameer.'

Al sê sy ouers het ook nooit gepraat oor wat tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog met hulle gebeur het nie. Al self het vyftig jaar lank nie daaroor gepraat nie. 'Dit was in die verlede,' verduidelik hy. 'Wat help dit om daaroor te praat?'

Duisende ander Italiaanse immigrante het selfs meer verloor: hul vryheid. Hulle is in hegtenis geneem, in die tronk deur gewapende wagte, agter doringdraad gehou in plaaslike aanhoudingsentrums.

"Sjoe. Dit is regtig weggesteek hier, nie waar nie? ” sê die historikus Lawrence DiStasi.

Ek en hy is na Sharp Park, ongeveer 20 minute suid van San Francisco. Ek het U.S. Highway One honderde kere gery sonder om te weet dat ek by die terrein van een van die voormalige aanhoudingsentrums verbystap.

DiStasi sê: 'Dit was hoofsaaklik vir tydelike aanhouding. Daar was Japannese wat hier aangehou is totdat hulle na hul gewone interneringskampe gestuur is. Dit was ook vir mense wat op verskeie aanklagte in hegtenis geneem is. ”

Hy praat oor immigrante uit Italië en sommige Duitsers, Meksikane en Kanadese, wat almal 'vyandige vreemdelinge' genoem word. 'N Deel van die rede waarom ek nooit geweet het dat dit hier is nie, is omdat daar niks van die aanhoudingsentrum oor is nie. Eens het 'n tien voet hoë heining hierdie plek omring, en 'n kaserne het tot 2500 gevangenes op 'n slag gehou. Maar vandag is dit net 'n plat grasveld omring deur heuwels bedek met bloekom.

'Daar is 'n teenwoordigheid of iets wat baie moeilik is om te beskryf,' sê DiStasi. 'Hier was mense agter doringdraad. Dit is amper onheilspellend, want nou is dit so 'n besige plek, weet jy. Dit is al hierdie pragtige bome. Maar op daardie tydstip was dit glad nie bucolic nie. Dit was nogal ontstellend dat mense hier aangehou word. ”

Aanhoudingsgeriewe soos hierdie was versprei oor die Baai en die Verenigde State. Dieper in die binneland is honderde Italiaanse immigrante in interneringskampe aangehou, mense soos die vader van ConstanzaForan. Sy is nou 82, maar sy was net ses toe die Amerikaanse regering haar pa gearresteer en na 'n interneringskamp in Montana gestuur het.

'Wat ek onthou, is hierdie vreemde mans wat my pa kom haal,' sê sy. 'Dit was baie vinnig. Hulle het hom net gevat en vertrek. My pa was baie kalm. Ek dink nie hy was veral verbaas dat iets gaan gebeur nie, want hy was bewus van wat in die wêreld gebeur. ”

Costanza se pa is geneem ongeveer twee weke nadat die VSA die oorlog betree het, maar jare gelede het die FBI in die geheim mense dopgehou wat hulle as 'potensieel gevaarlik' beskou het. Die FBI het immigrante wat by Italiaanse sosiale klubs aangesluit het, op Italiaanse koerante ingeteken en in Italiaanse taalskole geleer het, op 'n lys geplaas. Costanza se pa, Carmelo Ilacqua, was aktief in die Italiaanse immigrantegemeenskap en hy het vir die Italiaanse konsulaat gewerk.

'Baie mense in San Francisco was nie eens bewus daarvan dat dit gebeur nie, want miskien was hulle twee of drie geslagte hier,' sê Costanza.

Haar pa is vrygelaat en toegelaat om terug te keer huis toe nadat Italië oorgegee het. Kort daarna het die Amerikaanse weermag hom gekontak en gevra of hy hul militêre offisiere Italiaans sou leer.

Sy lag en sê: 'Ek bedoel my pa het regtig gedink dit was humoristies. Hy het gesê: 'Ek het die Amerikaanse offisiere gegroet en nou moet hulle my groet. Ek is die onderwyser. ’”

Na die oorlog het die regering inligting geklassifiseer oor Italiaanse 'vyandige vreemdelinge'. Dit beteken dat generasies Amerikaners - insluitend Italiaanse Amerikaners - nooit geweet het wat gebeur het nie. 'Dit is 'n geheime verhaal, beide vir die mense wat daardeur gegaan het en vir almal wat niks daarvan geweet het nie,' sê historikus Lawrence DiStasi. 'Plus die regering self, wat vyftig jaar lank ontken het.

Aan die einde van die negentigerjare het Italiaanse Amerikaners, waaronder Lawrence DiStasi, die Kongres aangemoedig om die oorlogsbehandeling van Italiaanse immigrante te ondersoek as 'n skending van hul burgerregte.

'Ons moet verseker dat hierdie verskriklike gebeure nooit weer plaasvind nie,' het die New Yorkse kongreslid, Eliot Engel, op die vloer van die kongres gesê. 'Die minste wat ons regering kan doen, is om hierdie verskriklike foute reg te stel deur te erken dat hierdie gebeure wel plaasgevind het.'

Hulle het wetgewing aangeneem wat inligting oor die oorlogsbehandeling van Italiaanse immigrante openbaar gemaak het. Net verlede maand het die kongresvrou Zoe Lofgren, wat Silicon Valley verteenwoordig, twee wetsontwerpe ingedien: die eerste sou opvoeding oor die behandeling van Italiaanse immigrante tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog bevorder. Die tweede sou om verskoning vra vir die behandeling.

Mense interpreteer die geskiedenis egter anders. Tydens die presidensiële veldtog, terwyl hy met George Stephanopolous van ABC gesels het, het Donald Trump 'n plan ingestel om Moslems te verbied om die VSA binne te gaan, deur te verwys na dieselfde beperkings op Italiaanse immigrante tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog. Hier is 'n afskrif van hul uitruil:

TRUMP: Wat ek doen is nie anders as FDR nie-FDR se oplossing vir Duitsers, Italianers Japannees.

STEFANOPOLOUS: Is u vir interneringskampe?

TRUMP: Ek bedoel, weet u, kyk wat FDR baie jare gelede gedoen het, en hy is een van die mees gerespekteerde presidente deur - ek bedoel gerespekteer deur die meeste mense. Hulle het snelweë na hom vernoem.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Wil u sulke polisse terugbring?

