Unicorn Seal - Indus Script

Unicorn Seal - Indus Script


Lêer: Unicorn. Vorm van seël, Indusvallei beskawing.jpg

Klik op 'n datum/tyd om die lêer te sien soos dit destyds gelyk het.

Datum TydDuimnaelsketsAfmetingsGebruikerLewer kommentaar
huidige19:34, 1 April 20201,471 × 1,417 (737 KB) Ismoon (bespreking | bydraes) beter beeld
17:48, 21 Februarie 2012 />2,124 × 2,046 (2,79 MB) Ismoon (bespreking | bydraes) <> | Bron = eie werk | Datum = 05/02/2012 |

U kan nie hierdie lêer oorskryf nie.


Unicorn Seal -2, Harappan Civilization, C- 2700-2000 BC

Seëls verskyn in die Indusvallei omstreeks 2600 v.C. met die opkoms van die stede en gepaardgaande administrateurs. Vierkante en reghoekige seëls is gemaak van afgebrande steatiet. Die sagte speksteen is gekerf, gepoleer en dan in 'n oond afgevuur om die oppervlak wit te maak en te verhard. Seëls van metaal is uiters skaars, maar koper- en silwer voorbeelde is bekend. Die vierkantige seëls het gewoonlik 'n skriflyn aan die bokant en 'n gesnyde dier in die middelste gedeelte. Die diere wat op die robbe uitgebeeld word, gewoonlik mannetjies, bevat huisdiere en wilde diere, sowel as mitiese wesens, soos die eenhoring. 'N Klein voerbak of geheimsinnige offerstaander word dikwels onder die kop van die dier geplaas. Sommige seëls bevat meer komplekse tonele wat mitologiese of godsdienstige gebeure voorstel. Aan die agterkant is 'n gesnyde knop, of 'n baas, met 'n gaatjie om 'n dik koord vas te hou. Hierdie knoppe moes maklik gebreek gewees het en ontbreek by die meeste seëls. Die eenhoorn is verreweg die algemeenste motief wat aangetref word op kleimerkies wat oorspronklik aan knope geheg is of op 'n bondel goedere gebind is. Dit dui daarop dat die eienaars van die eenhoringrob meestal betrokke was by handel en handel, maar dit beteken nie dat hulle die magtigste groep was nie. Die minder verspreide robbe met die bul-, olifant-, renoster- en tiermotiewe het moontlik die magtigste geslagte of ampte verteenwoordig wat die stede eintlik beheer het. Ander soorte robbe wat in die Indusvallei voorkom, soos robbe in kompartemente, weerspieël verbindings met streke waar hierdie tipe seëls gebruik is.

Artefakte uit die Indus Valley Civilization -galery van die National Museum, New Delhi India.

Die Indus Valley Civilization (IVC) was 'n Bronstydse beskawing (3300–1300 v.C. volwasse tydperk 2600–1900 v.C.) wat in die noordwestelike deel van die Indiese subkontinent geleë was, bestaande uit wat tans hoofsaaklik Pakistan en noordwes van Indië is. [4] Die beskawing bloei rondom die Indus-rivierkom en strek ooswaarts tot by die Ghaggar-Hakra-riviervallei en die boonste dele van die Ganges-Yamuna Doab strek wes tot by die Makran-kus van Balochistan, noordwaarts tot noordoos-noordoos van Afghanistan en suidwaarts tot by Daimabadin Maharashtra. Die beskawing was versprei oor ongeveer 1,260,000 km², wat dit die grootste antieke beskawing maak.

Die Indusvallei is saam met sy tydgenote Mesopotamië en die ou Egipte een van die vroegste stedelike beskawings ter wêreld. Op sy hoogtepunt het die Indus Civilization moontlik 'n bevolking van meer as vyf miljoen gehad. Inwoners van die ou Indus -riviervallei het nuwe tegnieke ontwikkel in handwerk (karneoolprodukte, seëlsnywerk) en metallurgie (koper, brons, lood en tin). Die beskawing is bekend vir sy stede wat gebou is uit baksteen, dreineringstelsel langs die pad en huise met meerdere verhale.

Die Indusvallei -beskawing staan ​​ook bekend as die Harappan -beskawing, aangesien die eerste van die stede wat opgegrawe is, geleë was in Harappa, opgegrawe in die 1920's in die destydse Punjab -provinsie van Brits -Indië (nou in Pakistan). Die opgrawing van Harappan -terreine word sedert 1920 aan die gang gehou, met belangrike deurbrake wat so onlangs as 1999 plaasgevind het. Daar was vroeër en later kulture, dikwels genoem Early Harappan en Late Harappan, in dieselfde gebied van die Harappan Civilization. Die Harappaanse beskawing word soms die Volwasse Harappan -kultuur genoem om dit van hierdie kulture te onderskei. Tot 1 999 is meer as 1 056 stede en nedersettings gevind, waarvan 96 opgegrawe is, hoofsaaklik in die algemene gebied van die Indus- en Ghaggar-Hakra-rivier en sy sytakke. Onder die nedersettings was die belangrikste stedelike sentrums van Harappa, Lothal, Mohenjo-daro (UNESCO-wêrelderfenisgebied), Dholavira, Kalibanga en Rakhigarhi.


  • Diere soos buffels, gestampte bulle en renosters is ook gebruik as rekords wat verband hou met landbouaktiwiteite of produksie.

In teenstelling met die eeue oue veronderstelling dat die Indus-skrif 'n taal is, het 'n veteraan-historikus beweer dat dit numeries is, soos blyk uit getalle en simbole in die seëls en artefakte van die Indus Valley Civilization (3000-1900 vC). "Pogings om die Indus-skrif te ontsyfer, was gebaseer op die aanname dat 'n skrif taalkundige skryfwerk moet beteken. Daar is baie tale oor die hele wêreld, selfs vandag nog," het die 90-jarige historikus, BV Subbaraayappa, aan IANS in Bangalore gesê.

Alhoewel die Indus -beskawing 90 jaar gelede aan die lig gekom het toe die destydse direkteur -generaal John Marshall, Archeological Survey of India (ASI), in 1924 oor die ontdekking daarvan in "The Illustrated London News" geskryf het, het die geheimsinnige skrif daarvan omstrede geraak weens verskillende interpretasies deur taalkundiges, historici en argeoloë regoor die wêreld. "Meer as 4000 robbe en ander ingeskrewe artefakte is opgegrawe in die Indusvallei -terreine of in die Harappa -kultuur, soos argeoloë dit noem, en is in Indië en (nou) Pakistan geleë. beweer.

Met die unieke en kenmerkende kenmerke van die numeries gebaseerde Indus-skrif, het die stadskundige geleerde gesê dat die Indusvallei mense die desimale, additiewe, vermenigvuldigende numeriese stelsel wyd gebruik in hul daaglikse beroepe, wat hoofsaaklik landbou was en veeteelt. "Die simboliese voorstelling van ses, vier en tweerige variëteite gars, koring en katoen word uitgebeeld in die vorm van 'n saamgestelde dier - eenhoring, 'n motief in ongeveer 1100 seëls, wat bedoel was om rekords te wees van voedselgraan (koring en gars) ) en handelsware (katoen), het Subbarayappa, 'n voormalige president van die International Union of History & amp Philosophy of Science, gesê.

Ander diere soos buffels, gestampte bulle en renosters is ook gebruik as rekords wat verband hou met landbouaktiwiteite of produksie. "Die uitgangspunt van die numeriese hipotese is dat 'n taal in die vorm van mondelinge tradisie in die mode kan wees, lank voordat dit opgestel is. Byvoorbeeld, die Vediese taal het meer as 1 000 jaar lank nie 'n skrif gehad nie," onthou die nie -volksgenoot.

Aangesien syfers simboliese voorstelling vereis, het die eerste poging om te skryf begin met numeriese vorms, soos blyk uit die basiese skrifvorms op die Indus -voorwerpe wat in die verlede as syfers gebruik is. Tien Indus -vorms is ook gebruik as syfers in die Ashokan-, Naneghat- en Kushan -inskripsies.

