Het enige plantasie-/hacienda/fazenda -eienaar al sy slawe bevry?

Het enige plantasie-/hacienda/fazenda -eienaar al sy slawe bevry?

Die Noord- en Suid -Amerikaanse meesters wat slawe aangehou het, word vandag daarvoor gekritiseer. Hulle inkomste was natuurlik afhanklik van slawe -arbeid. Het enigiemand in die Amerikas hul slawe bevry - nie by die dood soos Thomas Jefferson probeer het nie, maar tegelyk, miskien na 'n morele openbaring?


Ja, sommige het. Ironies genoeg was Roger B. Taney, hoofregter van die Amerikaanse hooggeregshof, en skrywer van die berugte besluit van Dred Scott.

In teenstelling met die algemene opvatting, het Robert Lee nie sy slawe bevry nie - hy het nie slawe besit nie. Sy skoonpa het Robert Lee 'n eksekuteur van sy testament genoem. Volgens hierdie testament moet al sy slawe binne 5 jaar na sy dood vrygelaat word.

OPDATEER. Ek weet nie of Roger Taney sy huishoudelike slawe bevry het, of hulle sy grond bewerk het nie. Maar John Dickinson, stigter en grootste boer en slawe-eienaar in Delawer, het sy slaaf in 1786 bevry. Sy plaas het van tabak na minder arbeidsintensiewe gewasse verhuis.


Verken die oortuigende geskiedenis van The Duparc Sugar Plantation

Die suikerboerderykompleks van Guillaume Duparc is oorspronklik l 'Habitation Duparc genoem, en daarna jare later die naam van die Laura Plantation. Op sy grootste oppervlakte was dit ongeveer 12 000 hektaar, insluitend eiendomme wat mettertyd versamel is. In 1804 het Duparc, 'n Franse vlootveteraan van die Amerikaanse Revolusie, die eiendom verkry.

Duparc het ook aangrensende pakkies verkry van Acadians wat die grond 20 jaar tevore gevestig het. Die nuwe plaas van Duparc was geleë op uitstekende vaste eiendom, op 'n buitengewoon hoë en skoongemaakte grond. Hy plaas sy herehuis vierkantig in die middel van die groot Indiese dorpie Colapissa wat al meer as 'n eeu lank op die terrein was.


Die bou van die herehuis van Duparc begin in 1804 en is 11 maande later voltooi. Die werk is uitgevoer deur hoogs geskoolde slawe, waarskynlik van Senegalese afkoms, in vooraf vervaardigde metodes, tipies van vroeë Louisiana-omgangstrukture. Hierdie "hoofstuk" is hoog bo die grond verhewe en rus op blougrys geglasuurde kolomme en mure, ondergronds ondersteun deur 'n 8 voet diep piramidale baksteen fondament. Die bopers van die sipres is ingelegd met plaaslik afgevuurde baksteen (brikette-entre-p & ocircteaux), binne gepleister en aan die buitekant gestik, met 'n helder geverfde (rooi, oker, groen en pêrel) buitekant. Hierdie U-vormige struktuur het 'n totaal van ongeveer. 24.000 vierkante meter en 'n losstaande kombuis aan die agterkant van 2500 vierkante meter. By die dood van Duparc in 1808 het die woonplek Dit bestaan ​​uit 10 groot geboue, waaronder kwartale vir 17 slawe, 'n skuur, pakhuise en 'n klein, rudimentêre suikermeule.

Ongeveer 600 voet noord van die herehuis het die Mississippi gevloei. 'N Houtpier het dit moontlik gemaak vir bote van alle groottes. Langs die rivieroewer het 'n hoogte van 4-5 voet hoog geloop wat beskerming bied teen oorstromings in die lente. 'N Primitiewe pad volg die lev & eacutee en 'n hoë heining skei die plantasie van verbygangers. Binne die heining is 2 groot vrugteboorde pekanneutbome geplant wat geskei het om 'n all -eacutee te skep, waar 'n mens die herehuis van die rivier af kon sien en, nog belangriker, die wind van die rivier direk in die huis kon inbring.

Die huis, omring deur 'n hoë heining, dien nie net as kantoorhoofkantoor vir sake nie, maar ook as plek vir allerhande sosiale vermaak. Die hele plantasie is geverf in 'n kleurkode van oker, rooi, groen, mauve en grys, dieselfde kleure wat op die herehuis gevind is.

Ongeveer. 400 voet agter die huis was 'n pad, suidwaarts, loodreg op die rivier, aan weerskante bedek met slawehutte, wat na die pad kyk en 'n afstand van 3,5 myl strek. Dit word altyd die 'terugvoer' van die plantasie genoem, waar slawe -arbeiders gewoon het, ver van die gebied nader aan die rivier, die 'front' genoem en van die voorkant geskei deur 'n hoë heining en modderige swaal as wat parallel met die rivier geloop het. Elke slawehut het twee gesinne en elkeen het 'n hoenderhuis en/of varkhok en groentetuin net buite die kajuit.


Slawerny v. Peonage

Peonage, ook genoem skuldslawerny of skulddiens, is 'n stelsel waar 'n werkgewer 'n werker verplig om 'n skuld met werk af te betaal. Wetlik is pienk deur die Kongres verbied in 1867. Na die heropbou is baie suidelike swart mans egter deur verskillende metodes in pioene ingeneem, en die stelsel is eers in die veertigerjare heeltemal uitgeroei.

In sommige gevalle het werkgewers werknemers betaal of aanvanklike vervoerkoste gevorder, en werkers het gewillig ingestem om sonder betaling te werk om dit af te betaal. Soms is hierdie skuld vinnig afbetaal en 'n billike loonwerker/werkgewerverhouding tot stand gebring.

In baie meer gevalle het werkers egter skuld gekry aan planters (deur lenings), handelaars (deur middel van krediet) of ondernemingswinkels (deur lewenskoste). Werkers kon dikwels nie die skuld terugbetaal nie en was in 'n deurlopende siklus sonder werk.

Maar die mees korrupte en beledigende pioen het plaasgevind in samewerking met die suidelike staats- en provinsiale regering. In die suide is baie swart mans opgetel vir geringe misdade of op aanklagte van onaangeraak, en as hulle met groot boetes en hofgeld in die gesig gestaar word, word hulle gedwing om te werk by 'n plaaslike werkgewer wat hul boetes daarvoor betaal. Suidelike state het ook hul gevangenes in massa aan plaaslike nyweraars verhuur. Die papierwerk en skuldrekord van individuele gevangenes het dikwels verlore gegaan, en hierdie mans was vasgevang in onvermydelike situasies.


Xiorro se sameswering

Voormalige Puerto Ricaanse slawe in 1898, die jaar toe die Verenigde State Puerto Rico binnegeval het

In Julie 1821 beplan en organiseer Xiorro 'n sameswering teen die slawe -meesters en die koloniale regering van Puerto Rico. Dit sou op 27 Julie tydens die feesvieringe vir Santiago (St. James) uitgevoer word.

Volgens sy plan sou verskeie slawe ontsnap uit verskillende plantasies in Bayamón, waaronder die haciendas van Angus McBean, C. Kortnight, Miguel Andino en Fernando Fernández. Hulle sou dan na die suikerrietvelde van Miguel Figueres gaan en snybrille en swaarde wat in die velde versteek was, ophaal. Xiorro sou saam met 'n slaaf van die McBean -plantasie genaamd Mario en 'n ander slaaf met die naam Narciso die slawe van Bayamón en Toa Baja lei en die stad Bayamón verower. Hulle sou dan die stad verbrand en diegene wat nie swart was nie, doodmaak. Hierna sou hulle almal verenig met slawe van die aangrensende dorpe Rio Piedras, Guaynabo en Palo Seco. Met hierdie kritieke massa slawe, almal gewapen en aangemoedig deur 'n reeks vinnige oorwinnings, sou hulle die hoofstad San Juan binnedring, waar hulle Xiorro as hul koning sou verklaar.