TRUMP: Nee, ek wil dit glad nie terugbring nie, George. Ek hou glad nie daarvan om dit te doen nie. Dit is 'n tydelike maatreël.

Historikus DiStasi sê dat wat vandag gebeur, net so verkeerd is as die behandeling van Italiaanse immigrante tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog.

'Dit het mense gerig op wie hulle is en waar hulle vandaan kom,' sê hy. Nie, voeg hy by, vir enigiets wat hulle gedoen het.

My dank aan Lawrence DiStasi omdat hy my voorgestel het aan Al Bronzini en Costanza Foran, wie se verhale in DiStasi se boeke vertel is, Una Storia Segreta: Die geheime geskiedenis van Italiaanse Amerikaanse ontruiming en internering tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog en Gemerk: Hoe Italiaanse immigrante tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog 'vyande' geword hetwaarop baie van die navorsing in hierdie verhaal gebaseer is. Ek beveel sy boeke sterk aan om meer oor hierdie geskiedenis te leer.

Die Amerikaanse kongresvrou Zoe Lofgren het die volgende wetgewing geborg:


Italiaanse krygsgevangenes in die Verenigde State

Soos die jare verbygaan, 68 om presies te wees, verdwyn die herinneringe aan die Tweede Wêreldoorlog al hoe verder. Ongelukkig word dele van die geskiedenis nie altyd onthou nie en word dit dikwels nie erken nie. Ek wonder hoeveel jongmense vandag besef dat gevange Italianers, Duitsers, Japanners uit hul oorlogsteaters verwyder is en na kampe in die Verenigde State gebring is. Die onderwerp van hierdie krygsgevangenes kom nie ter sprake nie, vermoed ek. Die aantal veterane uit die Tweede Wêreldoorlog daal geleidelik.

Soms word 'n roman gepubliseer wat 'n lig laat skyn oor 'n alles behalwe vergete aspek van die oorlog. Twee boeke kom by my op: The Hotel on the Corner of Bitter and Sweet en The Anguish of Surrender - Japanese POWs of WWII. Die een vertel van die internering van Japannese Amerikaners, hul afronding, die omstandighede wat hulle verduur het en die implikasies na die oorlog. Die ander gaan oor die Japannese afkeer van oorgawe. Geen Amerikaanse roman waarvan ek bewus is nie, vertel die verhaal van die Italiaanse krygsgevangenes in die Verenigde State.

'N Aantal jare gelede het 'n dokumentêr getiteld Gevangenes in die Paradys het hulle verhaal vertel, maar 'n roman (historiese fiksie of nie-fiksie) het nie verskyn nie. In Italië het gevangenes van die VSA werke gepubliseer oor hul ervaring in Amerikaanse krygsgevangenekampe, maar ek weet nie dat enige van die boeke hier vertaal en bemark word nie. Dit is jammer, want hul verhaal moet onthou word.

Tussen 1940 en 1945 het 425 000 krygsgevangenes op Amerikaanse grond geland. Die meerderheid van hierdie mans (350 000) was uit Duitsland. Daar was kampe vir die Duitsers, Italianers en Japannese in al drie state behalwe Nevada, Vermont en Noord -Dakota. Hulle was aan die ooskus op plekke soos Governor's Island (NYC), die Raritan Arsenal (NJ), Fort Monmouth (NJ) Port Johnson (NJ), Brooklyn (NY), Camp Shanks (Rockland County, NY), (Bayonne (NJ). Aan die Weskus was hulle gehuisves in 'n ou fort op Angel Island in San Francisco Bay, die Los Angeles -gebied, die Midde -Weste (Michigan, Wisconsin, Nebraska en Illinois), die Noordwes, (Wyoming, Utah, Colorado ) en die Suide (Louisiana, Texas, Alabama.) Gewoonlik is hierdie kampe in gebiede ingerig waar daar reeds fasiliteite was om dit te huisves, en daar was 'n soort arbeidstekort as gevolg van die oorlog (fabrieke, plase, ammunisie -depots, hawens, ens).

Die Italiaanse krygsgevangenes het 51 000 getel en is in die 21 kampe in 18 state geplaas. Oor die algemeen was die Italiaanse soldate simpatiek teenoor die Geallieerdes. Omdat hulle dit geweet het, het die regering hulle die opsie gegee om afstand te doen van Italië en by die Italiaanse dienseenhede aan te sluit. As hulle dit doen, sal hulle goed behandel word, 'n werk op hul fasiliteit kry en kan hulle vryheid van beweging hê met toestemming. Die man wat algemeen aangewys is, het geredelik ingestem uit vrees dat hy in afdelings geplaas sou word om teen Japan te veg. Die offisiere wat meer opgevoed en geïndoktrineer was in die fascisme, was meer huiwerig. Hulle het 'n werklike gewetenskrisis gehad en voel meer lojaal aan hul saak. As die mans aanhou trou aan Italië, word hulle as nie-nakomend beskou, na 'n NONS verwys, en baie is na Hereford, Texas, gestuur. Vierduisend Italiaanse offisiere is in die Hereford -reservaat geplaas.

'N Mens sou dink dat die Italiaanse gevangenes met ope arms in die NY/NJ en Boston -omgewing verwelkom sou word, maar hulle is met agterdog bejeën toe hulle die eerste keer opdaag. Die Italiaans-Amerikaners het uiteindelik mense oortuig dat hulle eers Amerikaners was, en nou het al hierdie vyandelike vegters opgedaag om dinge te bederf. Dit het egter nie lank gehou nie, en binne 'n kort tydjie het die Katolieke gemeentes naby die installasies die manne uitgenooi na Sondagete, danse en uitstappies. Diegene wat in die NYC -omgewing gehuisves is, is getrakteer op uitstappies na museums, die Bronx -dieretuin, die Empire State Building en die gewone toeriste -aantreklikhede van New York. Alle sosiale en kulturele geleenthede is aan die NONS geweier in al die ander state waar dit geplaas is.

Bocce -veld gebou deur Italiaanse krygsgevangenes in Benicia Arsenal

Vir die Kaliforniërs was Japan die ware vyand. In die land van boere en wynmakers, Kalifornië, is die Italiaanse soldate entoesiasties ontvang. Mans is in die veld of op vissersbote aan die werk gesit en verdien $ 8,00 per maand. Die Katolieke gemeentes bedien hul godsdienstige sowel as sosiale behoeftes.