Edikte van keiser Ashoka van die Maurya -dinastie is vir die nageslag aangeteken in 33 inskripsies wat op pilare na hom vernoem is, rotsblokke en grotmure. Naneghat -inskripsies behoort aan die Satavahana -heersers in die Western Ghats naby Junnar in die Pune -distrik Maharashtra. Die Naneghat, 'n bergreeks, is ook gebruik as 'n handelsroete tussen Kalyan en Junnar. Kushan -inskripsies is gebruik deur Kushan -heersers in die Hindoe -Kush -streek van die huidige noordelike Pakistan. Hulle het tekste in Baktrianus in die Griekse skrif, in Prakrit geskryf in Brahmi of Kharosthi.

"Herhaling van simbole twee keer, drie keer en vier keer langs 'n Indus -seël, is slegs sinvol in syfers en nie in 'n taal nie. Hulle voorstelling in 'n reël meestal en soms in twee of drie reëls op seëls dui op numeriese waarde as taaluitdrukking," Subbarayappa herhaal.

Die numeriese hipotese verklaar die rol van graansakke en ontploffingsplatforms by Mohenjo-daro in die huidige Sindh-provinsie en Harappa, terwyl die voorwerpe lig werp op die oorblyfsels van skaars koring, katoen, ertjies, sesam en dadels wat op hul terreine gevind word. . 'My hipotese beskryf nie net die landbouproduksie en -bestuur nie, maar ook die kwantitatiewe rekords daarvan in die numeriese simbole,' het die chemikus bygevoeg.

Met die oog op die argeologiese belangrikheid van die Indus -skrif, wil die wetenskaphistorikus nasionale instellings soos die ASI, die Indian Council of Historical Research en die Indian National Science Academy sy numeriese hipotese op 'n wetenskaplike manier evalueer, aangesien die taalkundige aanname daarvan 'n blinde baan bereik het. Die numeriese hipotese van die Indus -skrif is egter besig om veld te wen, danksy die gebruik van rekenaarprogrammering deur geleerdes in Indië en oorsee om te bepaal of 'n skrif taalkundig of numeries is.

Drie Amerikaanse geleerdes - Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat en Michel Witzel van die Harvard -universiteit - het in 2004 'n referaat gepubliseer wat bewys dat die Indus -skrif nie 'n taal is nie, aangesien "die mense van die Indusvallei -kultuur nie in die moderne sin geletterd was nie". Sproat, wat onlangs 'n artikel gepubliseer het waarin die taalkundige aard van die Indus -skrif weggegooi word, onderskryf ook die interpretasie van Subbarayappa, hoewel die vermenigvuldigende aspek omslagtig lyk.

"Die groot graansakke by Mohenjo-daro en Harappa, 18 afskotplatforms, geometries gevormde strate en bane, standaard opbergkanne, bakstene in 'n verhouding van 1: 2: 4 en seëls dui duidelik die rol van syfers en die gebruik daarvan deur die Indusvallei aan mense vir 'n lang tyd, 'het Subbarayappa afgesluit.


Unicorn Seal - Indus Script - History

Die eenhoring is 'n mitiese wese wat gewoonlik met die liggaam van 'n perd uitgebeeld word, maar met 'n enkele, gewoonlik spiraalvormige horing wat uit sy voorkop groei, en dus sy naam cornus Latyn vir 'horing'. Die eenhoorn word beskryf sedert die oudheid wat in antieke seëls van die Indusvallei -beskawing uitgebeeld is en deur die ou Grieke in die natuurgeskiedenis deur verskillende skrywers genoem is, waaronder Ctesias, Strabo, Plinius die Jongere en Aelian. Die Bybel beskryf ook 'n dier, die re'em, wat in sommige weergawes as eenhoorn vertaal word.

In Europese folklore word die eenhoring dikwels uitgebeeld as 'n wit perdagtige of bokagtige dier met 'n lang horing en gesplete hoewe (soms 'n bokbaard). In die Middeleeue en Renaissance word dit algemeen beskryf as 'n uiters wilde boswese, 'n simbool van suiwerheid en genade, wat slegs deur 'n maagd gevang kon word. In die ensiklopedieë word gesê dat sy horing die vermoë het om vergiftigde water drinkbaar te maak en siekte te genees. In die Middeleeue en Renaissance is die slagtand van die narwal soms as eenhoring verkoop. Lees meer

Beweerde eenhoorn -waarnemings

Adam in die tuin van Eden aan die begin van die tyd
Keiser Fu Hsi China 5000 jaar gelede
Keiser Huang Di Keiser se tuin in China 2697 v.C.
Keiser Yao China Ongeveer 2 000 v.C.
Confucius China 551-479 v.C.
Ctesias Indië 4de eeu v.C.
Alexander die Grote Asië 3de eeu v.C.
Julius Caesar Duitsland 1ste eeu v.C.
Prester John Asia Mid-1100s
Genghis Khan India Vroeë 1200's



Gevleuelde aurochs, 510 vC, Paleis van Darius in Susa, Susa, Iran (Louvre)



Eenhoringseël van Indusvallei, Indiese museum



Jongmense wat bokke ry ('n Dionisiese motief in die oudheid) op die 12de-eeuse hoofstede uit
die abdij van Mozac in die Auvergne. Die bokke kan nie van eenhoorns onderskei word nie.



Maagd Maria wat die eenhoorn vashou (omstreeks 1480),
detail van die aankondiging met die Unicorn Polyptych,
Nasionale Museum, Warskou

'N Prehistoriese grotskildery in Lascaux, Frankryk, beeld 'n dier met twee reguit horings uit sy voorkop uit. Die vereenvoudigde profielperspektief van die skildery laat hierdie twee horings 'n enkele reguit horing blyk te wees, aangesien die spesie van die figuur andersins onbekend is; dit het die naam "die Eenhoorn" gekry. Richard Leakey stel voor dat dit, net soos die towenaar wat by Trois-Freres gevind is, 'n therianthrope is, 'n mengsel van dier en mens se kop, in sy interpretasie die van 'n baardman.

Daar is onbevestigde berigte oor inheemse skilderye van eenhoorns in Namakwaland in Suider -Afrika. 'N Gedeelte van Bruce Chatwin se reisjoernaal In Patagonia (1977) vertel Chatwin se ontmoeting met 'n Suid -Amerikaanse wetenskaplike wat geglo het dat eenhoorns een van Suid -Amerika se uitgestorwe megafauna van die Laat Pleistoseen was, en dat hulle in die vyfde of sesde millennium deur die mens gejaag is. V.C. Hy het aan Chatwin, wat hulle later gesoek het, vertel van twee oorspronklike grotskilderye van "eenhoorns" by Lago Posadas (Cerro de los Indios).

Alhoewel die gewilde beeld van die eenhoring dié van 'n wit perd is wat slegs in die horing verskil, het die tradisionele eenhoorn 'n bokbaard, 'n leeu se stert en gesplete hoewe, wat hom van 'n perd onderskei. Selfs in die vroegste verwysings is hy kwaai, maar tog goed, onbaatsugtig, maar eensaam, maar altyd geheimsinnig mooi.

In China is die qilin 'n mitologiese wese wat soms "die Chinese eenhoring" genoem word. Dit word uitgebeeld as 'n hibriede dier wat minder eenhoring as chimera is, met die liggaam van 'n hert, die kop van 'n leeu, groen skubbe en 'n lang voorwaarts geboë horing.

Die Japannese "Kirin", alhoewel dit gebaseer is op die Chinese dier, word gewoonlik uitgebeeld wat meer lyk soos die Westerse eenhoring as die Chinese qilin.

Volgens 'n interpretasie van robbe wat met 'n dier gekerf is wat soos 'n bul lyk (en wat eintlik 'n simplistiese manier kan wees om bulle in profiel uit te beeld), word beweer dat die eenhoring 'n algemene simbool was tydens die Indusvallei -beskawing, wat op baie seëls. Dit het moontlik 'n kragtige sosiale groep simboliseer.


