Gesinne in die kolonies - Geskiedenis

Gesinne in die kolonies - Geskiedenis

Koloniste trou in hul vroeë twintigs. Die vroue in die kolonies is deur die mans uitgetel. As mans of vroue bediende was, moes hulle hul diensbaarheid voltooi voordat hulle kon trou. Gesinne was groot. Geboortebeperking van enige aard is as 'n sonde beskou. Daar word van kleins af verwag dat kinders produktief in die gesin sou wees. Hulle sou eers huiswerk doen en binnekort op die plaas werk.

.



Eerste gesinne van Virginia

Eerste gesinne van Virginia (FFV) was die gesinne in Colonial Virginia wat sosiaal prominent en ryk was, maar nie noodwendig die vroegste setlaars nie. [1] Hulle stam af van Engelse koloniste wat hulle gedurende die 17de eeu hoofsaaklik gevestig het in Jamestown, Williamsburg, The Northern Neck en langs die Jamesrivier en ander bevaarbare waters in Virginia. Hierdie elite -gesinne trou oor die algemeen vir baie geslagte binne hul sosiale klas en gevolglik dateer die meeste vanne van First Families uit die koloniale tydperk.

Die Amerikaanse Revolusie het die bande met Brittanje verbreek, maar nie met sy sosiale tradisies nie. Terwyl sommige lede van die Eerste Gesin lojaal was aan Brittanje, was ander Whigs wat nie net die Revolusie ondersteun het nie, maar ook gelei het. [2] Die meeste eerste gesinne het in Virginia gebly, waar hulle as tabakplanters floreer het, en van die verkoop van slawe aan die katoenstate in die suide. Baie jonger seuns is inderdaad in die katoenband verplaas om hul eie plantasies te begin. Met die emansipasie van slawerny tydens die burgeroorlog en die gevolglike verlies aan slawe -arbeid, sukkel Virginia plantasies om wins te maak. Die Eerste Gesinne, hoewel armer as voorheen, het sosiale en politieke leierskap gehandhaaf. Marshall Fishwick sê dat teen die vyftigerjare 'die ou aristokrasie [nie] opgegee het of verval het soos suidelike romanskrywers suggereer nie'. Hulle het moderne landboutegnologie aangeneem en die ryk "Yankees" gekoöpteer in hul boonste klas, landelike perde-landgoedvereniging. [3]


Gesinne in die kolonies - Geskiedenis


Godsdiens, vroue en die gesin in die vroeë Amerika

Christine Leigh Heyrman
Departement Geskiedenis, Universiteit van Delaware
& copyNational Humanities Center

Gedurende die afgelope halwe eeu is 'n groeiende aantal koloniale historici aangetrokke tot die bestudering van kinderopvoedingspraktyke en geslagsrolle in verskillende Protestantse kulture. Alhoewel hul interpretasies baie wissel, beklemtoon al hierdie geleerdes die belangrikheid van godsdienstige oortuiging in die vorming van vroeë Amerikaners en die intiemste verhoudings tussen ouers en kinders, mans en vroue.

Die boek wat wetenskaplike belangstelling in hierdie onderwerp begin het, is Edmund S. Morgan, Die Puriteinse gesin (1944, uitg. Uitg., 1966). Volgens hom het vroeë New England -gesinne die breër Puriteinse klem op hiërargie en orde beliggaam, maar dit weerspieël ook die waardes wat die Puriteine ​​op toestemming en wederkerigheid geplaas het. Wat die groot gesag oor die afhanklikes wat by mans, vaders en meesters gevestig is, laat opvlam het, was die besef dat elke lid van die huishouding sekere regte sowel as pligte het. Morgan voer ook aan dat die premie wat aan gesinne toegeken word, die daaropvolgende godsdienstige ontwikkeling van New England beïnvloed het. Die Puriteine, meen hy, het geglo dat heiligheid in gesinne voorkom en dat godvrugtige ouers meer geneig was as goddelose ouers om godvrugtige kinders te verwek. Hierdie oortuiging, wat Morgan noem en geestelike stamme, en het predikante daartoe gelei dat hulle pastorale pogings daarop ingestel is om nuwe kerklede uit gesinne uit die hoof van ouer kerklede en mdashand af te dwing om die nie -kerklikes te verwaarloos.