Italiaanse krygsgevangenes het 'n miljoene ure se arbeid bygedra tot die oorlogspoging. Hulle was plaaswerkers, bakkers, slootgrawers, dokwerke, vragmotors vir vragmotors, spoorwaens, wat voldoen aan die behoeftes van die gemeenskappe waarin hul kamp geleë was.

Kunswerke uitgevoer deur Italiaanse krygsgevangenes

Vir die Italiaanse gevangenes was die kampe amper 'n paradys. Alhoewel daar gevalle van mishandeling was, veral teenoor die NONS, was hulle in 'n skoon kaserne gehou, warm storte, 'n oorvloed kos en hulle kon die geld bestee wat hulle uit hul werk by die plaaslike PX gespaar het. Die opgeleide beamptes koop dikwels boeke, skryfpapiere en -gereedskap, materiaal vir skildery, beeldhouwerk, houtwerk, vir aktiwiteite wat hulle in hul vrye tyd sou doen. Met hierdie vaardighede verdien hulle ook ekstra geld. Hulle het juweliersware van metaal gemaak, meubels en kaste gemaak vir mense wat hul kundigheid soek, portrette geskilder en selfs godsdienstige fresco's vir kerke. Dikwels het hulle nie geld vir hul werk geneem nie.

Hereford -kapel volledig gerestoureer

Vyf Italiaanse gevangenes sterf in Hereford, Texas, nie te lank voor die einde van die oorlog nie. Dit is nie bekend of hulle aan siekte, ongeluk of mishandeling gesterf het nie. Ons weet wel dat die NONS in Hereford 'n kapel gebou het om hul mede -offisiere daar te onderhou. Die kapel is gebou met bakstene, gebreekte glas en oortollige materiaal. Met hul eie geld koop hulle 'n altaar, dubbele Franse deure en loodglasvensters. Aangesien hulle geweet het dat hulle binne 'n paar weke huis toe gestuur sou word, het hulle lank en hard gewerk en die pragtige kapel in drie weke voltooi.

Die kapel het uiteindelik verval, maar dit is nie te lank gelede herstel nie. Dit staan ​​trots in die middel van 'n mielieland, 'n bewys van die Italiaanse offisiere wat geleef en gesterf het op die 800 hektaar waar hulle gedurende die oorlog gestasioneer was. Laat ons nie die dapper Italiaanse mans vergeet wat tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog vir Italië geveg het en as gevangenes na die Verenigde State gebring is nie!


Anti-Italianisme

Vanweë die gemeenskaplike vereniging, sien sommige Italiaanse Amerikaners alle films of programme oor die maffia as potensieel skadelik vir die Italiaanse Amerikaanse gemeenskap. Dit het 'n probleem geword vir die HBO -program "The Sopranos" toe sekere Italiaanse Amerikaners gekla het oor die stereotipiese aard van die program. Ander Italianers voel dat sulke vertonings slegs problematies is as die Mafia 'n algemene of aanvaarde deel van die Italiaanse Amerikaanse lewe is.

Maar moontlik, gedeeltelik as gevolg van die uitbeelding van die Mafia in die media, word Italianers gestereotipeer as gewelddadige, sosiopatiese, "mesverwerende" gangsters en straatroffiane. Hierdie stereotipe wissel van die uitbeelding van Italianers as boewe van die werkersklas, tot gewelddadige immigrante tot Mafiosi.

Ander stereotipes beeld die Italianers uit as te emosioneel, melodramaties, plebeiaans, bygelowig, warmbloedig, aggressief, onkundig, versot op kos, en geneig tot misdaad en wraak oor onbenullige gevare. Die vrees dat Italianers te veel reproduseer, speel 'n klein rol in Margaret Sanger se strewe om geboortebeperking aan te moedig. Italiaanse mans word soms gestereotipeer as "Italiaanse hingste" of "Latynse liefhebbers", terwyl wyfies as te matrargaal of wulpse, flirterig en eksoties gestereotipeer is. Italianers bevind hulle dikwels aan die ontvangkant van etniese grappe, parodieë en diskriminasie weens sekere stereotipes.

In Amerika en baie ander nasies is Italianers ook gestereotipeer as swarende ewigdurende buitelanders in 'n laer klas, beperk tot bloukraagwerk. Hulle is gestereotipeer as konstruksiewerkers, sjefs, bedelaars, smouse, loodgieters en ander werkersklasse. In hul eie gemeenskap sal Italiaanse Amerikaners self soms na sulke "bolletjie-agtige" Italiaanse mans as "kafees" verwys. 'Café' is 'n Italiaanse woord wat oorspronklik 'boer' beteken, maar die betekenis daarvan het ontwikkel om te verwys na onbeskofte, onkundige, onbesonne mense, veral uit die suide. Afbrekende en selfs ontmenslikende beelde was algemeen in die voortbestaan ​​van onkunde en historiese mites.

Baie etniese stereotipes teen Italianers word al eeue lank gebruik. In die 16de eeu het John Calvyn, die Franse hervormer wat gehelp het om die Gereformeerde Kerk van Switserland te vestig, die Italianers as lui, tweegesig en bedrieglik veroordeel.

Na die Amerikaanse burgeroorlog is 'n paar arm Italiaanse immigrante gewerf om die plek van afgeskafte slawe -arbeid te vul deur op die suidelike plantasies te werk, terwyl Italianers in die noorde dikwels in sweetwinkels en fabrieke gewerk het. Die rol van die Italiaanse Amerikaner as 'n harde arbeider het bygedra tot baie stereotipes wat vandag voortduur. Baie Amerikaners het die swart, donkerder Italianers beskou as 'n 'ontbrekende skakel' tussen blankes en swartes. In sommige gebiede van die suide, sowel as die noorde, was die Italianers 'semi-geskei'. Baie inheemse Amerikaners beskou Italiaanse immigrante as misdadigers met 'n lae lewe en ongewenste mense wat Noord -Amerika binnedring. In 1921 het die kongres 'n kwota op ras gebaseer wat die aantal Italianers beperk wat jaarliks ​​die Verenigde State mag binnegaan. Die kwota is eers in 1965 herroep.