Sekere poëtiese gedeeltes uit die Bybelse Ou Testament verwys na 'n sterk en pragtige horingsdier wat genoem word hulle. Hierdie woord is in baie weergawes van die Bybel met 'eenhoring' of 'renoster' vertaal, maar baie moderne vertalings verkies 'wilde os' (aurochs), wat die korrekte betekenis van die Hebreeus is hulle.

Die goedgekeurde weergawe bevat nege verwysings na die dier, waaronder: "God het hulle uit Egipte gebring, hy het as die krag van 'n eenhoring." (Numeri 23: 22). Tog blyk dit dat die Bybelse verwysings te wyte is aan 'n taalfout wat Hebreeuse geleerdes in die 3de eeu v.C. toe hulle die Bybel in Grieks vertaal het. Hulle het die Hebreeuse re'em (wat 'aurochs' beteken, 'n wilde os met lang horings wat destyds in die Heilige Land uitgesterf het) as monoceros (wat 'enkelhoring' beteken) beteken, wat beteken 'van die spruit wat eenhoring geword het'. Dit het gevolglik gelyk asof die Skrif gewig verleen aan die oortuiging dat die dier bestaan.

As 'n Bybelse dier is die eenhoring allegories in die vroeë Christelike kerk geïnterpreteer. Een van die vroegste sulke interpretasies verskyn in die antieke Griekse bestiary, bekend as die Physiologus, wat verklaar dat die eenhoorn 'n sterk, kwaai dier is wat slegs gevang kan word as 'n maagd voor hom gegooi word. Die eenhoring spring in die maagd se skoot, en sy suig dit en lei dit na die koning se paleis. Middeleeuse skrywers vergelyk dus die eenhoorn met Christus, wat 'n horing van redding vir die mensdom opgerig het en in die baarmoeder van die Maagd Maria gewoon het.

Ander legendes vertel van die geveg van die eenhoorn met die olifant, wat hy uiteindelik met sy horing doodmaak, en van die eenhoring wat die vergiftigde waters met sy horing suiwer sodat ander diere kan drink.

Volgens die boek Genesis het God aan Adam die taak gegee om alles wat hy sien, te noem. In sommige vertalings van die Bybel was die Eenhoorn die eerste dier wat daardeur genoem is en dit bo alle ander diere in die heelal verhef het. Toe Adam en Eva die paradys verlaat het, het die Eenhoorn saam met hulle gegaan om suiwerheid en kuisheid te verteenwoordig. Die suiwerheid van die Eenhoorn in die Westerse legendes spruit dus uit die Bybelse begin daarvan.

Die Bybel bied ook 'n verduideliking oor waarom die Eenhoorn nog nie so lank gesien is nie. Tydens die vloed wat die wêreld vir 40 dae en 40 nagte verswelg het, het Noag twee van elke dier na veiligheid geneem, maar Unicorns was nie onder hulle nie. 'N Joodse volksverhaal noem dat hulle oorspronklik aan boord was, maar dat hulle soveel ruimte en aandag geëis het dat Noag hulle verban het. Hulle het verdrink of daarin geslaag om tydens die vloed te swem en nog steeds êrens in die wêreld te oorleef, of, soos sommige meen, ontwikkel tot die narvis.

Daar is sewe duidelike verwysings na die Unicorn in die Ou Testament, hoewel daar nou twyfel bestaan ​​oor die oorspronklike vertalings wat moontlik 'n ander dier as 'n Unicorn verkeerdelik genoem het.

Die Joodse Talmoed maak ook baie soortgelyke verwysings na die Eenhoorn. In Joodse folklore is dit die felste van alle diere en kan 'n olifant met 'n enkele stoot uit sy horing doodgemaak word.

Deur die geskiedenis heen het die kerk die Unicom op verskillende maniere geïnterpreteer. In die Middeleeue het dit 'n simbool van Christus self geword, en die horing was simbolies van die eenheid van Christus en God.

Sommige middeleeuse skilderye toon die Drie -eenheid met Christus voorgestel deur 'n Unicom. Aan die ander kant verskyn die Unicom ook as 'n simbool van boosheid in die boek Jesaja. Oor die algemeen word die Unicom egter as 'n suiwer en deugsame dier beskou. Ongeag die plek van die Unicom in die Bybelse teorie, is dit duidelik dat daar 'n sterk geloof was in die bestaan ​​van die dier in Bybelse tye, sowel as in die daaropvolgende eeue. Dit kom so gereeld in die Ou Testament voor dat dit in die Christelike wêreld beswaarlik oor die hoof gesien kan word. Die feit dat dit in die Bybel verskyn, het beteken dat geen vroom Christen aan die egtheid daarvan kon twyfel nie.

Die eenhoorn kom nie voor in die vroeë Griekse mitologie nie, maar eerder in die Griekse natuurgeskiedenis, want Griekse skrywers oor die natuurgeskiedenis was oortuig van die werklikheid van die eenhoring, wat hulle in Indië gevind het, 'n verre en wonderlike koninkryk vir hulle. The Encycloaedia Britannica (1911) versamel klassieke verwysings na eenhoorns: die vroegste beskrywing is van Ctesias, wat in Indica wit wilde esels beskryf het, vlootvoet, met 'n horing 'n half el lank lank, wit, rooi en swart van die horing is drinkbekers gemaak wat 'n voorkoming van vergiftiging was.

Aristoteles moet Ctesias volg as hy twee eenhoringdiere noem, die oriks, 'n soort bok, en die sogenaamde "Indiese esel".

Plinius voeg by dat "dit nie lewendig geneem kan word nie", en deur Ctesias aan te haal, voeg dit by dat Indië ook 'n eenhoringperd produseer. Die monoceros word soms carcazonon genoem, wat 'n vorm van die Arabiese karkas kan wees, wat 'renoster' beteken. Strabo sê dat daar in Indië eenhoringperde was met 'n hertagtige kop.

Middeleeuse kennis van die wonderlike dier spruit uit Bybelse en antieke bronne, die wese wat op verskillende maniere voorgestel word as 'n soort wilde esel, bok of perd.

Teen 200 n.C. het Tertullianus die eenhoring 'n klein, vurige, dieragtige dier genoem en 'n simbool van Christus. Die voorganger van die Middeleeuse bestiary, saamgestel in die laat oudheid en bekend as Physiologus, het 'n uitgebreide allegorie gewild gemaak waarin 'n eenhoorn, vasgevang deur 'n meisie (wat die Maagd Maria verteenwoordig), vir die inkarnasie. Sodra die eenhoorn haar sien lê sy kop op haar skoot en raak aan die slaap.

Dit het 'n basiese embleem geword wat onderliggend is aan die Middeleeuse opvattings oor die eenhoorn, wat die voorkoms daarvan in elke vorm van godsdienstige kuns regverdig.

Die eenhoorn het ook hoflik gedink: vir sommige Franse skrywers uit die dertiende eeu, soos Thibaut van Champagne en Richard van Fournival, word die minnaar aangetrokke tot sy vrou, net soos die eenhoring vir die maagd. Hierdie hoflike weergawe van verlossing bied 'n alternatief vir God se liefde en word as ketters aangeval.

Met die opkoms van die humanisme het die eenhoring ook meer ortodokse sekulêre betekenisse gekry, simbolies van rein liefde en getroue huwelike. Dit speel hierdie rol in Petrarch's Triumph of Chastity.

Die koninklike troon van Denemarke was gemaak van 'eenhoringhorings'. Dieselfde materiaal is vir seremoniële koppies gebruik omdat die eenhoring se horing steeds gif neutraliseer, na aanleiding van klassieke skrywers.

Die eenhoorn, wat net deur 'n maagdelike vrou tambaar was, was in die middeleeuse land gevestig teen die tyd dat Marco Polo dit beskryf het as "skaars kleiner as olifante. Hulle het die hare van 'n buffel en voete soos 'n olifant. Hulle het 'n enkele groot swart horing in die middel van die voorkop. Hulle het 'n kop soos 'n wildevark. Hulle spandeer tyd deur liewer in modder en slyk te wikkel. Hulle is baie lelike brute om na te kyk. Hulle is glad nie soos ons dit beskryf as ons met mekaar praat nie dat hulle hulself laat vang deur maagde, maar skoon in stryd met ons opvattings. " Dit is duidelik dat Marco Polo 'n renoster beskryf het.