Mislukking van die sameswering

Ongelukkig vir die slawe -samesweerders het Miguel Figueres 'n lojale slaaf met die naam Ambrosio gehad wat die planne van die sameswering aan hom bekend gemaak het. Die fluitjieblaser het ook persoonlike sowel as finansiële belang gehad, aangesien slawe wat enige soort slawe -sameswering aangemeld het, hul vryheid en 500 pesos gekry het. Figueres het toe die burgemeester van Bayamón in kennis gestel wat 500 soldate gemobiliseer het. Die leiers en volgelinge van die sameswering is onmiddellik gevange geneem. Altesaam 61 slawe is in Bayamón en San Juan opgesluit.

Nadraai

Op 15 Augustus 1821 eindig die hofverrigtinge en word 17 slawe gestraf. Mario en Narciso, wat as hoofkoppe beskou word, is tereggestel. Xiorro is op 14 Augustus in die stad Mayaguez gevange geneem. Hy is afsonderlik verhoor en sy lot is onbekend.

In die daaropvolgende jare het baie van die slawe wat gevange geneem is en na hul meesters teruggekeer het, uit hul plantasies ontsnap. Die Spaanse owerhede het geglo dat Jean Pierre Boyer, die president van Haïti, agter die sameswering staan.

Skadeloosstelling betaal as vergoeding aan voormalige eienaars van vrygemaakte slawe

Daar was ander klein opstande en sommige slawe het selfs op 23 September 1868 aan die onafhanklikheidsopstand van El Grito de Lares, Puerto Rico, teen die Spaanse bewind deelgeneem.

Op 22 Maart 1873 is slawerny in Puerto Rico vernietig, maar met een beduidende voorbehoud: die slawe was nie heeltemal geëmansipeer nie en hulle moeskoop hul eie vryheid teen watter prys ook al deur hul huidige eienaars bepaal is. Om dit te bereik, het die meerderheid van die vrygelate slawe 'n geruime tyd aanhou werk vir hul voormalige meesters. Hulle het 'n salaris ontvang vir hul arbeid, en het stadig hul vryheid gekoop.

Die regering het 'n beperking op hierdie terugkoop- en terugbetalingstydperk gelê en 'n insulêre “Beskermingskantoor geskep om toesig te hou oor die oorgang. Ingevolge die nuwe wet sou voormalige slawe vir 'n maksimum tydperk van drie jaar in besit bly. Daarna sou hulle vry gaan. Gedurende die driejarige tydperk kon hulle vir hul voormalige meester, vir ander mense of vir die staat werk. ” As die tydperk van drie jaar verstryk het, as die slaaf 'n oorblywende skuld het, kan die kantoor van die Beskermer sou intree en dit betaal met 'n “ vrywaringsverband ” –, maar slegs teen die afslagwaarde van 23% van die geëisde skuld.

Die voormalige slawe het geld verdien deur as skoenmakers te werk, klere skoon te maak of produkte te verkoop wat hulle toegelaat is om te verbou in die klein stukke grond wat hul voormalige meesters aan hulle toegewys het.


Hacienda Nápoles

Hacienda Nápoles (Spaans vir "Naples Estate") was die luukse landgoed gebou en besit van die Colombiaanse dwelmheer Pablo Escobar in Puerto Triunfo, departement Antioquia, Colombia, ongeveer 150 km (93 mi) oos van Medellín en 249 km (155 myl) noordwes van Bogotá . Die landgoed beslaan ongeveer 20 km2 (7,7 vierkante myl) grond. Na die dood van Escobar in 1993, is baie van die oorspronklike geboue op die eiendom gesloop of opgeknap vir ander doeleindes.

Die landgoed bevat 'n Spaanse koloniale huis, 'n beeldhoupark en 'n volledige dieretuin met baie soorte diere van verskillende kontinente, soos bokke, olifante, eksotiese voëls, kameelperde, seekoeie, volstruise en ponies. Die boerdery spog ook met 'n groot versameling ou en luukse motors en fietse, 'n privaat lughawe, 'n bullren en selfs 'n kart-renbaan. Bo-op die hacienda se ingangshek is 'n replika van die Piper PA-18 Super Cub-vliegtuig (stertnommer HK-617-P). [1]

Nadat Escobar in 1993 deur die Colombiaanse polisie doodgeskiet is, het sy gesin 'n regstryd met die Colombiaanse regering aangegaan oor die eiendom. Die regering het die oorhand gekry, en die verwaarloosde eiendom word nou bestuur deur die gemeente Puerto Triunfo. Die onderhoudskoste vir die dieretuin en die diere was te duur vir die regering, daarom is besluit dat die meeste diere aan Colombiaanse en internasionale dieretuine geskenk sal word.

Ander oorspronklike kenmerke sluit in dinosourusbeelde [1] wat met bene gebou is [ aanhaling nodig ] in 'n gedeelte van die landgoed, tesame met prehistoriese dierestande (soos die reuse) waarop kinders kan klim en speel, [ aanhaling nodig ] sowel as militêre voertuie wat uit gebruik geneem is en 'n reuse handbeeldhouwerk. [1]

Teen November 2006 het die eienaarskap van die eiendom aan die Colombiaanse regering oorgegaan en was dit ter waarde van 5 miljard Colombiaanse pesos (ongeveer $ 2,23 miljoen). [2] Die dieretuin van die hacienda vanaf Februarie 2019 bied bison, 'n skaars bok, een volstruis en sebras aan. Die seekoeie van Escobar het ontsnap en wild geword, in ten minste vier mere in die omgewing gewoon en versprei in naburige riviere. Kontak tussen die seekoeie en plaaslike vissers het daartoe gelei dat die seekoei -bevolking uit die weg geruim word. Teen 2011 was daar ten minste 30 diere wat wild op die platteland rondgedwaal het, die groot aantal seekoeie maak dit moeilik om dieretuine te vind waarin hulle hervestig kan word. [3] Daar is na berig word ook 40 seekoeie wat op die terrein van die hacienda self woon [4] Vanaf Junie 2014 bly die gelukbringer van die park, 'n lewende seekoei met die naam Vanessa (wat op haar naam reageer) op die terrein. [3]

In 2014 was 'n Afrika-temapark in die styl van 'Jurassic Park' op die terrein, wat deur 'n privaat onderneming gehuur is. 'Parque Temático Hacienda Nápoles' bevat 'n waterpark, 'n begeleide safari -aantrekkingskrag, akwariums en 'n replika van die grotte in die Cueva de los Guácharos Nasionale Park in Colombia. [5] In Desember 2018 kos 'n dagkaartjie na die park 42 000 pesos (ongeveer $ 15). [4] Die Escobar -museum, sy verbrande privaat motorversameling en die verlate "ruïnes" van sy huis is steeds vir die publiek toeganklik, maar na berig word het dit in Februarie 2015 in duie gestort. [6]

Escobar het vier seekoeie in 'n privaat menagery by Hacienda Nápoles gehou. Hulle is na Escobar se dood te moeilik geag om te gryp en te verhuis, en daarom is hulle op die onversorgde landgoed vertrek. Teen 2007 het die diere tot 16 vermeerder en hulle in die omgewing rondgeswerf vir kos in die nabygeleë Magdalenarivier. [7] The National Geographic Channel het 'n dokumentêr oor hulle vervaardig met die titel Kokaïen seekoeie. [8] 'n Verslag wat in 'n Yale -studentetydskrif gepubliseer is, het opgemerk dat plaaslike omgewingsbewustes hulle beywer om die diere te beskerm, hoewel daar geen duidelike plan is vir wat met hulle sal gebeur nie. [9] In 2018 het National Geographic nog 'n artikel oor die seekoeie gepubliseer waarin onenigheid onder omgewingsbewustes gevind is oor die vraag of hulle 'n positiewe of negatiewe impak het, maar dat natuurbewaarders en inwoners - veral dié in die toerismebedryf - meestal hul ondersteuning ondersteun teenwoordigheid. [10] In Januarie 2021 het wetenskaplikes voorgestel om die nou ongeveer 100 seekoeie uit te roei, soos hulle oor die Magdalena -stroomgebied versprei het. [11] Sommige wetenskaplikes het voorgestel om die mannetjie se seekoeie te kastreer om verdere teel te voorkom. [12]


Slawerny in Mexiko

Volgens die verslae van die eerste Europeërs wat die Nuwe Wêreld besoek het, was slawerny byna universeel in wat nou Mexiko en Sentraal -Amerika is. Teoreties, met die aankoms van Europeërs, moes dit verander het.