Daar is ook 'n vereniging in die Protestantse samelewing tussen Italianers en die negatiewe beeld van vermeende Katolieke onsedelikheid, spesifiek dobbelary, perversie en geweld. Hierdie gevalle geld veral stereotipering en diskriminasie van mense van Suid -Italiaanse oorsprong, soos Napolitaanse of Calabriese, en Siciliaanse oorsprong. Arme Suid -Italiaanse immigrante is dikwels gevrees of wantrouig as gevolg van hul unieke voorkoms en kultuur, hul gewaardeerde bereidwilligheid om in lae betaalde werk te werk en die stereotipe van Italianers as 'n Mafioso.

Sosiologies gesproke is die grootste gemene deler onder anti-Italianers onkunde en parochialisme, 'n relatiewe gebrek aan blootstelling aan ander kulture en lewenswyses. Amerikaanse etnosentriese gesindhede en 'quotnativisme', 'n vorm van dikwels ras-gewortelde chauvinisme ', het baie bygedra tot hierdie soort vooroordeel. Duits-Amerikaanse en Iers-Amerikaanse groepe word dikwels genoem as besonder kwaadwillig in hul vyandigheid teenoor Italianers (en die meeste kwotwarthy of donker nie-Britse buitelanders, 'n kategorie wat Griekse, Arabiese en Spaanse immigrante insluit), maar die eis was nie as spesifiek vir hierdie groepe gestaaf, aangesien hierdie vorm van verwerping histories gedokumenteer is in alle Noord-Europese etniese groepe, en veral onder Amerikaanse Amerikaners van Engelse en Skot-Ierse afkoms. Soos dikwels die geval is met vyandige rasse- of etniese stereotipes, die enorme bydraes van Italianers, nie net tot Amerika nie, maar tot die wêreldbeskawing in kunste, musiek, wetenskap, wiskunde, regering en reg, stedelike en infrastruktuurbou en selfs kulinêre tradisies , word vergeet of doelbewus geïgnoreer.

Geweld teen Italianers

In die Verenigde State was Italiaanse immigrante onderhewig aan uiterste vooroordeel, rassisme en, in baie gevalle, geweld. Gedurende die 1800's en vroeë 20ste eeu was Italiaanse Amerikaners, wat as nie-Anglo en nie-blank beskou word, die tweede mees waarskynlike etniese groep wat lynch gekry het.

Die grootste massa -lynch in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis was die lynch van elf Italianers in die stad New Orleans. Die Italianers, wat vermoedelik die polisiehoof David Hennessey vermoor het, is gearresteer en in 'n tronksel geplaas voordat hulle wreed vermoor is deur 'n lynch -skare wat die gevangenis binnegestorm het, met getuies wat beweer dat die gejuig byna oorverdowend was. Krete van & quothang die s & quot is gehoor tydens die oproer. In 'n berig oor die voorval het 'n koerant berig & quot Die klein tronk was stampvol Siciliërs, wie se lae, neerwaartse voorkoppe, donker vel, afstootlike aangesigte en slordige klere hul brutale aard verklaar het & quot. Daarna is honderde Italiaanse immigrante, waarvan die meeste nie misdadigers was nie, deur wetstoepassers gearresteer. Dekades daarna bly 'n anti-Italiaanse frase: "Wie vermoor die hoof?" Gewild in die omgewing van New Orleans.

In die 1920's beleef twee Italiaanse anargiste, Sacco en Vanzetti, vooroordeel en uiteindelik die dood as gevolg van hul Italiaanse afkoms en uiterste politieke sienings. Alhoewel Sacco en Vanzetti nie 'n lynch was nie, was hulle onder 'n mishandelde verhoor, en baie historici is dit eens dat die regter, jurie en vervolging uiters bevooroordeeld was teen die Italiaanse immigrante. Sacco en Vanzetti is uiteindelik doodgemaak, skuldig bevind aan 'n moord ondanks die gebrek aan bewyse teen hulle.

Anti-Italianisme in Switserland noem gereeld die dood van 'n onlangse Italiaanse immigrant met die naam Alfredo Zardini in 1971.

In Australië het anti-Italiaanse onluste by talle geleenthede plaasgevind sedert Italiaanse immigrante, oftewel 'wogs' ('n Australiese Engelse slang vir Suid-Europese s/ Oos-Europa ns), eers in die laat 1800's en vroeë 1900's na die land begin kom het.

Italiaanse Amerikaanse en Italiaanse Kanadese internering tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog

Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog is duisende Italiaanse Amerikaners sowel as duisende Italiaanse Kanadese in gevangeniskampe op Amerikaanse en Kanadese bodem gesit, saam met Japannese Amerikaners, Duitse Amerikaners en etniese Duitsers uit Latyns -Amerika. Duisende meer is onder toesig geplaas of hul eiendom is deur die regering teruggeneem.
Joe DiMaggio se pa, wat in San Francisco gewoon het, se boot en huis is gekonfiskeer. Een amptenaar wat verklaar dat as dit nie was vir Joe DiMaggio se status as 'n beroemde bofbalspeler nie, sy pa heel waarskynlik na 'n interneringskamp gestuur sou word. Tallose besighede in Italiaanse besit in Noord -Amerika is gedurende hierdie tydperk gevandaliseer en geboikot. Baie van die Italiaanse oorsprong is fisies aangerand en geïntimideer. Anders as die Japannese Amerikaners, het Italiaanse Amerikaners en Italiaanse Kanadese nog nooit vergoeding ontvang nie, alhoewel president Bill Clinton 'n openbare verklaring afgelê het waarin hy erken dat die Amerikaanse regering die verkeerde oordeel in die internering erken.

Anti-Italianisme na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog

Voormalige Italiaanse gemeenskappe floreer eens in hul Afrika -kolonies Eritrea, Somalië en Libië. Ongeveer 150 000 Italianers vestig hulle in Libië, wat ongeveer 18% van die totale bevolking uitmaak. Al die Italianers van Libië is in 1970 uit die Noord-Afrikaanse land verdryf, 'n jaar nadat Muammar al-Gaddafi die bewind oorgeneem het ('n dag van wraak & quot op 7 Oktober 1970).