In Duits het Einhorn ("eenhoring") sedert die sestiende eeu 'n beskrywer geword van die verskillende renostersoorte.

In die algemene opvatting, in die sewentiende eeu geestelik en breedvoerig ondersoek deur sir Thomas Browne in syne Pseudodoxia Epidemica, eenhoringhorings kan gifstowwe neutraliseer (boek III, hfst. xxiii). Daarom het mense wat bang was vir vergiftiging, soms gedrink uit bekers van 'eenhoring'.

Beweerde afrodisiacale eienskappe en ander beweerde medisinale deugde het ook die koste van "eenhoring" -produkte, soos melk, velle en afval, verhoog. Daar word ook gesê dat eenhorings in sommige verhale kan vasstel of 'n vrou 'n maagd is of nie; dit kan slegs deur maagde gemonteer word.

Een tradisionele metode om eenhoorns te jag, behels dat 'n maagd vasgevang was.

Vanweë die suiwerheid van die unicom word sy horing, soms '' Alicorn 'genoem, as magies beskou en 'n gewilde bestanddeel in middeleeuse medisyne geword. Die blote teenwoordigheid daarvan word beskou as 'n sterk beskerming teen gif in voedsel, en as dit in juweliersware gedra word, beskerm dit die draer teen die kwaad.

Alikorn was dikwels meer werd as sy gewig in goud, dus konings, keisers en pouse was een van die min mense wat die hoë pryse kon betaal. Hulle was gretig om die kosbare horing aan te skaf om 'n lang en gesonde lewe te "waarborg". Met so 'n winsgewende handel was valse alikorn hoog, gemaak van bulhoorn, bokhoorn, of in sommige gevalle uit die horings van eksotiese diere of uit gewone hondebene.

Volledige Unicom -horings was baie skaars. Byvoorbeeld, 'n volledige Unicom -horing wat in besit was van koningin Elizabeth I van Engeland was destyds gewaardeer op L10,000 - gelykstaande aan ongeveer 3,000 gram goud en genoeg geld om 'n groot landgoed met 'n kasteel te koop. In plaas daarvan om van eenhoorns af te kom, blyk dit dat hierdie volledige horings dikwels die lang spiraalvormige slagtande was van die mannetjie -narwal, 'n groot seedier. Konings het dikwels alikorn op die tafel geplaas om hulself te beskerm teen giftige kos en drank, en totdat die rewolusie die monargie in 1789 omvergewerp het, is die eetgerei wat deur Franse konings gebruik is, van Unicom -horing gemaak om enige gif in die kos teë te werk.

Die beroemde laat -gotiese reeks van sewe tapisseriebehangsels, "The Hunt of the Unicorn", is 'n hoogtepunt in die Europese tapisserievervaardiging, wat sekulêre en godsdienstige temas kombineer. In die reeks streef ryklik geklede adellikes, vergesel van jagters en honde, na 'n eenhoorn teen millefleurs -agtergronde of omgewings van geboue en tuine. Hulle bring die dier in die baai met die hulp van 'n meisie wat dit met haar sjarme vasvang, blykbaar doodmaak en terugbring na 'n kasteel in die laaste en bekendste paneel, "The Unicorn in Captivity", word die eenhoorn gewys weer lewendig en gelukkig, vasgeketting aan 'n granaatboom omring deur 'n heining, in 'n veld met blomme.

Geleerdes vermoed dat die rooi vlekke op sy flanke nie bloed is nie, maar eerder die sap van granate, wat 'n simbool van vrugbaarheid was. Die ware betekenis van die geheimsinnige opgewekte Eenhoorn in die laaste paneel is egter onduidelik. Die reeks is omstreeks 1500 in die Lae Lande, waarskynlik Brussel of Luik, geweef vir 'n onbekende beskermheer. 'N Stel van ses genaamd die Dame a la licorne (Lady with the unicorn) by die Musee de Cluny, Parys, wat ongeveer dieselfde tyd in Suid -Nederland geweef is, beeld die vyf sintuie, die ingange na versoeking en uiteindelik die liefde ("A mon seul desir "lui die legende), met eenhoorns in elke hang.

Die tapisserieë is in 1922 deur John D. Rockefeller gekoop en word nou in die Cloisters -museum in New York vertoon.

In die heraldiek word 'n eenhoorn uitgebeeld as 'n perd met hoewe en baard van 'n bok, 'n leeu se stert en 'n skraal spiraalhoring op sy voorkop. Of dit nou 'n simbool was van die menswording of van die vreesaanjaende dieretogte van rou natuur, die eenhoorn is nie wyd gebruik in die vroeë heraldiek nie, maar het sedert die vyftiende eeu gewild geword. Alhoewel dit soms met 'n kraag vertoon word, wat in sommige gevalle as 'n aanduiding kan wees dat dit getem of getemper is, word dit gewoonlik met 'n gebreekte ketting vasgemaak, wat toon dat dit uit die slawerny losgemaak is en nie weer geneem kan word nie .

Dit is waarskynlik die bekendste uit die koninklike wapen van Skotland en die Verenigde Koninkryk: twee eenhoorns ondersteun die Skotse wapen 'n leeu en 'n eenhoorn ondersteun die Britse wapen. Die arms van die Society of Apothecaries in Londen het twee goue eenhoringondersteuners.

Aangesien die renoster die enigste landdier is wat 'n enkele horing besit, is die veronderstelling dat die eenhoringlegende ontstaan ​​het uit ontmoetings tussen Europeërs en renosters. Die wollerige renoster sou baie bekend wees aan mense uit die ystydperk, of die legende was moontlik gebaseer op die oorlewende renosters van Afrika. Europeërs en Wes-Asiërs het Afrika suid van die Sahara besoek solank ons ​​rekords het.

Die Romeinse Ryk het ook renosters ingevoer vir hul arena -speletjies, saam met seekoeie en ander eksotiese wesens. Romeinse menigtes kon onderskei tussen die Afrikaanse en Indiese renoster, wat albei voor groot skare geslag is.

Chinees uit die tyd van die Han-dinastie het ook Oos-Afrika besoek, wat moontlik hul vreemde legendes van 'eenhoornige ogre' verklaar. Die reise van die Ming-dinastie van Zheng He het kameelperde teruggebring, wat deur die Chinese geïdentifiseer is met 'n ander wese uit hul eie legendes.

Een voorstel is dat die eenhoringmite gebaseer is op 'n uitgestorwe dier wat soms die 'Reuse Eenhoring' genoem word, maar wat onder wetenskaplikes bekend staan ​​as Elasmotherium, 'n reuse Eurasiese renoster wat inheems is aan die steppe, suid van die omvang van die wolrenosters van Ystyd Europa. Elasmotherium het min soos 'n perd gelyk, maar dit het 'n groot enkele horing in sy voorkop. Dit lyk asof dit omtrent dieselfde tyd as die res van die megafauna van die ystydperk uitgesterf het.

Volgens die Nordisk gesin en die ruimtewetenskaplike Willy Ley het die dier egter lank genoeg oorleef om in die legendes van die Evenk -mense in Rusland onthou te word as 'n groot swart bul met 'n enkele horing in die voorkop.

Selfs as Elasmotherium nie die wese is wat deur Ibn Fadlan beskryf word nie, het gewone renosters moontlik 'n verband met die eenhoring. Ter ondersteuning van hierdie bewering is opgemerk dat die reisiger Marco Polo uit die 13de eeu beweer dat hy 'n eenhoring in Java gesien het, maar sy beskrywing (hierbo aangehaal) maak dit vir die moderne leser duidelik dat hy eintlik 'n Javaanse renoster gesien het.

Die verband wat soms met 'n enkelhoringbok gemaak word, is afkomstig van die visioen van Daniël wat in boek Daniël 8: 5 opgeteken is:

    En terwyl ek nadink, kyk, daar kom 'n bok uit die weste oor die hele aarde en raak nie die grond nie; en die bok het 'n opvallende horing tussen sy oë. 'n simbool van 'n groot koninkryk wat plek gee aan vier monargieë.