In 1493 het pous Alexander VI, terwyl hy Spanje die reg verleen het om die Nuwe Wêreld te koloniseer, opdrag gegee dat die inheemse bevolking tot die katolisisme bekeer word en hulle slawerny verbied word. Hy het egter 'n “catch 22 ” bygevoeg deur te sê dat diegene wat nie die Christendom aanvaar of na hul ou godsdiens teruggekeer het nie, gestraf moet word en tot slawe daarvan kan dien. Meer positief, in 1500, het koningin Isabella van Spanje uitdruklik beveel, en die Indiërs van die Spanjaarde moes vry wees van slawerny. Toe sy in 1504 sterf, het sy haar opvolgers opdrag gegee om hierdie beleid voort te sit.

Dus, toe in 1519 Cortes en die Conquistadors Mexiko binnegeval het, het beide die Spaanse en pouslike wet die Indiane oënskynlik teen slawerny beskerm. Dit is nie verbasend dat Cortes, wie se inval in Mexiko 'n onwettige opstand was teen die bevel van sy meerdere, die goewerneur van Kuba, die bevel van die koningin geïgnoreer het en die voormelde “catch 22 ” gebruik het om te bly die pouslike orde. Toe hulle in die rigting van Tenochtitlan beweeg, het die Spanjaarde die bewegings ondergaan om die Indiane te bekeer, maar het hulle geen godsdiensonderrig aangebied nie. Die standaardprosedure was die oprigting van 'n kruis, 'n toespraak waarin die deugde van die Christendom deur La Malinche uiteengesit word en die vernietiging van die plaaslike afgode.

Eers in 1524, nadat die Asteke verower en tot slawe gemaak is, het 10 Fransiskaanse priesters en 2 leke broers aangekom. Nou is die Indiane ware godsdiensonderrig aangebied. In 1526 het 12 Dominikane hulle gevolg. Die eerste Jesuïete wat uiteindelik die belangrikste las van godsdiensonderrig sou dra, het eers in 1572 aangekom. Dus, in 1521, toe Cortes sy volgelinge uitgestrekte stukke grond gegee het encomiendas, alle inheemse mense wat binne die grense van hierdie grondtoelaes leef, was as slawe aan die land gebind. Eenvoudig gedoop, sonder opvolging, was dit maklik om te beweer dat hulle teruggekeer het na die aanbidding van hul ou gode. So het die ecomienderos kan beweer dat hulle voldoen aan die tweede deel van die Pous se richtlijn. Cortes, wat grotendeels sonder toesig deur die Spaanse Kroon erken is as die militêre goewerneur van Nieu -Spanje, bestuur Nueva Espagna tot 1526.

Die eerste persoon wat hierdie onwettige slawerny uitgedaag het, was vader Bartoleme de las Casas. Hy was al lank 'n teenstander van slawerny, en het in Santo Domingo en Kuba met min sukses geveg, voordat hy na Mexiko gekom het. Ironies genoeg was sy voorgestelde oplossing vir slawerny van inheemse mense om swart slawe uit Afrika in te voer. Daar is moeite gedoen om dit te doen, maar die Portugese wat die slawehandel beheer het, het hoë pryse gehef en die aantal swart slawe wat beskikbaar was, was nie voldoende om aan die behoeftes van die kolonie te voldoen nie. Rekords dui aan dat ongeveer 6000 Afrikaanse slawe Mexiko bereik het.

Diegene wat wel aangekom het, het grootliks in die Vera Cruz -omgewing gebly en meestal in die suikerrietvelde en -fabrieke gewerk. Miskien dui dit daarop dat die Indiane wat naby Vera Cruz, die eerste permanente Spaanse nedersetting, gewoon het, behalwe die doop, inderdaad godsdiensonderrig ontvang het. By terugkeer na Spanje, oorreed de Las Casas in 1542 keiser Charles V om nuwe wette ” af te kondig wat weer slawerny verbied het. By die terugkeer na Santo Domingo kon hy nie hierdie wette aanvaar nie. Hy is aangestel as biskop van Chiapas en keer terug na Mexiko. Ook hier het hy geen sukses behaal nie.

Die ekonomie van Nueva España was eintlik heeltemal afhanklik van slawe -arbeid. Landbou en mynbou was arbeidsintensief en het jong, sterk liggame nodig. Die werwing van jong manlike immigrante in Spanje was onmoontlik. Die land was betrokke by Europese oorloë en die weermag het alle bekwame jongmanne geneem wat moontlik hul geluk in die nuwe wêreld wou soek. Na 1535, toe die eerste onderkoning, Antonio de Mendoza, die orde in die kolonie herstel het, het immigrasie begin. Die eerste wat in 'n aantal gekom het, was “Conversos. ” Met geweld gedoopte Jode, dit was meestal dokters, prokureurs, onderwysers en sakemanne wat van die Inkwisisie gevlug het. Hulle het baie vaardighede gebring, maar hulle het nie slawe vervang nie.

Uiteindelik, terwyl Bartoleme de las Casas nie daarin slaag om slawerny te beëindig nie, was hy die eerste stem in die Kerk wat daarteen uitgespreek het en 'n presedent geskep het dat dit die kerk se plig was om die Indiane te beskerm. Vanweë sy invloed het Juan de Zumarraga, die eerste aartsbiskop van Mexiko wat in 1528 aangekom het, homself uitgeroep as 'n beskermer van die Indiane. Hy het die onmoontlikheid erken om slawerny te beëindig. Sy benadering was om dit te probeer reguleer. Cortes is terug Spanje toe. 'N Audiencia, 'n hof, oorheers deur Nuneo de Guzman, 'n bittere vyand van Cortes, het die kolonie bestuur. Hy het 'n program van afpersing en slawerny teen die Indiane begin. Spanjaarde wat getrou gebly het aan Cortes, is ook vervolg. Eers toe Cortes in 1530 na die kolonie terugkeer, word Guzman verdryf en 'n tweede Audiencia oorgeneem. Met hierdie nuwe hof in plek, het die behandeling van die Indiane verbeter, hoewel slawerny nog steeds hulle lot was. Aartsbiskop Zumarraga en Vasco de Quiroga, wat hy as biskop van Michoacan aangestel het, het kerke, skole en hospitale na die inheemse mense gebring, albei as slawe van ecomiendas, die oorspronklike grondtoelaes wat aan die Conquistadors gemaak is en diegene wat nog vry is en in hul eie dorpe woon.