Marshall Tito, die Joego -Slawiese partydige leier, wou hê dat die Istria n skiereiland van die Italiaanse mense uitgeskakel word. Van 1943 tot 1945 is 25 000 Italianers dood in 'n gebeurtenis wat bekend staan ​​as die Foibe -slagtings. Aan die einde van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het die voormalige Italiaanse gebiede in Istrië en Dalmatië deur die Vredesverdrag van Parys (1947) deel geword van Joego -Slawië. Ekonomiese onsekerheid, etniese haat en die internasionale politieke konteks wat uiteindelik tot die Ystergordyn gelei het, het tot ongeveer 350 000 mense gelei , meestal Italianers, verkies om die streek te verlaat.

In 2004 het Daniel Mongiardo, 'n Demokratiese Italiaanse Amerikaanse dokter en politikus, teen die Republikeinse Jim Bunning in die senatoriale verkiesing in Kentucky deelgeneem. In reaksie op Mongiardo se donker kenmerke, verklaar Bunning dat Mongiardo & quot; lyk soos een van Saddam Hussein se seuns & quot. Bunnings het later verklaar dat Mongiardo's & quotthugs & quot sy vrou aangerand het. Die opmerkings word deur baie as etniese beledigings beskou.

Die Kanadese politikus Ed Havrot gebruik ook kontroversieel anti-Italiaanse beledigings terwyl hy in die Wetgewende Vergadering van Ontario dien, en verwys na een van sy Italiaans-Kanadese teenstanders as 'n & quot wop & quot.

In Maart 2008 veroorsaak ds Jeremiah Wright opspraak toe hy in 'n artikel opgemerk het dat die Italianers met hul & quotgarlic neuse & quot na die Galileërs kyk. Die gesamentlike burgerkomitee van Italiaanse Amerikaners het gesê dat die kommentaar 'vererger' is, terwyl die stigting van die American American Human Relations dit 'n voorbeeld noem van & quothatred & quot.

* Anti-Katolisisme
*
* Guido (slang)
*Guinee (etniese vloek)
* Istriese uittog
* Italiaanse mense
* Italiaans Amerikaans
* Mafia
* Sacco en Vanzetti
* Rassisme
* Wop
* Wog
* Alfredo Zardini

Verdere leeswerk

* Henry Heller. "Anti-Italianisme in Frankryk in die sestiende eeu" Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2003. xii, 307 bls
* Smith, Tom. The Crescent City Lynchings: The Murder of Chief Hennessy, the New Orleans & quotMafia & quot Trials, and the Parish Prison Mob [http://www.crescentcitylynchings.com]

Eksterne skakels

* http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2005-06/13parenti.cfm
* http://www.rps.psu.edu/0405/dark.html
* http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-8715(196607%2F09)79%3A313%3C475%3AARINE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-7
* http://www.ssn.flinders.edu.au/spis/journals/KarenAgutter.pdf
* [http://books.google.com/books?id=hWkQNm6MOxQC&pg=PP1&dq=On+Persecution,+Identity+%26+Activisim&ei=CifeRvWdJ6WQ7wLv-f3LDw&sig=AA4wPK8NN9_R9]

[http://www.italianstudies.org/iam/Gesualdi_6.htm Geannoteerde bibliografie - p 6]] Feagan en Feagan, 2003. 79-81, 92-93]

[http://www.catholiceducation.org/articles/sexuality/se0057.html Angry White Female: Margaret Sanger's Race of Thoroughbreds] ]

Here, Eliot. Die Italianer in Amerika [Proxy-Connection: keep-aliveCache-Control: max-age = 0

LaGumina, Salvatore John. Wop !: 'n Dokumentêre geskiedenis van anti-Italiaanse diskriminasie in die Verenigde State [http://books.google.com/books?id=qFtgLMQnL68C&pg=PA1&ots=xXKe-cpMX0&dq=anti-italian&sig=6foRmrHKL3iA_HG3M78cRo_XBsM#PPP1,M1] ]

Gambino, Richard. Blood of My Blood: Die dilemma van die Italiaanse Amerikaners [http://books.google.com/books?id=4WW3AVJfTXkC&pg=PP1&ots=XRkBPqJnxF&dq=Blood+of+My+Blood:+The+Dilemma+of+the+Italian+Americans&sig=Ot9FHuyj9vYY]] Sowell, Thomas. Ethnic America: A History [http://books.google.com/books?id=lpT69mf8REUC&pg=PP1&ots=3jTq1CiGPX&dq=ethnic+america&sig=TNePXARdBNuS1Boo40bRQbLnSUg] ]

Rappaport, Doreen, "The Sacco-Vanzetti Trial", New York: HarperTrophy, 1994, c1993. KF224.R36 1994x.]

Many Australians viewed the Italian immigrants as "immoral", "low", and "dirty". O'Connor, Desmond. http://books.google.com/books?id=dECY9RIn9-MC&pg=PP1&ots=gZDhF5UDvG&dq=no+need+to+be+afraid&sig=XAltZU4HQh3KV_nEIbjL5ix5lVo#PPA62,M1]

[ [http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-46562/Libya Libya - Italian colonization] ]

Di Stasi, Lawrence (2004). Una Storia Segreta: The Secret History of Italian American Evacuation and Internment during World War II. Heyday Books. ISBN 1890771406.]

[ [http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20080327/ts_nm/usa_politics_obama_pastor_dc_2] ] [ [http://www.nbc5.com/politics/15726560/detail.html Rev. Wright Slurs Italians In 2007 Eulogy - Politics News Story - WMAQ | Chicago ] ]

[ [http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4380360.stm Libya cuts ties to mark Italy era.] ]

[ [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9B0DEEDB1439F935A35755C0A961948260 Election Opens Old Wounds In Trieste] ] [ [http://press.princeton.edu/titles/7366.html History in Exile: Memory and Identity at the Borders of the Balkans] ]

[ [http://dir.salon.com/story/news/feature/2004/10/12/bunning_kentucky/index.html Weirdness in Kentucky - Salon.com ] ]

Claire Hoy, "Bill Davis", (Toronto: Methuen Publications, 1985), p. 255.]


When the U.S. Interned Italians in Montana, They Rioted Over Olive Oil

Montana

It started with suet. Some say camp administrators decided that Italian internees should cook with suet instead of olive oil to cut costs. Others say lower ranking internees, who had been crew members on the ships they were taken from, suspected that former officers were getting olive oil while they were stuck with beef fat. Either way, tensions hit a breaking point when a group of angry internees charged into the kitchen.