By die huisbok kan 'n seldsame misvorming van die generatiewe weefsels veroorsaak dat die horings bymekaar kom, so 'n dier kan nog 'n inspirasie vir die legende wees. 'N Boer en 'n sirkuseienaar produseer ook vals eenhoorns, wat die "horingknoppies" van bokkinders herbou, sodat hul horings misvorm word en by 'n groteske oënskynlike enkele horing aansluit.

Die ware oorsprong van die eenhoorn lê in die dieptes van die tyd, in die beginlose begin toe alles leegheid en afval, duisternis en mis was. Toe beweeg die Heilige om die donker uit die helder te laat sak. So is daar 'n ooreenstemming en 'n balans, met duisternis wat na die rand toe gedryf is en die lig van die lig op die middelpunt van alles. Maar die duisternis het eens 'n situasie en kompas vir homself gegee, maar dit het gewigtelik geword sonder om rekening te hou, en het tussen alles ingedring en dit na hulself getrek volgens hul gewigte en neigings.

Daarom word die balans gemaak om te bewe, en uit daardie bewing het 'n resonansie ontstaan ​​- 'n ontsagwekkende geluid wat in die groot leegte omsingel en kragtig sing. Die Heilige het die geluid gemoduleer om daarvan 'n akkoord van groot soetheid te maak en sy intelligensie ingeblaas, sodat dit 'n gees van harmonie en leiding kon word vir elke hoek van die leemte. Dit was die kragtige gees genaamd Galgallim, wat deur onberekende eeue gedraai het terwyl hy altyd om die sentrale lig gewikkel het. En terwyl sommige dinge nog steeds in die duisternis geval het, het Galgallim ander gelei op 'n meer seldsame pad na die oewers van die lig. Op so 'n manier is balans weer bereik.

Toe wens die Heilige 'n paneel om sy groter kuns te vertoon en tussen die oewers van die lig en die mure van die duisternis het Hy die aarde in ewewig gehang. Sy naakte berge het Hy in vuur laat opgaan en dit verstrooi met blink juwele wat nog steeds daardie vlamme weerkaats. Toe spreek die Heilige tot die gees van leiding, dit is Galgallim, en sê: "Uit die verborge klowe het Ek jou vry en sonder vorm gemaak. Sal jy gestalte aanneem op aarde, sodat jy nog 'n diens kan lewer?" En selfs soos dit gevra is, so is daar ooreengekom.

Hy was in 'n wolk toegedraai deur 'n helder stormwind. Hy het saggies uit die hemel neergedaal na die babavelde van die aarde, nog voordat die vure van die vorming daarvan nog gedemp was. So beskik die Eenhoorn oor die helderheid van die Lig, sodat hy alle duisternis en duisterheid van hom kan verdryf.

Hy is Asallam genoem, van eenhoorns die eersgeborenes, 'n wese wat vreeslik bewerk en wonderlik is om aan te sien, met 'n horing met spiraallig wat die teken is van Galgallim, die gids. Asallam het nou met sy horing op 'n dorre rots getref, wat dit tot 'n groot diepte deurboor en 'n bruisende bron van lewe voortbring. Waar daardie waters ook al vloei, is brande geblus en die aarde is vrugbaar gemaak met 'n menigte vrugbare dinge. Groot bome staan ​​op en bloei, en onder hul skaduwee kom diere wild en mak. Dit alles was met die bedoeling van die Heilige, en die Eenhoorn was die instrument van Sy wil. Op so 'n manier is die Garden of the Unicorn gevorm, genaamd Shamagim, wat beteken die plek waar daar water is.

Die Heilige spreek die eersgeborene toe aan en sê: "Asallam! Van al my skeppingswerke sal u alleen ooit u skepping onthou en in herinnering bly, ongebroke aan die Lig, om sy gids en bewaker te wees. Maar nooit weer na die Lig nie tot die laaste uur van die Einde van die Tyd. ”

En die Eenhoorn het in sy tuin gewoon en in groot verwondering na die buiteland gaan stap. Toe die Heilige Homself wou bekend maak, net soos alles aan Hom bekend was. In Homself, van aarde en lug, water en vuur terugtrek Sy heilige asem die mens, wat sterk en regverdig was, die kroon van alle groot ioon. As ek die mens aanskou, was die Eenhoorn verwonderd en het skielik beskeie en skaam geword. En omdat Asallam geen rol gespeel het in die skepping van die mens nie, het die Eenhoorn die mens des te meer liefgehad en buig voor hom as 'n dienskneg. Thus was the Unicorn the first beast that Man beheld, and the first to which he gave a name. From that time to this, the fates of these two races have been bound together for while the Unicorn leads toward the Light, only Man may pass therein. And this was the beginning of the First Age.


Lêergeskiedenis

Klik op 'n datum/tyd om die lêer te sien soos dit destyds gelyk het.

Datum TydDuimnaelsketsAfmetingsGebruikerLewer kommentaar
huidige19:54, 7 August 2020580 × 777 (354 KB) पाटलिपुत्र (talk | contribs) colors
19:48, 7 August 2020580 × 777 (290 KB) पाटलिपुत्र (talk | contribs) color
19:14, 13 April 2020580 × 777 (243 KB) पाटलिपुत्र (talk | contribs) Uploaded a work by Ernest John Henry Mackay (5 July 1880 – 2 October 1943) from <> with UploadWizard

U kan nie hierdie lêer oorskryf nie.


Beyond Decipherment: Message of the Indus Seals

Extracted from a paper on Vedic Seals by N. S. Rajaram, presented at a recent conference of leading historians on Vedic history.

(Based on The Deciphered Indus Script by N.Jha and N.S. Rajaram)

The year 1996-97, the fiftieth year of Indian independence, was important in more respects than one. In that year Natwar Jha published his monograph Vedic Glossary on Indus Seals containing a complete decipherment of the Indus script along with more than a hundred deciphered readings. Shortly after its publication, I began my collaboration with Jha leading to our soon to be published book The Deciphered Indus Script. In our book, we present deciphered readings of well over five hundred texts with Vedic references and explanations. Since many of the messages are repeated on different seals, they probably cover between 1500 and 2000 seals, or about half the known corpus. We have read more that are not included in our book for reasons mainly of logistics.

The main conclusion to follow from our work is that the Harappan Civilization, of which the seals are a product, belonged to the latter part of the Vedic Age. It has close connections with Vedantic works like the Sutras and the Upanishads. The style of writing reflects the short aphorisms found in Sutra works. The imagery and symbolism are strongly Vedic. The vocabulary depends heavily on the Vedic glossary Nighantu and its commentary by Yaska known as the Nirukta. The name of Yaska is found on at least two seals ‹ possibly three. There are references to Vedic kings and sages as well place names. Of particular interest are references to Plakshagra ‹ the birthplace of the Sarasvati River, and Sapta Apah or the Land of the Seven Rivers.

This means that the Rigveda must already have been quite ancient by the time of the Harappan Civilization. Since the Harappan Civilization was known to be flourishing in the 3100 ­ 1900 BC period, the Rigveda must have been in existence by 4000 BC. This now receives archaeological support following R.S. Bisht¹s investigation of the great Harappan city of Dholavira. Bisht (and other archaeologists) have concluded that the Vedic Aryans of the Sarasvati heartland were the people who created the Harappan cities and the civilization associated with it. Our deciphered readings tell us the same thing.