Dit was die nuwe onderkoning wat eintlik die meeste vir die inheemse mense gedoen het. Hoewel hy die onmoontlikheid erken het om die bestaande slawerny af te skaf, het hy sekere standaarde gestel vir die behandeling daarvan. Geen Indiër, slaaf of andersins sou gedwing word om 'n vrag van meer as 100 pond te dra nie. Om die vermeende Indiërs wat in die myne werk, te beskerm, is staatsamptenare aangestel om hul lone in te samel en te versprei. In sommige gevalle het 'n plaaslike priester hierdie plig uitgevoer.

Die stelsel wat deur die nuwe koloniale regering ingestel is om die kolonie te bestuur, was gebaseer op sterk munisipale regerings. Net soos ander stede, is inheemse munisipaliteite ook erken as semi-outonome eenhede, met Indiese amptenare wat plaaslike aangeleenthede hanteer het onder toesig van aangewese Spanjaarde. Binnekort, die afstammelinge van die oorspronklike Conquistadors begin om dieselfde soort grondtoelaes wat deur hul ouers ontvang word, te eis. Om die oorblywende Indiese dorpe teen hul inbreuk te beskerm, het die onderkoning nou die Ejido stelsel. Dit het die titel verleen om aan 'n stam, 'n dorp, 'n stam of selfs 'n uitgebreide gesin te land. Die grond is bedoel om uitsluitlik vir landbou gebruik te word. Dit kon nie deur individue verdeel en verkoop word nie Ejidoistas. Hierdie beskerming het tot 1856 geduur, lank nadat Mexiko dit onafhanklikheid van Spanje verkry het. Ironies genoeg was dit die Liberale Party, onder leiding van Benito Juarez, self 'n Indiër, wat die stelsel vernietig het. Daar kan min twyfel bestaan ​​dat dit hierdie stelsel was wat die slawerny van die Indiane vertraag het.

Onder die Viceroys het dwangarbeid om paaie te bou, eerder as slawerny, die lot van die inheemse mense geword. In 'n sekere sin was dit 'n huldeblyk wat die koloniale regering eis in plaas van kontantbetaling van belasting. As gevolg van epidemies van pokke, eers in 1520 en weer in 1545, 1576 en 1629, het die Indiese bevolking teen 1630 tot minder as 800 000 gekrimp van na raming 10 tot 12 miljoen in die dae voor die verowering. Die meerderheid van die wat gesterf het, was slawe wat in noue kontak met Europeërs was. Die oorlewingsyfer van diegene wat in Indiese dorpe of daar gewoon het Ejidos was baie hoër. 'N Verandering van die verbouing van gewasse na die grootmaak van beeste, baie minder arbeidsintensief, het ook die behoefte aan slawe vertraag. Nou het die Indiese bevolking vinnig gegroei. Alhoewel die bevolkingsgetalle nie heeltemal betroubaar is nie, was die totale bevolking van Mexiko in 1650 ongeveer 1,7 miljoen. 1,3 miljoen was Indiërs.

Nou word die regering se beheerde arbeidsontwerpe ontbied repartimientos, eerder as slawe, werkers aan die landgoedere en myne in Spaanse besit teen salarisse wat deur die regering vasgestel is. Terwyl die Plan van Iguala, wat in 1820 deur Augustin de Iturbe voorgestel is, slawerny afgeskaf het, was daar eers in 1824 'n grondwet wat hulle eintlik bevry het. Tog was dit eers in 1829 dat die laaste slawe bevry is. Slawerny het wel oorleef in die deel van Mexiko wat nou Texas is. Die Mexikaanse pogings om slawe te bevry het 'n belangrike rol gespeel in die vorming van die Republiek van Texas. Dit is grootliks aangevuur deur die begeerte van ” Gringo ” slawe -eienaars om hul losgoed te behou

Slawerny in koloniale Mexiko was heeltemal anders as in die Amerikaanse suide. Die grootste deel van die slawe was op die land waar hulle gebore is. Daar was geen grootskaalse koop en verkoop van Indiese slawe nie. Selfs die swartes wat uit Afrika ingevoer is, soos die Indiërs, is opgeneem in die encomienda stelsel wat hulle en hul nageslag aan 'n bepaalde plantasie gebind het of hacienda. Meer as 75 persent van die moderne bevolking van Mexiko het ten minste een Indiese of Mulatto -voorouer. Die oorgrote meerderheid van hulle was slawe. Ironies genoeg is dit die Indiërs, wat nooit slawe was nie, wat teruggetrek het na grootliks ontoeganklike berg- en oerwoudgebiede, wat vandag die armste en swakste bevolking in die moderne Mexiko vorm.


Katoen en suikerplantasies

Hierdie eienskappe van die tabakplantasie-ekonomie is, begin in die laat agtiende eeu, weergegee op die katoenplantasies met kort krammetjies waarvoor die antebellum-Suid beroemd geword het. Eli Whitney se uitvinding van die watte in die 1790's het die groei van die katoen koninkryk moontlik gemaak. Die katoenplantasies wat eers van Virginia na die suidwaartse gebied na die buiteland van Suid -Carolina en Georgië versprei het, het gou begin uitbrei na Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, en laastens, Texas.

Net soos hul voorgangers wat tabak produseer, was katoenplantasies gerasionaliseerde sakeondernemings wat gemik was op die verbouing van verhandelbare krammetjies wat hoofsaaklik aan die noordelike en Europese mark verkoop word. Slawe is in bendes georganiseer, met hul werk direk toesig deur 'n hiërargie van meesters, opsieners en op groter plantasies, slawedrywers. Die katoenverbouingsiklus het dit vir planters doeltreffend gemaak om voedsel te voed - hoofsaaklik mielies en varkvleis - met voldoende voeding en in voldoende hoeveelhede om 'n relatief gesonde slawe -arbeidsmag te handhaaf. En omdat katoen, soos tabak, nie in moerasagtige laaglande verbou is nie, kon die slawebevolking op sy eie groei sonder infusies van die Atlantiese slawehandel.

Die natuurlike groei van die slawe-bevolking was een van die bronne van die winsgewendheid van die katoen-plantasie-ekonomie. Maar die groei van die antebellum -suikerplantasies in die suide van Louisiana dui daarop dat slawe -aanplantings winsgewend kan wees, selfs al was dit dodelik vir die slawe. Selfs meer as rys, het suikerplantasies groot kapitaalbeleggings vereis en was dit dus die doeltreffendste met 'n groot aantal slawe -arbeiders. Omdat hulle gestig is lank nadat die suikerplantasies in Brasilië en die Karibiese Eilande gevestig was, het die suikerplantasies van Louisiana baat gevind by die tegnologiese vooruitgang van hul voorgangers. Deur te belê in die mees gevorderde freesmasjinerie en deur 'n groter aantal slawe in 'n onmenslik uitmergelende tempo aan die werk te sit, het die suikerplanters in die suide van Louisiana groot winste behaal uit 'n slawe -bevolking wat in werklikheid byna 14 persent sterf. dekade. Die plantstelsel kan dus winsgewend wees, selfs as dit letterlik sy eie werkers doodmaak.

Die beroemde ondoeltreffendheid wat gewoonlik met slawe gepaard gaan - in teenstelling met gratis - arbeid blyk nooit in die ou suide te verskyn nie. 'N Uiters doeltreffende slawehandel tussen die state het vergoed vir die afwesigheid van 'n vrye arbeidsmark, wat elke dekade tienduisende slawe oor die suide laat beweeg het, sodat planters hul surplus slawe sonder moeite kon verkoop of meer dieselfde slawe kon koop. Boonop het 'n hoogs gerasionaliseerde patroon van plantasie -organisasie die slawe dwarsdeur die jaar besig en produktief gehou, selfs in die wintermaande nadat die gewasse geoes is. Uiteindelik het 'n netwerk van riviere, paaie en uiteindelik spoorlyne die katoen vinnig en doeltreffend van plantasie na die mark verskuif, 'n handel wat vergemaklik is deur 'n uitgebreide netwerk van 'faktore' wat as tussenpersone en krediteure vir die plantasiestelsel gedien het. Om al hierdie redes het katoenplantasies die vertroue van die klassieke politieke ekonomie in die wiele gery dat die slawerny op hande sou wees. In plaas daarvan floreer katoenplantasies, soveel so dat hul meedoënlose uitbreiding verder en verder wes help om die seksuele krisis wat tot die burgeroorlog gelei het, uit te lok.