“They were swinging suet at the cooks,” says Carol Van Valkenburg, a Professor Emerita at the University of Montana School of Journalism who wrote a history of the Missoula internment.

It was the summer of 1941 in Fort Missoula, Montana. The United States would soon be at war. Approximately 1,200 Italian nationals, most of them sailors on boats stranded in American waters or employees of the Italian Pavilion at the 1939 World’s Fair, had been rounded up by the American government as “enemy aliens” and brought to Fort Missoula. The Italians called the camp Bella Vista, meaning beautiful view, but during the early months of their stay, when rules on visits to town were stricter, their view was marred by barbed wire.

Interned Italians cook in the Fort Missoula kitchen. The Peter Fortune Memorial Collection, Courtesy of the Historical Museum at Fort Missoula Collections

In some versions of the olive oil tale, the Italians were so angry they rioted in the mess. Guards rushed in and sprayed tear gas to break up the fight, and in the chaos, a watchtower guard accidentally shot himself in the foot. According to Van Valkenburg, however, the olive oil agitation didn’t escalate, and the tear gas spraying and accidental self-shooting occurred during a more serious riot between the pro- and anti-fascist internees at the camp.

Nevertheless, food was serious business for the Italians at Fort Missoula, who often complained about the provisions. Unused to canned food, they claimed it was making them sick. Envious of the supposedly superior food eaten by their diabetic counterparts, internees fell victim to a “diabetes epidemic”—until the camp doctor warned them that true diabetics had to undergo uncomfortable treatment. For prisoners far from their homes and families, food mattered.

Italian internees at the hospital ward, Fort Missoula, 1943. The Peter Fortune Memorial Collection, Courtesy of the Historical Museum at Fort Missoula Collections

The Italians at Missoula were just a fraction of the 600,000 Italian Americans whom the U.S. government labeled “enemy aliens” during World War II. Across the West Coast, federal agents placed thousands of Italian immigrants under curfew. Authorities confiscated fishermen’s boats and forced 10,000 of those living close to the California coast to relocate inland. Across the country, intelligence agents surveilled Italian neighborhoods, searching for Mussolini supporters. Immigrants who had made the United States their new home found themselves suspect.

The Italian internees weren’t alone. Missoula held over 100 Germans and 1,000 Japanese Americans, who had been rounded up as part of a much larger surveillance program that the American government had been developing for years.

Baggage of Hiroshi Motoshige, a Japanese internee at Fort Missoula, 1943. The Peter Fortune Memorial Collection, Courtesy of the Historical Museum at Fort Missoula Collections

When the United States entered the war in 1941, the intelligence machinery swung into action. Federal agents forced Japanese Americans from their homes and into camps. Initially, agents targeted Japanese Americans with prominent roles in their communities: newspaper editors, judo teachers, Shinto clergy. But more than for anything they’d done, says Brian Niiya, content director at Densho, an organization dedicated to preserving the memories of interned and incarcerated Japanese Americans, the U.S. government targeted Japanese-American people for their race.

Like many in the field, Niiya and his organization use the word “internment” to describe the status of Japanese Americans rounded up in this earlier wave. They use “incarceration” to describe the later, much larger group of over 117,000 Japanese Americans, many of whom were U.S. citizens, forcefully relocated to camps under Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s racist 1942 executive order.

Postcard from the Rev. K. Iijima to Kinuta Uno, interned at Fort Missoula, 1942 (front). Courtesy of the Kinuta Uno Collection, Densho />Postcard from the Rev. K. Iijima to Kinuta Uno, interned at Fort Missoula, 1942 (back). Courtesy of the Kinuta Uno Collection, Densho

The 1,000 Japanese-Americans interned at Fort Missoula were officially there for “loyalty hearings” conducted by the Department of Justice’s Alien Enemy Hearing Boards. But for Japanese Americans, says Niiya, determinations of loyalty often derived from racial stereotypes.

“There was this sense of racial inscrutability,” says Niiya. “With people of European extraction, there was this idea that you can investigate, you can tell who should be interned and who was okay.” But when it came to the Japanese, he says, “The Japanese people were the enemy, not a particular leader.”

Missoula residents treated the prisoners differently too. While townspeople viewed the Japanese internees with “suspicion,” Van Valkenburg says, “the community accepted the Italians with open arms,” viewing them as “happy-go-lucky.”

This belief extended to the highest echelons of American government, with Roosevelt himself famously declaring Italians to be “a lot of opera singers.” Among the Italian internees at Fort Missoula, the stereotype wasn’t entirely false. The seamen and World’s Fair workers included several musicians, and the Italian internees even performed for the Missoula residents.

Italian internees on agricultural work parole. The Peter Fortune Memorial Collection, Courtesy of the Historical Museum at Fort Missoula Collections

Racial tensions at the camp extended to eating arrangements. Italian and Japanese internees lived in segregated quarters, with separate mess and kitchen facilities. Each group cooked their own food. According to a newspaper account from the time, camp officers provided each group with rations according to their cultural preferences, with “spaghetti, olive oil and garlic for the Italians, and rice, soybeans and fish for the Japanese.” Administrators purchased the Italians’ food from a local grocery store set up by Italian immigrants who had come to work for the railroads.

In 1943, Italy surrendered and soon joined the Allies in fighting its one-time German partner. In 1944, the Italians at Fort Missoula were allowed to go home. Some returned to Italy, delighted to see their mothers again, the local newspaper, The Missoulian, reported. Some stayed in the United States, fearing their native country would have no work. Some remained in Missoula. Alfredo Cipolato, who maintained an Italian deli in Missoula until he was 94 years old, became a town icon.

The Italians left things behind: An archive full of photographs. A train platform full of sobbing local women (two of whom, Van Valkenburg says, discovered during this tearful farewell that they had been dating the same Italian man). At least one child, the fruit of such a union.

They also left positive memories. “There has been no hate toward the Italian people and there has been not the slightest desire to punish the Italian people for the misdeeds of their criminal leaders,” an editorialist wrote in the Missoulian newspaper in 1943.

An Italian internee with his local admirer. Archives and Special Collections, Mansfield Library, University of Montana/Used with Permission

But for the Japanese internees, Missoula was only the first stop in a long journey that, for survivors and descendants who live with the historical trauma of incarceration, continues today.