Message of the Indus seals

I will not present the decipherment here which both Jha and I have discussed in detail at other places. I will only note that the script is a highly complex hybrid that includes (1) an alphabetical subset (2) a large number of composite signs and (3) numerous pictorial symbols. The language of the Harappan texts is Vedic Sanskrit, and the script itself is heavily influenced by the rules of Sanskrit grammar and phonetics. It is clear that the later Brahmi script is a derivative of the Harappan that evolved borrowing heavily from its alphabetical subset. In fact, there exist examples of writing that combine features of both. It is therefore reasonable to call the Harappan script Old Brahmi or Proto Brahmi. Its decipherment was the result of more than twenty years of research by Jha ‹ a Vedic scholar and paleographer of considerable distinction. As previously observed, Jha and I have read close to 2000 seals for most of these we have also found references in the Vedic literature, particularly the Nighantu and the Nirukta of Yaska. With this body of material, we are now in a position to take a broad look at what these seals have to say about the people who created them. This is particularly necessary in the light of a couple of highly publicized claims over the contents of the seals made in the last few months. One linguist (Malati Shengde) has claimed that the language of the Harappans was Akkadian, a West Asiatic language. This claim, made without being able to read the writing, is not supported by our decipherment. The language of the seals is Vedic Sanskrit, with close links to Vedantic works like the Upanishads. For instance, we have found and deciphered a seal which contains the word shadagama (shat agama) ‹ a reference to the six schools Vedantic knowledge. This shows that they must already have been in existence before 2000 BC. (Most of the seals were created in the 3100 ­ 1900 BC period.)

Another recent claim by a retired archaeologist (M.V. Krishna Rao) relates to the career of Sri Rama. According to Krishna Rao, the Harappan seals tell us that Rama was born not in Ayodhya, but in the present state of Haryana. He further claims that according to his study of the seals, Rama invaded Babylon and defeated and killed the famous Babylonian ruler Hammurabi whom he equates with Ravana! This account, if true, would call for a radical revision of both Indian and Babylonian history. Hammurabi is a well-known historical figure. He is known to have died in 1750 BC of natural causes and not killed in battle. His date therefore is too late to have found mention in the Harappan seals. We have no such sensational findings to report. Our fairly extensive readings indicate that the seals contain little in the way of history. To begin with, the writings on the seals are brief, with an average length of five to six characters. This makes them unsuitable for recording historical details. Whatever historical information we do find is incidental. There are occasional references to Vedic kings like Sudasa, Yadu and Puru, and to sages like Kutsa and Paila. We find also references to ancient places like Plaksagra (birthplace of the Sarasvati river), Sapta-Apah or the Land of the Seven Rivers referred to in the Vedic literature. But such Œhistorical¹ seals are few and far between they probably do not exceed five percent of the total. Other historical information has to be inferred from indirect messages like the one about the six schools of Vedanta mentioned earlier.

References to Rama We do find references to Rama, but they are nowhere near as dramatic as his invasion of Babylonia and the killing of Hammurabi-Ravana. Seals speak of kanta-rama or ŒBeloved Rama¹, and kanta-atma-rama or ŒBeloved Soul Rama¹. One seal in particular speaks of samatvi sa ha rama meaning ŒRama treated all with equality¹. All this finds echo in the Valmiki Ramayana as Œarya sarva samashcaiva sadaiva priyadarshanah¹, or ŒArya to whom all were equal and was dear to everyone.¹

There is also a reference to Rama performing a successful fire ritual (or launching a fire missile) which again is mentioned in the Ramayana. There is another reference to Rama¹s successful crossing of the sea which again touches on the Ramayana. Of particular interest is the presence of ŒRama¹ in at least one West Asiatic seal from pre-Sargon layer in southern Mesopotamia. We know from Zoroastrian scripture that Rama was well known in ancient West Asia. The readings suggest that this goes back to a period long before 2500 BC. What is interesting in all this is that Rama is treated as an ideal man and ruler loved by everyone nowhere have we found anything to suggest that he was regarded as divine. All this suggests that history books are in need of major revision. The Aryan invasion stands shattered, the Proto Dravidians are found to be a myth, and the cradle of civilization ‹ assuming there was such a thing ‹ is not Mesopotamia but Vedic India. Also, a version of the story of Rama existed five thousand years ago, and known both in India and West Asia. And the Sanskrit language ‹ at least the Vedic version of it ‹ is of untold antiquity it was certainly not brought to India by invading nomads in the second millennium.

Floods and maritime activity

To return to the seals and their contents, such Œhistorical¹ seals are exceptional. A great majority of the seals are different in character and content. Often their texts can be quite mundane. We find a reference to a craftsman by name Ravi whose products last twice as long as those made by other craftsmen (dvi-ayuh). One inscription speaks of a short-tempered mother-in-law there is even mention of relieving fever with the help of water from a saligrama (fossil stone) ‹ a remedy still followed in many Indian households. We find numerous references to rivers (apah) and Œflows¹ (retah), suggesting the existence of an extensive system of waterways. We have texts like a madra retah (flow to the Madra country), and a vatsa retah (flow to the Vatsa country) indicating their presence. The Vedic Civilization was of course largely a maritime one, as indeed was the Harappan ‹ a fact noted by David Frawley. The seals confirm it. There is recent archaeological evidence suggesting the presence of Indian cotton in Mexico and Peru dating to 2500 BC and earlier (Rajaram and Frawley 1997), which again suggests maritime activity. As noted earlier, archaeological evidence also supports the fact that the Vedic people (and the Harappans) engaged in maritime activity. References to floods are common, and can sometimes be quite vivid. There is a particularly dramatic inscription, which speaks of workers laboring all night by fire, trying to stem the floods. The readings suggest that the floods were due to the encroachment of seawater and not necessarily the rivers. These messages should be of interest to archaeologists who have noted the damage to sites due to floods and salination. The great Harappan city of Dholavira in Gujarat is a striking example.

Vedic symbolism

While historical references are rare, and many seals contain much mundane material, a substantial number of seals have messages reflecting Vedic symbolism. This symbolism can be quite profound, and one has to dig deep into the Vedic and Vedantic literature in trying to interpret them. But once understood, it helps to explain the symbolism of the images on the seals also. This can be illustrated with the help of the famous Pashupati seal, alongside its deciphered text.

The seal contains a meditating horned deity surrounded by five animals. The animals are ‹ elephant, musk deer, buffalo, tiger and rhinoceros. These five animals are often identified with the five senses, and the five associated elements ‹ fire, water, space, wind and earth (or soil). These elements that go to make up the material universe are known in the Vedic literature as panca maha-bhutas or the Five Great Elements. The reading on the seal is ishadyatah marah. Mara is the force opposed to creation ‹ one that causes the destruction of the universe. The seal message means: Mara is controlled by Ishvara. The seated deity is of course a representation of Ishvara.

Hindu cosmology holds that both creation and destruction of the universe result from the action of the Five Great Elements. So Mara, the destructive force, is also composed of the Five Great Elements. With this background, the deciphered message ishadyatah marah allows us to interpret the symbolism of the famous Pashupati seal. It expresses the profound idea, that, in every cosmic cycle, both the creation and the destruction of the universe are caused by the action of the panca maha-bhutas (Five Great Elements) under the control of Ishvara. This remarkable interpretation was decoded and brought to my notice by Jha.

We find numerous such seals with close links to the Vedic and Vedantic literature our book includes several such interpretations. The written messages are brief in the form known as Œsutras¹ to Sanskrit scholars. These are short formula-like aphorisms made famous by such works as Panini¹s grammar, and Patanjali¹s celebrated Yogasutra. They invariably need elaboration. An example is the message ishadyatah marah just described. The seals are products of the same cultural, and, no doubt, historical milieu. Thus they confirm the earlier findings of Sethna and this writer that the Harappan Civilization overlapped with the Sutra period. This is what Frawley and I in our book have called the ŒSutra-Harappa- Sumeria equation¹. (We have also found mathematical formulas on a few seals.) All this provides a window on the Harappan world, and calls for a complete revision of Vedic history and chronology.

In summary, one may say that the deciphered seals, while they may not contain much in the way of history, they do provide a clear historical context for the Harappans by establishing a firm link between Harappan archaeology and the Vedic literature. Thanks to the deciphered seals, the Harappans, who until now had been left dangling like the legendary king Trishanku, find at last a place in history ‹ in Vedic India. The Harappans were the Vedic Harappans. The Rigveda therefore must go back well into the fifth millennium. If there was a cradle of civilization, it was Vedic India, not Sumeria. This recognition is bound to bring about a revolution in our understanding of history.