Omdat die burgeroorlog die dood van slawerny tot gevolg gehad het, sou dit sinvol wees om die geskiedenis van die plantstelsel op dieselfde punt te beëindig. Maar net soos die tabakplantasies uit die sewentiende eeu floreer met bediendes eerder as slawe, het die negentiende-eeuse katoenplantasies voortgeduur ten spyte van die ondergang van slawerny. Wat natuurlik verander het, was die arbeidstelsel waarop die plantasie -ekonomie gegrond was. Nadat die slawe vry arbeiders geword het, is planters vir die eerste keer gedwing om kontrakte met hul voormalige slawe te onderhandel. Aangesien hierdie kontrakstelsel ontwikkel het in die jare na die burgeroorlog, het katoenplanters die bendesisteem laat vaar. In die plek daarvan het 'n "deelbou" -stelsel ontstaan ​​waarin individuele gesinne gekontrakteer het om 'n stuk grond op 'n groter plantasie te bewerk in ruil vir jaarlikse lone in die vorm van 'n deel van die finale oes.

Oesbou het die uitleg van katoenplantasies regoor die Suide fisies verander. Waar slawe eens in kwartale saam gewoon het, het vrygemaakte mense nou in hul eie hutte gewoon op hul eie erwe. Opmaak het ook die bemarkingstelsel vir katoenplantasies verander. Omdat deelnemende gesinne nou hul eie verbruiksbesluite geneem het, het hulle hul eie betrekkinge met handelaars en skuldeisers in die suide gevestig. So het die aantal handelaars toegeneem en het 'n handelaarsklas nuwe betekenis vir die plantstelsel gekry. Die planter-handelaar-alliansie van die naoorlogse plantasies het tot in die twintigste eeu volgehou. Intussen het groot plantasies wat gebaseer is op bendes loonarbeiders weer verskyn in die nuut gevestigde katoenverbouingsgebiede van die Mississippi. Eers na die opeenvolgende skokke van die aanhoudende droogte en ernstige ekonomiese depressie, het 'n verswakte plantstelsel uiteindelik toegegee aan die moderniserende aansporings wat die New Deal in die dertigerjare geskep het. Eers daarna, na honderde jare se lewenskragtige lewe, sterf die suidelike plantasie sy laaste dood.


Het enige plantasie-/hacienda/fazenda -eienaar al sy slawe bevry? - Geskiedenis

Hy het sy dagboek in 'n geheime kode geskryf - 'n argaïese vorm van snelskrif wat slegs by die mees geleerdes van sy tyd bekend was. Omdat dit gekodeer was, was hy vol vertroue dat niemand ooit sy onthullende portret van die wêreld waarin hy leef sou lees nie. Hy was verkeerd. Dit het meer as 300 jaar geneem, maar in 1939 is sy kode gebreek en die waarnemings van William Byrd II het by almal bekend geword. Omdat hy nooit bedoel het dat dit deur ander gelees moet word nie, gee sy dagboek ons ​​'n ongekunstelde lewensbeskouing op 'n koloniale plantasie in die vroeë 18de eeu.

William Byrd II is in 1674 in Virginia gebore, maar is gou na Engeland geneem waar hy opgevoed is. Hy het daar gebly tot sy pa se dood in 1704. Hy keer terug na die kolonie en neem die bestuur van Westover, die familieplantasie aan die Jamesrivier, oor. Hy het 'n invloedryke lid van die aristokrasie van Virginia geword en is aangestel in die kolonie se Raad van State in 1708. Hy het groot hoeveelhede grond (ongeveer 179,000 hektaar) en talle plantasies besit. Hy stig twee stede - Richmond en Appomattox - op sy grond. Hy sterf in 1744.

Byrd het die grootste deel van sy lewe 'n daaglikse joernaal gehou. In die volgende inskrywings onthul hy die roetine van sy daaglikse lewe:

8 Februarie
Ek het vanoggend om 5 uur opgestaan ​​en 'n hoofstuk in Hebreeus gelees en 200 verse in Homerus se Odyssey. Ek het melk geëet vir ontbyt. Ek het my gebede gedoen. Jenny en Eugene [twee huisslawe] is geslaan. Ek het my dans [fisiese oefeninge] gedans. Ek lees die oggend wet en die middag Italiaans. Ek het taai hoender geëet vir aandete. Die boot kom van Appomattox ['n ander plantasie] en is die aand gesny toe ek oor die plantasie gestap het. Ek het my gebede gedoen. Ek het vandag goeie gedagtes, goeie gesondheid en goeie humor gehad, dank God die Almagtige.

2 Junie
Ek was sonder humor saam met my vrou omdat ek Anaka ['n huisslaaf] met rum vertrou het om te steel, toe sy te veel drink, maar dit was gou verby.

3 September
My vrou was weer ongesteld, maar nie te veel doel nie. Die middag het ek vir Jenny ['n huisslaaf] geslaan omdat sy water op die rusbank gegooi het.

5 September
My vrou was baie buite werking en het gereeld pyn gekry. . die aand het ek 'n wandeling gemaak oor die plantasie, en toe ek terugkom, het ek my vrou baie sleg gevind. Ek het mev Hamlin en my neef Harrison omstreeks 9 uur laat roep en ek het hartlik gebid vir my vrou se gelukkige aflewering. Ek het ongeveer 10 uur gaan slaap en die vroue vol verwagting by my vrou gelos.

6 Oktober
I rose at 6 o'clock and said my prayers and ate milk for breakfast. Then I proceeded to Williamsburg, where I found all well. I went to the capitol where I sent for the wench to clean my room and when she came I kissed her and felt her, for which God forgive me.

Then I went to see the President, whom I found indisposed in his ears. I dined with him on beef. Then we went to his house and played at piquet [a card game for two players] where Mr. Clayton came to us. We had much to do to get a bottle of French wine.

About 10 o'clock I went to my lodgings. I had good health but wicked thoughts. God forgive me.

Disease Strikes the Children - One Lives, One Dies

In the spring of 1710 Byrd's son - Parke - was 8 months old, his daughter - Evelyn - 2 1/2 years old. We rejoin his diary as he arrives at his manor and discovers his infant son suffering from a fever:

May 12
It was very hot this day, and the first day of summer. my wife and I took a walk about the plantation when we returned we found our son very sick of a fever and he began to break out terribly. We gave him some treacle water [a medicinal compound used as an antidote for poison] .

May 17
My son was a little worse, which made me send for Mr. Anderson [the parish minister] . My express met him on the road and he came about 10 o'clock. He advised some oil of juniper which did some good.

William Byrd II
May 21
The child continued indisposed. In the evening we walked home and found Evie in great fever and to increase it [they] had given her milk.

May 22
In the evening the children were a little better.

May 24
I sent for my cousin Harrison to let Evie blood who was ill. When she came back she took about four ounces. We put on blisters and gave her a glister [an enema] which worked very well. Her blood was extremely thick, which is common in distemper of this constitution. About 12 o'clock she began to sweat of herself, which we prompted by tincture of saffron and sage and snakeroot. This made her sweat extremely, in which she continued little or more all night.

May 25
Evie was much better, thank God Almighty, and lost her fever. The boy was likewise but was restless.