Many of the Japanese Americans interned at Fort Missoula went on to what Niiya and his organization refer to as concentration camps: the 10 crowded, desolate camps operated by the War Relocation Authority, in which Japanese Americans were incarcerated solely for their race.

Food mattered at those camps, too. For many incarcerated people, the American food served in camp messes was not only bland and of low nutritional value, but a sign of the assimilation forced upon the community by the United States government. In several camps, incarcerated Japanese Americans protested on the suspicion that white kitchen workers were stealing incarcerated people’s rations. In Utah’s Topaz camp, which suffered from meat scarcities, residents agitated against the serving of organ meat. Eventually, Japanese Americans used the camps’ coercive agricultural work programs and their own resourcefulness to become self-reliant, growing vegetables, raising livestock, and making staple foods like tofu.

Japanese internees cook in the Fort Missoula kitchens. The Peter Fortune Memorial Collection, Courtesy of the Historical Museum at Fort Missoula Collections

For Niiya, interned and incarcerated people’s agitations over food were about more than taste. “It may not seem so to us, but for that population it was a really important thing,” Niiya says of the Italians’ aversion to suet. “Just like the Japanese eating the organ meat: It would keep you alive, it would feed you, but it was just repulsive to a lot of the population.”

By agitating for familiar foods, interned and incarcerated people demanded more than just to stay alive: They demanded lives of dignity.

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It wasn’t just Japanese Americans, Germans and Italians were impacted by WWII Executive Order 9066, too

Sigrid Toye woke in the middle of the night to the wail of a siren.

It was Dec. 7, 1941 – the day the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor.

Sitting upright on her bed in her second-floor room at the family’s house in Los Feliz, the 4-year-old Toye looked down the hallway and saw nothing but darkness.

What she also didn’t see – but would soon learn – was that her German-born father, Eugen Banzhaf, was under arrest.

“It was frightening,” recalls Toye, now 79.

And unexpected. While FBI agents were rounding up some Japanese-American men in the hours after the Pearl Harbor attack, they also launched a sweep of German-born men. Her father would be one of about 11,000 people of German ancestry, joined by a few thousand Italian nationals, who eventually were interned.

Toye ran downstairs and found her mother sitting quietly on the couch. Her eyes were swollen from crying. Then she told Toye how men had come to the door and taken her father away.

“I didn’t understand,” Toye recalls. She knew her parents were German citizens and that Germany was involved in the war in Europe.

But what did that have to do with her family?

𠆊lien enemies’

The story of Executive Order 9066 – signed 75 years ago on Sunday, Feb. 19 – and the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans is well-known, but few remember the order also applied to some German and Italian families.

Though they were not held in camps like the Japanese Americans, several hundred German and Italian Americans were forced to move away from coastal areas as a result of individual exclusion orders.

“They weren’t put in camps, but they had to leave the West Coast and get away from the coastline by 150 miles,” says Stephen Fox, a professor emeritus at Humboldt State University and author of “The Unknown Internment: An Oral History of the Relocation of Italian Americans during World War II” and 𠇊gainst All Enemies: The United States v. German Americans in World War II.”

Fox said Germans and Italians were not incarcerated en masse like the Japanese for the same reason the Japanese in Hawaii were not held — they were a big and growing part of the economy.

“The Italians and Germans were a hugely greater number of the population and they were in occupations that were part of the larger economy.”

Conversely, most Japanese nationals were ineligible for citizenship and were prohibited from owning land, whereas Germans and Italians could still be naturalized.

“On the west coast, the Japanese were completely isolated and vulnerable,” Fox added. “There was no avenue for them to assimilate into a greater America.”

Still, as with the its push against the Japanese, the government’s actions against Germans and Italians began with presidential proclamations issued immediately after Pearl Harbor.

Pursuant to the Alien Enemy Act of 1798, which remains in effect today, the government may apprehend and deport 𠇊lien enemies” upon declaration of war, an invasion or the threat of an attack.

On Dec. 7 and 8, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed identical proclamations formally designating natives and citizens of Japan, Germany and Italy as 𠇊lien enemies,” restricting their movements and authorizing their arrest.

More than 6,600 Japanese, Germans and Italians from Latin America also were deported and interned in the United States on the basis of “hemispheric security,” according to the National Archives and Records Administration website. By the end of the war, more than 31,000 suspected enemy aliens and their families had been interned at detention stations and military facilities across the country.

“Not a single person was ever charged with a crime,” Fox said, adding that their only 𠇌rime” was their nationality.

‘Who she was’

Most of the people held were men. But due to economic concerns, some wives and children voluntarily joined them.

Toye says she always wondered if she and her mother would have been better off at the family detention center in Crystal City, Texas.

After her father was taken, the government confiscated his steel import business and took over his personal finances. They had to sell the house in Los Feliz and move to Echo Park.

“We didn’t have a whole lot of food and nobody wanted to hire my mom. She did get a couple of jobs, but she always got fired. She had a very heavy accent.”

Eugen Banzhaf was released after three years. But he was on parole and, as a parolee, he had a tough time finding work in post-war America.

Like the Japanese, Toye and other German Americans faced raw discrimination. Kids at school called Toye a Nazi. People spat on her mom when they were in public.

“There was nothing she could do and she wasn’t at fault. She couldn’t help herself for being who she was.”


On Jan. 14, 1942, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt issued Presidential Proclamation No. 2537, which required Americans of Japanese, German and Italian descent to register with the U.S. Department of Justice. This was a precursor to the imprisonment of people who had committed no crime, based solely on their ancestry.

Those who registered were photographed and fingerprinted and issued a Certificate of Identification for Aliens of Enemy Nationality card. They were required to have the card with them at all times their movements were restricted and they were subjected to curfew regulations. They were also required to surrender any cameras and shortwave radios they owned.

Round-up and internment in concentration camps began one month later with the issuance of Executive Order 9066.

Almost everyone has heard of the Japanese-American internment. Almost all the Japanese-Americans on the West coast — some 120,000 in all — were forced to abandon their homes and businesses, incarcerated and transferred to prison camps in California, Wyoming, Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Utah and Arkansas. These included Americans of Japanese descent who had fought for the U.S. in World War I, and some who had enlisted to fight in World War II.