Discover more programmes from A History of the World in 100 Objects about communication

Plek: Indus Valley (Pakistan, India)
Kultuur: Ancient South Asia
Period: About 2550-2000 BC
Material: Stone

This seal was found in the 1870s and led to the discovery of an ancient civilisation in the Indus Valley. It was probably used to close documents and mark packages of goods. This suggests that the Indus civilisation was part of an extensive long-distance trading network. The animal on this seal was originally mistaken for a unicorn but is now thought to be a bull. The seals carry the oldest writing in South Asia. It has yet to be deciphered.

What was the Indus Civilisation?

The earliest civilisation in South Asia developed along the Indus river and India's western coast. The Indus civilisation produced writing, built large cities and controlled food production through a central government. Unlike Egypt and Mesopotamia, the Indus civilisation was not dominated by powerful religious elites. No temples were built and no images of state gods or kings have been found. Deforestation, climate change and a series of invasions all contributed to the Indus civilisation's decline in 1500 BC.


Verwante artikels

Biggest ivory workshop in ancient world discovered in Pakistan

Rare butchery scene found in 30,000-year-old rock art in India

Surprisingly, humanity survived the super-volcano 74,000 years ago

We have no idea what the once-prosperous city&rsquos name was in its time. Even if inscriptions found in the city say what it was called, we wouldn&rsquot know. Indus script remains to be deciphered.

However, we can say that the Indus Valley civilization, aka the Harappan civilization, is the earliest known urban constellation in the Indian subcontinent, and survived until at least 1,700 B.C.E.

Sophisticated drainage system at Mohenjo Daro Sheema Siddiqui

The excavations of Mohenjo Daro began upon its discovery but more professional archaeological explorations were carried out 1922-1930 under Sir John Marshall, the Director General of the Archaeological Survey of India (1906-1928).

It turned out that the Indus people not only had command of sophisticated urban planning but irrigated their crops, even growing rice they had a command of metallurgy and (most agree) they could write, not that we know what they were saying.

Much is unknown about the spread of human advances versus independent development in multiple places. The innovations in the Indus Valley may have included irrigation, though perhaps it spread from Mesopotamia. Animal domestication in the Indus River Valley was also partly independent and partly a matter of diffusion. In the early Neolithic, the Indus people may have independently tamed the same animals as in the Near East: goats and cattle, then sheep, as well as local creatures such as the Indian aurochs &ndash purportedly the ancestor of the modern zebu, and the water buffalo. This is supported by discoveries at Mehrgarh, a Neolithic farming village going back perhaps 10,000 years on the banks of the Bolan River in Baluchistan, Pakistan. Mehrgarh is about 280 kilometers from Mohenjo Daro.

To what degree animal husbandry and crop cultivation were independently developed in the Indus Valley and how much was learned from elsewhere remains debated. But clearly the Indus Valley people, Egyptians and Mesopotamians &ndash all river valley dwellers &ndash were among the first known to use systematic weights and measurement systems, contributing to domestic harmony and facilitating far-flung trade.

For the Indus, this standardization helped them establish an international trading network and to establish merchant colonies in foreign regions, as attested by the discovery of seals with Indus script as far away as the Arabian Gulf, the city of Ur in Mesopotamia and in Lothal, Gujarat, India.

Unicorn, elephant and ox-like beasts seen as animal motifs on Indus seals with Indus script Technical Consultative Committee

Whispers in Indus script

But the evolution of the Indus script remains baffling. Early writing is commonly associated with the Sumerians along the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in southern Mesopotamia, the ancient Egyptians along the Nile, and the ancient Chinese along the Huang He River. But although it shares some elements with other early writing, the form of the Indus script has unique elements, suggesting it may have developed indigenously.

The earliest potters&rsquo marks in the subcontinent date to 6,500 years ago and were found in Harappa, and clearer writing emerged around 5,300 years ago, according to Jonathan Mark Kenoyer of the University of Wisconsin, an expert on the Indus Valley. That is roughly the same period of proto-cuneiform emerging in Mesopotamia and hieroglyphic writing in Egypt.

The more orderly Indus script incorporating some of the early potters&rsquo marks remained in use until about 1850 B.C.E., possibly longer in some pockets.

&ldquoIndus script is made up of a collection of pictographic signs and human and animal motifs, including the unicorn,&rdquo says Dr. Asma Ibrahim, director of the State Bank Museum and a renowned archeologist of Pakistan, who believes it was the earliest form of writing.

Bull seal with Indus script found at Mohenjo Daro Technical Consultative Committee

Most of the inscriptions are brief: five marks on average, and the longest found to date has just 27. They are found mostly on flat stamp seals, tools, tablets, ornaments and pottery, she says.

What any of it means is another matter. &ldquoSocieties in the deep past have always been an enigma,&rdquo Dr. Kaleemullah Lashari &ndash chairman of the Management Board for Antiquities & Physical Heritage, Government of Sindh tells Haaretz: It is difficult to explain artifacts and locations from the distant past because of the long disconnect between then and the present, he adds.

&ldquoIn such situation the inscriptions are always greatly helpful in providing the bases for the understanding of the ancient belief systems, dynasties, administrative systems, ruling groups, governing laws, etc.,&rdquo Lashari says. &ldquoTo their good fortune [at Mohenjo Daro] the excavators found a large number of seals and other objects comprising the Indus signs but it has turned into their frustration, when these signs couldn&rsquot be read or explained.&rdquo

Their brevity isn&rsquot helpful. Elsewhere, early writing was used to prepare documents (from official records to gripes to hexes). Attempts to decipher Indus script go back to its discovery, Ibrahim says. &ldquoMore than a hundred attempts of decipherment have been published,&rdquo she adds &ndash and maybe, after all, progress is being made. Some scholars of Indus valley script believe it was generally used by the elite to record and control transactions of economic nature, as an administrative tool and for religious purposes. &ldquoAnother group of scholars believe it was used as mark of identification, as is mostly found on seals. Those might have been used as amulets,&rdquo she adds.

Advanced urban planning 4,600 years ago Sheema Siddiqui

Insights into Indus script, after all

No equivalent to the Rosetta Stone, key to interpreting ancient Egyptian hieroglyphics, has been found. Yet through the fog of the ages, decades of analysis have achieved some insights.

Indus script was written from right to left, as are Hebrew and Arabic, according to Prof. Iravatham Mahadevan (who deciphered ancient Tamil-Brahmin inscriptions and died in 2018), based on &ldquocramped&rdquo symbols on the left of some inscriptions, where the scribe evidently ran out of room.

Atta Muhammad Bhanbhoro, a prominent Sindhi author, historian and translator, agreed: &ldquoIndus people were leftward writers. In the inscriptions on pottery and shell rods, the sign on the left is overlapped. It clearly shows that the sign on the right was inscribed first and it was followed by the sign on the left,&rdquo he wrote in his book &ldquoIndus Script.&rdquo That said, sometimes apparently the writing flowed in both directions.

The combinations of phonetic symbols, and pictographs of people, animals, buildings and even hills indicate that the writing was governed by grammar, Bhanbhoro wrote. &ldquoSome have geometric patterns mixed with the cursive signs that closely resemble [later] Roman characters as E, H, U, V, W, X and Y. There are linear signs I, II, III, IIII, IIIII, and so on which stand for cardinal numbers from 1 to 12 and 24,&rdquo he posited.

Among the anthropogenic images are an archer, a load carrier, a shield-wielding soldier and a praying man, he said. Bhanbhoro passed away on June 3, 2020, aged 90.

Urban planning in Mohenjo Daro included communal trash collection at street corners Tauseef Razi Malick

In addition to grammar, there seems to have been a long-term consistency: &ldquoThere is a very strange phenomenon in this script, that the seals from far below levels to upper carry almost the same pictographs,&rdquo Ibrahim adds.

At present, based on excavations and analyses of earlier survey materials, the belief is that the Indus script evolved in the Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra River Valleys and Baluchistan, now in Pakistan, beginning in the Early Harappan Period.