May 26
Evie was better but the boy was worse, with a cold and fever for which we gave him a sweat which worked very well and continued all day.

May 26
Evie took a purge which worked but a little and my son had a little fever. I went about 11 o'clock to Colonel Randolph's to visit him because he was sick. and took my leave about 5 o'clock and got home about 7 where I found the boy in his fever but Evie was better, thank God Almighty.

May 29
The boy continued very ill of the fever.

June 3
I rose a 6 o'clock and as soon as I came out news was brought that the child was very ill. We went out and found him just ready to die and he died about 8 o'clock in the morning. God gives and God takes away blessed be the name of God. . My wife was much afflicted but I submitted to His judgment better, not withstanding I was very sensible of my loss, but God's will be done.

June 6
About 2 o'clock we went with the corpse to the churchyard and as soon as the service was begun it rained very hard so that we were forced to leave the parson and go into the church porch but Mr Anderson stayed till the service was finished. About 3 o'clock we went to dinner. The company stayed till the evening and then went away. Mr. Custis and I took a walk about the plantation. Two of the new negroes were taken sick and I gave each of them a vomit which worked well."

Rumors of an invasion by the French spread through the colony in the summer of 1711. The invasion threat never materialized but the Tuscarora Indians attacked settlements in North Carolina and threatened the same in Virginia. In response, a local militia was raised with Byrd as its commander. Byrd describes an expedition in October that was intended as a show of force calculated to intimidate the Tuscaroa's into submission:

Oct 4.
I rose at 7 o'clock and my wife shaved me with a dull razor. About 11 o'clock we went to the militia court. We fined all the Quakers and several others [for their refusal to take up arms] . I spoke gently to the Quakers which gave them a good opinion of me and several of them seemed doubtful whether they would be arrested or not for the future. I told them they would certainly be fined five times in a year if they did not do as their fellow subjects did.

Oct. 8
I rose about 7 o'clock and read nothing because I prepared myself to ride to Major Harrison's. About 10 o'clock I got over the river and proceeded on my journey but went a little out of my way. However I got there about one o'clock and found the Governor, Colonel Harrison, and Colonel Ludwell, which last had been sick.

About 2 o'clock we went to dinner and I ate boiled beef for my part. After dinner we sat in council concerning the Indians and some of the Tributaries came before us who promised to be very faithful to us. It was agreed to send Peter Poythress to the Tuscaroras to treat them and to demand the Baron Graffenriedt who was prisoner among the Indians.

Westover, Byrd's
plantation on the James River
Oct. 19
I rose about 6 o'clock and found it cold. We drank chocolate with the Governor and about 9 o'clock got on our horses and waited on the Governor to see him put the foot in order.

. About 3 o'clock the Tuscarora Indians came with their guard and Mr. Poythress with them. He told the Governor that the Baron was alive and would be released but that Mr. Lawson was killed because he had been so foolish as to threaten the Indian that had taken him.

About 6 o'clock we went to dinner and I ate some mutton. At night some of my troop went with me into town to see the girls and kissed them without proceeding any further, and we had like to be kept out by the captain of the guard. However, at last they let us in and we went to bed about 2 o'clock in the morning.

Oct. 20
I rose about 6 o'clock and drank tea with the Governor, who made use of this opportunity to make the Indians send some of their great men to the College, and the Nansemonds sent two, the Nottoways two, and the Meherrins two. He also demanded one from every town belonging to the Tuscaroras.

. Then we went and saw the Indian boys shoot and the Indian girls run for a prize. We had likewise a war dance by the men and a love dance by the women, which sports lasted till it grew dark. Then we went to supper and I ate chicken with a good stomach.

We sat with the Governor until about 11 o'clock and then we went to Major Harrison's to supper again. Jenny, an Indian girl, had got drunk and made us good sport. I neglected to say my prayers and had good health, good thoughts, good humor, thank God Almighty.

Oct 21
We drank chocolate with the Governor and about 10 o'clock we took leave of the Nottoway town and the Indian boys went away with us that were designed for the College. The Governor made three proposals to the Tuscaroras: that they would join with the English to pursue those Indians who had killed the people of Carolina, that they should have 40 shillings for every head they brought in of those guilty Indians and be paid the price of a slave for all they brought in alive, and that they should send one of the chief men's sons out of every town to the College.

About 4 we dined and I ate some boiled beef. My man's horse was lame for which we drew blood. At night I asked a negro girl to kiss me, and when I went to bed I was very cold because I pulled off my clothes after lying in them so long."

Verwysings:
Byrd's account is found in: Bryd, William The Secret Diary of William Bryd of Westover 1709-1712 (Louis Wright and Marion Tinling, eds) (1941).


Slavery in Brazil

It is estimated that 4 million Africans landed in Brazil between 1550 and 1850, brought by force from their continent, from regions where today are Angola, Benin, Congo, C te d'Ivoire, Guinea, Mali and Mozambique. In contast, the number imported to the United States amounted to fewwer than 1 million.

At the time of their cessation of the Atlantic slave trade, both Brazil and the United States each had approximtely 1,500,000 slaves. By the time of each nation's respective abolition, however, by one estimate the number of slaves in Brazil had dropped to around 800,000, while the number of slaves in the United States had soared to over 4,000,000.

In the legal structure of the United States, the black slave became property. As such the slave was without the rights to marriage, to children, to the product of his work or to freedom. In Brazil, however, while remaining at the bottom of the social order, the slave was still considered a human being with certain rights and some means by which to achieve freedom.

One of the major issues in Brazil's history revolves around the question of slavery, which began during the colonial period, probably in 1532, and lasted until 1888. The slaves came from different African regions. Most slaves came from the Yoruba nation, today's Nigeria and Benin many others came from Angola.

It is unknown exactly when African slaves first arrived in Brazil. However, historians believe that Martim Afonso de Sousa, a Portuguese fidalgo (a man of noble birth), brought slaves with him, when he arrived in Brazil in 1531. This is significantly earlier than the arrival of African slaves to North America in 1619.

Aristotle stated that "No advanced community ever existed in which one part did not live off the labor of another." Black slaves came from an extended family culture which had elements of polygamy and concubinage. European culture viewed this as an invention of the devil. Late Renaissance Europe viewed the world as full of devils and demons, and Africa personified this trend. Blacks were seen as libidinous, related to the sexual connotation in the biblical account of Ham's offense. Huxley postulates that black is not as valuable as white through his valuation of races.

Long before the arrival of Europeans in Africa, trade in slaves existed with North Africa and Asia to supply domestic servants or to fill the harems of Arabia. A few slaves were exported to Europe, but compared to the later Atlantic slave trade, the geographical extent and the volume of traffic was minute. The North African trade always remained limited both by supply and demand and the difficulties of the Saharan Crossing. The trade with Asia was similarly circumscribed by supply and demand and the strength of the Zanj city-states of the East-African coast.

At the beginning of the colonization of Brazil, the Portuguese sought to enslave the Indians in a systematic way. But the initiative has had a number of drawbacks. "They were not accustomed to regular and intense work, they were incapacitated by the diseases brought by the Europeans and, whenever possible, they penetrated the interior of the territory, which was familiar to them. The reports indicate that, by 1562, two violent epidemics killed around 60,000 Indians.

At the same time as the difficulties with enslavement of the natives arose, the Portuguese were already involved in the slave trade in a profitable business on the other side of the Atlantic. This form of work organization was adopted in the African islands dominated by Portugal and Spain, such as Cape Verde, the Azores and the Canaries, who practiced the plantation system.