The mass incarceration was carried out despite an Office of Naval Intelligence study’s conclusion that the vast majority of Japanese-Americans posed no threat to national security and that the few who did had already been identified and were in custody or under surveillance.

German- and Italian-Americans were likewise incarcerated under order No. 9066, but to a lesser degree than the Japanese. About 11,500 Germans and 1,881 Italians were interned across the country. But it wasn’t enough for the U.S. government to illegally imprison Germans living in the United States. America trolled Latin American countries, scarfed up German nationals living peacefully across Central and South America, and plopped them into U.S. prison camps.

Most of those imprisoned were held for the duration of the war. After their release, they returned to find their homes and businesses ransacked, destroyed or stolen from them. A number of Japanese farmers returned to California only to discover white Americans had taken over their farms and refused to give them back.

The authority created out of thin air by FDR to mass incarcerate innocent people without trial and in violation of the 5 th Amendment was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court. The solicitor general withheld the report from the Office of Naval Intelligence from the court, in violation of law. Some of the Japanese were later paid reparations, but the Germans and Italians were not.

The government has claimed the same authority to imprison Americans without trial under the (un)Patriot Act and the unlawful detention act found in the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA).

All that stands between liberty lovers — or anyone else, for that matter – and similar treatment is the whim of a president who, thanks to FDR and SCOTUS, has the “authority” to place anyone in concentration camps in America for reasons of “national security,” or any reason he may conjure up in his tyrannical mind.


Clark County History: Italian POWs

After Italy's surrender in 1943, the Allies sent Italian prisoners of war to the U.S. Some came to Vancouver to wait out the end of the war. The POWs followed the barracks military schedule and discipline. They wore khaki uniforms with "Italy" patches on the left sleeve. Those with specialized skills put their experience to use for the Army. The rest labored at Vancouver Barracks on anything the military needed. The men in this photo appear to be in a woodworking shop. The POWs stayed until 1946 working at the barracks, Camp Hathaway and Camp Bonneville. (Contributed by U.S. Signal Corps)

An Italian soldier who fought for Mussolini oddly rests among American soldiers’ graves at the Vancouver Barracks Post Cemetery. Vincenzo Dioguardi arrived in Vancouver with other prisoners of war. He wasn’t a casualty of brutal POW conditions. No, a passenger in an Army jeep, the 36-year-old died when it crashed. Dioguardi was the only POW death during the internment of Italian soldiers here in Clark County.

In 1942, the Allies decided that any enemy soldiers captured would be the United States’ responsibility. After Benito Mussolini’s death and Italy’s surrender in 1943, that country was no longer an enemy. Regardless, the Army shipped nearly 51,000 Italian POWs to 27 internment camps in 23 states. One site was Vancouver. In 1944, the War Department renamed these camps Italian Service Units. The POWs stayed in old barracks buildings or at Camp Hathaway, located about where Clark College is today. African American soldiers headed overseas formerly used the camp as housing.

Living in the barracks, Dioguardi and other POWs started their days early and followed routines and discipline similar to U.S. soldiers. Despite imprisonment, the Italians’ attitudes remained upbeat, for their war had ended.

The POWs worked on-base and off-base as military need demanded. Some labored as gardeners, carpenters, warehousemen, launderers, dock workers, even cooks. They received payment for any work. Officers collected $40 and enlisted men $24 a month. One-third of their income came as cash, and the rest issued as script redeemable at the post exchange or theater. Financially aware prisoners could deposit theirs in a trust account.

War Department rules permitted POWs off-base “liberty” — if escorted by a soldier or sponsor. Sers. Bill Morehouse and others accompanied Italians on weekend trips or invited them to Italian American homes for meals, church and other events. On weekends, the unarmed Morehouse often waited outside local restaurants for his wards because, as an African American, managemen t wouldn’t let him in to eat.

Dioguardi’s death in a jeep crash Nov. 22, 1945, occurred just two months before his fellow POWs returned home in February 1946.


The sport that many in internment camps credited with saving them

Those confined to incarceration camps did the best they could to help life go on as normal, and that included setting up schools. They were usually incredibly crowded, says the Digital Public Library of America, and supplies were next to non-existent, but it still gave students the basics: math, science, social studies. and along with that? The War Relocation Authority insisted that students also be schooled in American values.

But more important than education? Baseball. Many camps had their own "official" baseball teams, and they were even allowed to travel. In 1944, Gila River took on Heart Mountain in a 13-game series and won. and that sounds like a sentence that could apply to any kind of sport. But Gila River and Heart Mountains were internment camps. And it was about more than just sport, says the National Museum of American History: it was also a way for immigrants to participate in a truly American pastime.

One of those incarcerated in the camps was George Omachi. Not only did he say, "Without baseball, camp life would have been miserable," but he went on to become a scout for MLB. Other stars came out of the camps, too: like Kenichi Zenimura, who was known as the Dean of the Diamond, and was inducted into the Baseball Hall of Fame for his work in desegregating the game (via KVPR).


Demand an Apology from Congress for the Mistreatment of Italian Americans During WWII

During World War II, the United States government interned, relocated, and confiscated the property of thousands of Italian Americans. Hundreds of Italians were arrested, put on a train with darkened windows, and sent to internment camps across the United States. Thousands were arrested and taken into custody, many without a warrant. 10,000 Italians were relocated and forced from their homes, including the elderly and immobile. 600,000 Italians were classified as "enemy aliens" and faced movement restrictions, curfews, job loss, and property confiscation.

The federal government has never apologized for these civil liberty violations. The National Italian American Foundation (NIAF) wants to change that.

On December 1, 2015, Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren of California introduced H.R. 4146 and H.R. 4147. The first bill requests funds to provide grants for education programs on the history of Italian Americans during World War II. The latter asks for an official apology for the mistreatment of Italian Americans during that time.

In 2000, Congress directed the Attorney General to conduct an extensive review of Italian American treatment during World War II. In 2001, the Justice Department released its report, outlining the injustices committed against Italians living in the United States in the 1940's. It's now 15 years later. There has been no follow up and no official apology.

Acknowledging, apologizing for, and studying the treatment of Italian Americans during World War II will help repair the Italian American community and discourage the occurrence of similar injustices and violations of civil liberties in the future. The federal government must safeguard civil liberties and protect the freedom guaranteed by the Constitution. This is about more than Italian Americans. This is about all of us.


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