Its independent development was postulated early on. In 1924, experts at the British Museum, C.J. Gadd and Sidney Smith studying photographs of the seals published by Marshall in the Illustrated London News (a weekly that appeared from 1842 to 2003) found no connection between Indus and the early writing systems of Sumer and Egypt.

Asma Ibrahim however suspects there was seep. &ldquoThe Babylonians borrowed the Sumerian idiographic and syllabic script for writing their Semitic language. It is most probable that the same case was for the Indus script,&rdquo she says, adding that it has several other similarities to Sumerian pictographic writing.

It bears adding that a minority remains unconvinced Indus script is writing at all, in the sense that the symbols spell out phrases that would be used in speech. Mesopotamian cuneiform was used for basic accounting and was associated with ideology and political power. In Egypt the earliest writing was associated with royal burials and was the fief of elites. In ancient China, early writing was linked to communication with ancestors, elite culture and legitimization of both ideology and political authority. No specific association has been postulated for Indus script, though some wonder if the Indus script is an ancient, lost writing form of the classical Indo-European language Sanskrit.

Painting in Mohenjo Daro Museum that depicts the trade at the gate of Mohenjo Daro Tauseef Razi Malick

Alternatively, maybe Indus script is an amalgamation of independently-formulated symbols and borrowing. As many as 17 out of 24 cursive signs and their variants in the Indus writing system are akin to Semitic signs and their variants &ndash though in which direction the spread went, who can say. There were definitely trading ties and probably cultural influences between the Near East and the subcontinent.

&ldquoSeals from Indus Valley were also found from the Mesopotamian and Middle Eastern sites, and there were similar seals, following the design pattern, but with a different combination of signs,&rdquo Lashari tells Haaretz. &ldquoit is taken as evidence that the influence of the Indus culture was quite strong, and that it influenced the production of the seals in that region. Besides that, there are clear indications that the weights and measure system of Indus Valley is reflected in artifacts unearthed from Mesopotamian sites.&rdquo

&lsquoAbraham&rsquo statue in a godless city

The reverse side of the Pakistani 20-rupee note shows an image of Mohenjo Daro, since 1980 listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The people briskly exchanging the notes probably don&rsquot even know the symbolism of its history as a prehistoric trading power on the banks of the mighty Indus River.

Among many other places, Indus seals were found in the oldest part of the city of Ur. &ldquoThis ancient site of Ur is the birth place of Abraham the prophet (peace be upon him) and his birth even took place about 1800-1700 BC,&rdquo Bhanbhoro wrote.

This is why some religious mindsets identified the &ldquoPriest King&rdquo of Mohenjo Daro &ndash the sculpture of a seated male &ndash as the Patriarch Abraham.

Statue found at Mohenjo Daro known as the "Priest-King," though they apparently had neither gods nor kings Soban

The Priest King is made of steatite (soapstone). His hair is combed back, his beard neat and trimmed (as some believe Abraham groomed his facial hair). He has a headband with a circular inlay on his forehead and a cloth is slung over one shoulder, a garb compared to ehraam (aka ihram), the plain robe Muslims wear while performing hajj, the holy pilgrimage. However, the Priest King&rsquos cloth is patterned, a form that came to be associated with the traditional block-printed cloth in Sindh, called ajrak, which is sold in souvenir shops.

Not all archaeologists buy the theological theory behind the statue, especially since there is not a shred of evidence to back it up.

&ldquoThere has been very interesting branch of learning during the past two centuries, called Biblical Archaeology, where the sites were sometimes associated with the stories from the Bible,&rdquo Lashari explains. &ldquoIt is understandable that in its infancy, Biblical Archaeology supported a great number of speculations as correct, despite the fact that the scientific attitudes and the disciplines were discarded.&rdquo

For instance, he points out, when precisely Abraham lived is not established through a scientific measures. Secondly, the famous artifact, the Priest King, hasn&rsquot been dated authentically, let alone to a time associated with Abrahamic tradition. Thirdly&ndash the biblical interpretation of the statue assumes as fact that the story of Abraham was also equally important in the subcontinent. At this point, nobody serious is buying the notion, sums up Lashari, who on March 23, 2019 was awarded Sitara-e-Imitiaz, the third highest civil award, for his services to his field.

Another beguiling artifact unearthed at Mohenjo Daro is a provocative nude figurine made of bronze dubbed the Dancing Girl. Just 10.8 centimeters (4.25 inches) in height, she has small breasts, narrow hips, and long legs and arms. She wears a necklace and a stack of 25 bangles on her left arm, which rests on her outstretched left leg. She wears two bangles on her right wrist and two more above her right elbow: her right hand rests on her hip. Her head, with hair coiled in a bun, is tilted slightly backward and her left leg is bent at the knee as though about to tap to a dancing beat.

By the way, the Priest King and the Dancing Girl were taken in the 1930s by John Marshall and put on display at the National Museum in New Delhi. At the time of partition the experts and officials of both the newly constituted countries agreed to divide the cultural material among them, the so-called King Priest came to Pakistan, and the so-called Dancing Girl went to Bharat.

Despite the soubriquet of &ldquoPriest King&rdquo (or King Priest) for the male figurine, no traces of adherence to any religious ideology nor adoration of any monarch have been identified in Mohanjo Darom, according to archaeologists associated with the site. Nothing in the ruins smacks of palaces, temples, or monuments &ndash other than the &ldquoGreat Bath.&rdquo In a story on the site, National Geographic posits that the inhabitants had an ideology based on cleanliness, based on the uniqueness of the monumental Great Bath.

Absent evidence of monarchy, Mohenjo Daro could plausibly have been akin to a city-state with proto-democratic rule, historians suggest.

It is difficult to reach any conclusions about the belief system in an area as vast as the Indus Valley, Lashari qualifies. &ldquoUniformity in the material products doesn&rsquot mean uniformity in superstitions,&rdquo he points out. Possibly a whole pantheon existed in the imaginations of the people. However, as things stand, &ldquoNot much can be said about the beliefs, myths and superstitions of the Indus Valley people until the script is somehow deciphered,&rdquo he says.

Inderdaad. &ldquo[Decipherment] will end the speculations about this great civilization, especially of origin of religion. It is [the] largest civilization of the world extending over 1 million square kms across the plains of the Indus River from Arabian Sea to the Ganges, with the largest population, of five million people,&rdquo Ibrahim says. &ldquoThey had links with Gulf coast, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Oman and Bahrain. Once the script is deciphered, we will know about the structure of society in villages or towns, or across the greater civilization.&rdquo

A mysterious end

Why were the cities of the Indus civilization ultimately, if gradually, abandoned? There are still no answers for the ultimate breakdown of the Indus Valley civilization. Experts failed to find evidence of destruction. Possibly rivers changed course and/or the climatic conditions changed. A paper published in Nature Scientific Reports in 2015 based on finds in Bhirrana, in India, suggests that among the stresses, dietary change with the arrival of rice from East Asia spurred a gradual process of de-urbanization.

Perhaps further excavation can provide fresh clues, and also shed more light on the origin of the Indus script. Indeed, more excavations may be crucial to understanding the people of the Indus Valley and hopefully, after all this time, finally deciphering that script, Ibrahim says. Conservation is also essential because the site is under threat from pollution and soil salination &ndash and tourists. &ldquoThe flow of the visitors, especially during festival days when thousands of people are walking all over, is a big threat to the remains,&rdquo she says.

But further excavation of Mohenjo Daro may never happen. &ldquoDue to the soil condition, and the rising water level it is not advisable to open more grounds, lower new trenches, as the unearthed remains are prone to the effects of weathering,&rdquo Lashari explains. &ldquoBut the excavations are not the only means of investigation. It is the reason that the Chair of the Technical Consultative Committee for Mohenjo Daro has prepared plans for the new technologies, which are available, for augmenting non-destructive investigation.&rdquo

Planning is underway and funds should be made available soon for the purpose, he adds. Recently cores were extracted and are presently being studied, which will hopefully broaden our understanding of ancient Mohenjo Daro &ndash and its end.


Kyk die video: Rajesh Rao: Computing a Rosetta Stone for the Indus script