After the coming of the Europeans to Africa in the late 15th century, the trade in slaves did not increase dramatically until the discovery of the New World and the development of plantations in the European Colonies of the Americas. By the 16th century the demand for cheap labor in the Western Hemisphere had created an enormous market for slaves. Moreover, the potential areas of supply increased correspondingly as Europeans came in oontact with people along the whole vast stretch of the African littoral. Genoese merchants bought their slaves in Lisbon because the Portuguese had exclusive rights to the whole African continent.

The first black slaves arrived in Brazil between 1539 and 1542, in the Captaincy of Pernambuco , the first part of the colony where sugarcane cultivation was effectively developed. It was an attempt to solve the "lack of arms for farming", as was said then. [ 26 ] The main ports landing of African captives were, between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, those of Recife and Salvador , and between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, those of Rio de Janeiro and Salvador - where a portion went to the Minas Gerais and the coffee plantations Para ba Valley. The monetary value of Africans enslaved in any American auction block in the mid-18th century ranged from $800 to $1,200, which in modern times would amount to $ 32,000 to $ 48,000 each ($ 100, now worth $ 4,000 due to inflation).

Brazilian slave-owners subjected their slaves to such horrendous conditions that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that by one estimate slaves brought to Brazil only survived for an average of seven years. Furthermore, there were only two female slaves to every eight male slaves and when those few slave women did become pregnant and give birth, infant mortality rates were staggering. This meant that slave-owners needed to constantly replenish their labor force and that meant importing more and more slaves, causing the slave market to boom.

Brazil imported African slaves on an enormous scale and were a major fixture of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, though estimates of the scope of this traffic vary. Many of the slaves never reached the New World, some dying while still in African captivity, many others succumbing to the horrors of the Middle Passage on the slave ships. Nevertheless, at least 10 million and possibly as many as 15 million Africans may have reached their final destination. By one estimate, about 95 percent of the slaves who arrived were taken to Latin America while the United States absorbed only about 5 percent of the total number.

By another estimate, before 1800, Brazil imported more than eight and a quarter times the number of slaves that were imported by European colonists in mainland North America and more than thirty-six percent of all slaves brought to the Americas. Over the course of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, more than one-third of African slaves may have come to Brazil. After 1800, the proportion of African slaves sent to Brazil as opposed to other places in the Americas almost doubled. Out of all the slaves taken from Africa and sent to the Americas in the nineteenth century, sixty percent went to Brazil.

Slaves represented a variety of different cultures and societies. Most were followers of traditional African religions, but some were Muslim. Regardless of their background, slaves crossed the Atlantic under very harsh conditions. They were held in brutally crowded conditions and many died during the trip.

They came from different regions of Africa: the west coast of Cape Verde to Cape of Good Hope the eastern coast of Mozambique, also the interior regions of the continent. Hence the fact that they are in different stages of civilization. The large group of Sudanese, composed of the Yoruba or Nago, Jeje and the mines, and the Berber-Ethiopian group, with the Fulani and send him, were in a more advanced stage of civilization the Islamized Sudanese were the earliest and were those who came to lead rebellions and the formation of quilombos. The Bantu culture group that were part of the Angolans, the Congos or cabindas the Benguelas and Mo ambiques were later, lying still in the fetishism of the stage, with collective ownership system and rudimentary family organization. African slaves entered the country mainly through the ports of Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, Recife and S o Lu s.

Slaves who survived most often arrived in Brazil through the ports of Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, Recife, and S o Lu s and were sold throughout the country. At first they worked in the sugar fields in the northeast later, in the gold and diamond mines and coffee plantations in the east and southeast.

There have been several attempts to calculate the number of African slaves that entered Brazil. There are several hypotheses to establish this calculation. Alfonso d'Escragnolle Taunay (1876-1958) calculates a total of 3,600,000 African slaves landed in Brazil. By the middle of the seventeenth century, it was said that the slave population in Brazil was more numerous than the free population.

In Spanish America the slave owners were largely to be found among the inhabitants of European descent, the mine owners and planters, in fine, those who through self-interest or political loyalty a loyalty strengthened by a bloody and terrible war remained faithful to the mother country. Under the circumstances the success of the Spanish American Revolutions, in which these royalists went down to defeat, was logically accompanied by the official extinction of slavery.

In Portuguese America, on the other hand, where the political separation from the mother country was accompanied by little armed strife, the problem of slavery did not become so acute. The land-holding class in the main identified itself with the new regime and was consequently left in undisturbed possession of its slaves. In the wake of independence, the newly autonomous Brazil relied more heavily on slave labor to produce larger quantities of coffee. The young Emperor Pedro II was most anxious to free the slaves of Brazil but slavery seemed so necessary for the vast coffee and sugar plantations that the wealthier Brazilians were bitterly opposed to emancipation.

There was a convention between Great Britain and Brazil in 1826 for the abolition of the slave trade, but it was habitually violated in spite of the English cruisers. In 1830 the traffic was declared piracy by the emperor of Brazil. The Brazilian slave-owner never obeyed the law of 1831, because it was antagonistic to what he considered his own private interest an uninterrupted supply of cheap slave-labour. . . . For some twenty-five years he brought in over half a million of Africans after 1831, and it was only after further legislation and the forcible intervention of foreign powers that he finally gave up the traffic.

England asserted by the Aberdeen Act (1845) the right of seizing suspected craft in Brazilian waters. Trafficking to Brazil, although illegal after 1830, only ceased around 1850, after the approval of a law of Eus bio de Queir s. Yet by the connivance of the local administrative authorities 54,000 Africans continued to be annually imported. In 1853 a decree was issued forbidding the importation of slaves. Yellow fever, until then unknown in Brazil, had made its appearance a short time before, and it was thought that the disease had been brought into the country by the slaves. There was intense pressure from the British government, interested in the development of free labor for the expansion of the consumer market. Exporting British goods to Brazil was more profitable than investing in the slavery business.

In San Paolo to colonise was to employ immigrant laborers on the plantations every laborer of foreign origin was called a colonist, in contradistinction to the slave or native laborer. Thus the word colonist had a special meaning in San Paolo the colonist is not an owner of land, but an agricultural laborer. The colonists had signed a contract of m tayage. A m tayer pays his rent in labor or in kind, or his labor is paid in kind and in board. The proprietor supplied them with coffee shrubs of productive age their only duty was to look after them. The crop was divided in half, and one half was reserved for the colonists. The money advanced by the planter to the colonist, which the colonist was incapable of repaying, was equivalent to the purchase-price of a slave. Instead of buying a slave, the planter went to the expense of bringing a colonist from Europe the sum expended was practically about the same, and the colonist, thus heavily indebted, would have scarcely more independence than the slave.

From 1870 onwards slavery was opposed not only by the philanthropists but also by the economists. - The idea was conceived that the slave is an expensive workman, and that slave labor was a check upon production. As the end of slavery seemed to approach, its economic value decreased. The price of the slave continually rose as the number of slaves decreased. A large price had to be paid for a form of merchandise which ran the risk of taking wings, from one day to another, so soon as abolition should be proclaimed. This uncertainty as to the future contributed to wean the planters from the institution of slavery.

Even as the church and military crises were unfolding, the slavery issue shook the support of the landed elite. Attitudes toward slavery had shifted gradually. Pedro II favored abolition, and during the Paraguayan War slaves serving in the military were emancipated. In 1871 the Rio Branco cabinet approved a law freeing newborns and requiring masters to care for them until age eight, at which time they would either be turned over to the government for compensation or the owner would have use of their labor until age twenty-one. In 1884 a law freed slaves over sixty years of age.

On September 28, 1871, the Brazilian chambers decreed that slavery should be abolished throughout the empire. Though existing slaves were to remain slaves still, with the exception of those possessed by the government, who were liberated by the act, facilities for emancipation were given and it was provided that all children born of female slaves after the day on which the law passed should be free. They" were, however, bound to serve the owners of their mothers for a term of twenty-one years.

According to the last census compiled previous to emancipation the total number of slaves in Brazil was 720,000, and no less than 600,000 of these were said to be between the ages of eighteen and sixty years, classed therefore as effective for active work. The assertions made by the abolitionists that the total was only 500,000, were proved to be inaccurate. Rejoicings were confined to the working classes of the population and to those having no direct interest in the slave question. But the great plantation owners and many others pecuniarily injured opposed emancipation bitterly, and the effect upon this influential body of people was to draw them nearer to the republican propaganda which had been gaining strength for some time past. On 01 May 1886, the Princess Isabelle, regent of Brazil while the emperor was in Europe, proclaimed the abolition of slavery.

There were two returns which appeared in a report presented to the UK Parliament in 1874 they were both official. The first was a return which made the number of slaves in the empire a small number over a million and the second return, which professed to have been rendered in a more exact manner, with the object of estimating the number of slaves possessed by each landowner, in order that they might become subject to the tax to be carried to the manumission fund, made the total number of slaves in Brazil 1,400,000.

The culture of sugar-cane was still, about 1870, undertaken only by slaves all other agricultural labour was performed by free labourers. From about 1880, when the rapid expansion of coffee-planting set in, the necessity of resorting to immigration became every day more urgent workers were lacking, so it was necessary to create a new population.

By the 1880s, the geography of slavery had also changed, and the economy was less dependent on it. Because of manumissions (many on condition of remaining on the plantations) and the massive flight of slaves, the overall numbers declined from 1,240,806 in 1884 to 723,419 in 1887, with most slaves having shifted from the sugar plantations in the Northeast to the south-central coffee groves. But even planters in S o Paulo, where the slave percentage of the total population had fallen from 28.2 percent in 1854 to 8.7 percent in 1886, understood that to continue expansion they needed a different labor system. The provincial government therefore actively began subsidizing and recruiting immigrants. Between 1875 and 1887, about 156,000 arrived in S o Paulo. Meanwhile, the demand for cheap sugarcane workers in the Northeast was satisfied by sertanejos (inhabitants of the sert o ) fleeing the devastating droughts of the 1870s in the sert o.

The economic picture was also changing. Slavery immobilized capital invested in the purchase and maintenance of slaves. By turning to free labor, planter capital was freed for investment in railroads, streetcar lines, and shipping and manufacturing enterprises. To some extent, these investments offered a degree of protection from the caprices of agriculture.

Meanwhile, slaves left the plantations in great numbers, and an active underground supported runaways. Army officers petitioned the Regent Princess Isabel to relieve them of the duty of pursuing runaway slaves. Field Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca, commander in Rio Grande do Sul, declared in early 1887 that the military "had the obligation to be abolitionist." The S o Paulo assembly petitioned the Parliament for immediate abolition. The agitation reached such a pitch that to foreign travelers, Brazil appeared on the verge of social revolution. The system was coming apart, and even planters realized that abolition was the way to prevent chaos.

The staff of the fazenda consisted (besides the slaves) of the comrades. These were nearly always Brazilians, in receipt of monthly wages. They were idle and irregular in their work, and often went from one fazenda to another. But they were very docile and easy to manage their needs and demands were very few, their ambition a minus quantity.

The so-called Golden Law of May 13, 1888, which ended slavery, was not an act of great bravery but a recognition that slavery was no longer viable. The economy revived rapidly after a few lost harvests, and only a small number of planters went bankrupt. Slavery ended, but the plantation survived and so did the basic attitudes of a class society. The abolitionists quickly abandoned those they had struggled to free. Many former slaves stayed on the plantations in the same quarters, receiving paltry wages. They were joined by waves of immigrants, who often found conditions so unbearable that they soon moved to the cities or returned to Europe. The fact that Dom Pedro reigned for nearly fifty years would indicate that he was liberal-minded, progressive, and enlightened, and that he was well liked by the people. But the work of freemasonry and the loss the planters suffered by the emancipation of their slaves created a spirit of disaffection. Dom Pedro practically forced his government to complete the freedom oft eh slaves. By that act he destroyed his empire. The aristocracy, which had upheld him, turned against him. There was a military uprising, and the Republic of Brazil was proclaimed. The outcome was that, after a bloodless revolution (15 November 1889), Dom Pedro was deposed, and a Republic was proclaimed. The aged emperor was declared banished he accepted the change quietly and withdrew to Portugal.

But while the enfranchisement of slaves had been an economic catastrophe in the case of most countries dependent on slave labor, and while, in other parts of Brazil, it resulted in a general agricultural depression, it was in the case of San Paolo the signal for an extraordinary agricultural renascence. The abolition of slavery was pronounced in 1888, and it was between 1888 and 1890 that the great expansion of coffeeplanting took place. The era of free labor in San Paolo had been coming ever since the middle of the nineteenth century, forty years before the abolition of slavery. Abolition was foreseen long before it was decreed it was expected, and remedial measures were sought in advance. No freedmen's bureaus or schools were established to improve the lives of the former slaves they were left at the bottom of the socioeconomic scale, where their descendants remain in the 1990s. New prisons built after 1888 were soon filled with former slaves as society imposed other forms of social control, in part by redefining crime.

The quilombos formed in places of refuge slaves Africans and African descent throughout the Americas. The word "quilombo" originates from the terms kilombo ( Quimbundo ) and " ochilombo " ( Umbundo ), and is also present in other languages ??spoken today by various Bantus peoples who inhabit the region of Angola in West Africa. Originally, it designated only a landing place, used by nomadic or displaced populations.

The quilombo was understood by the Overseas Council of the Portuguese government in 1740 as a whole "group of runaway slaves that pass five, even though they have raised ranches in unpopulated part or find themselves pylons them." The anthropological definition of the 1989 Brazilian Association of Anthropology for this grouping is: every black rural community that groups descendants of slaves, living in a subsistence culture and where cultural manifestations have a strong link with the past.

Although quilombos dotted the Brazilian landscape throughout the era of slavery, which lasted from the 1500s until 1889, they faded into history in the 20th century. Many of the legislators who approved the quilombo law, ratified in 1988 as part of the new Brazilian Constitution, viewed it as a symbolic gesture that would affect only a handful of families.

In 2003, a decree by left-wing President Luiz In cio Lula da Silva made it possible for virtually any Afro-Brazilian community to apply for quilombo status, if a majority of its residents so decide. Since this order, the number of certified quilombos skyrocketed from fewer than three dozen to more than 2,400, with hundreds more applying for recognition. In total, more than 1 million Brazilians were demanding their constitutional right to land in what would become the largest slavery reparations program ever attempted.

Brazil was the last country in the hemisphere to abolish slavery in 1888, and continues to have huge problems with forced labor. Estimates of the number of people working in slave-like conditions range between 25,000 and 40,000, typically on cattle ranches, sugarcane plantations, large farms producing corn, cotton, soy and charcoal, and in logging and mining.

More than a century after the signing of the Lei urea, much has changed, the black population now numbers 50.1% of Brazilian citizens, but there is still a gap between blacks and whites and racial democracy remains a myth. This difference between whites and blacks in Brazil has basically economic repercussions - in income and employment - but they can also be noticed in access to basic services such as health, higher education, basic sanitation and pensions.


Hacienda

a large estate in a number of Latin American countries (called estancia in Argentina, Chile, and several other countries). Haciendas arose with the seizure of the lands of the native population by Spanish colonizers. By the late 16th and early 17th centuries, haciendas had in reality turned into hereditary estates of a feudal type to which the Indians were bound. Although nominally considered personally free, the Indians were obliged to work for the landowners and, in effect, were wholly dependent upon them. Even at the present time the hacienda is the predominant type of large-scale ownership of land in most Latin American countries.