John Demos herken sommige van dieselfde gebied wat Morgan eers in kaart gebring het 'N Bietjie Statebond (1970), 'n studie van die gesinslewe in Plymouth Colony. Behalwe dat dit die tekstuur van verhoudings tussen man en vrou, ouers en kinders oproep, bied Demos ook 'n ryk beskrywing van die vroeë huise van New England en rsquos en hul meubels. Dit lei tot sy mees interessante bespiegeling en dat die klein fisieke grootte van huishoudings familielede gedwing het om gevoelens van woede of frustrasie teenoor mekaar te onderdruk. In plaas daarvan het hierdie opgehoopte vyandighede al te maklik ander afsetpunte gevind en vandaar die herhalende rusies oor burgerlike en godsdienstige aangeleenthede wat byna elke gemeenskap verhuur en die bereidwilligheid van bure om mekaar in die hof te lok oor die mees triviale aangeleenthede.

In dieselfde jaar (1970) publiseer Philip Greven Vier geslagte, die eerste van sy twee belangrike studies oor godsdiens en die vroeë Amerikaanse familie. In hierdie gemeenskapsstudie van Andover, Massachusetts, beeld Greven vaders uit New England uit as aartsvaders, wat vanweë hul lang lewe en die hefboomfinansiering van grond erfenisse 'n enorme invloed op selfs hul volwasse kinders gehad het. Maar die heerskappy van patriargie het gedurende die agtiende eeu begin afneem, sluit Greven af, aangesien baie onderafdelings van familieplase die oppervlakte wat vaders onder hul kinders kon versprei, skerp verminder het. En namate die vaderlike beheer oor die ekonomiese toekoms van hul nageslag verswak het, het jong New Englanders meer outonoom en selfgeldend geword en was hulle meer bereid om die gesag van beide hul natuurlike vaders en hul vaderland, Engeland, uit te daag.

Watter manier van kinderopvoeding
doen die New England Primer
die meeste weerspieël die evangeliese,
die matige, of die sagmoedige?

Library of Congress Greven het daarna die mees ambisieuse poging gelewer om verskillende godsdienstige oortuigings te koppel aan maniere om kinders groot te maak, Die Protestantse Temperament (1978). Hier beweer hy dat tussen die sewentiende eeu en die middel van die negentiende eeu drie lewenswyses en lewensduur onder Amerikaners geheers het. Die eerste van hierdie temperamente, die & ldquoevangelical, & rdquo is uitgestal deur groepe soos die Puriteine, die Baptiste en die Metodiste. Evangeliese ouers, volgens Greven, was versot op menslike sondigheid en het so probeer om volkome gesag oor hul kinders te hê en het alles in hul vermoë gedoen om die wil en die wil van jongmense te verbreek. Op volwassenheid het baie kinders wat in sulke gesinne grootgemaak is, enige oorblyfsel van selfsugtigheid oorgegee in 'n kathartiese bekeringservaring, 'n laaste onderwerping aan 'n veeleisende godheid en mdashonto wat hulle ouerlike eienskappe voorgehou het. Die tweede groep, deur Greven gedoop & ldquomoderates & rdquo, was die voorstander van 'n minder ingrypende benadering om die wil van hul kinders te vorm deur vrome, morele voorbeeld. Gematigdes was minder besig met menslike sondigheid as evangeliste, maar het probeer om die self te beheer eerder as om die self te vernietig. Uiteindelik het 'n derde groep, wat Greven noem en sagmoedig is, hul kinders verwelkom en hulle met liefde oorstroom. Die manier van kinderopvoeding het volgens hom die jeugdige selfvertroue gekweek en volwassenes opgelewer wat meer gemaklik met hulleself was as óf evangelies óf gematigdes, en goed aangepas lot wat gemaklik is met hul liggame, hul passies en hul ambisies.

Tipies van Greven & rsquos & ldquomoderates & rdquo is die Pennsylvania Quaker -families wat deur Barry Levy in The Quakers en die Amerikaanse familie (1988). Inderdaad, Levy kontrasteer die outoritêre, patriargale families van die Puriteine ​​sterk met die meer egalitêre huishoudings van die Quakers. Na sy mening het Quaker -ouers die Puritane en die vasbeslote besluit om die testamente van jong kinders te verbreek, vermy ten gunste van 'n sagte, geleidelike koestering van elke jongeling en rsquos & ldquoLight Within & rdquo & mdasha vonk van goddelikheid wat by elke individu ingeplant is. Die sleutel tot hul strategie vir kinderopvoeding was die Quaker -idee van 'n heilige gesprek, en dit het beteken dat ouers die geestelike toon in hul huishoudings moes gee deur as voorbeeld van vroomheid en behendigheid te dien, en vir hul kinders die Christelike deugde van geduld, nederigheid, eenvoud te toon. , nugterheid en selfverloëning. Maar Levy bring die kontras tussen Puriteine ​​en Kwakers nog verder en voer aan dat hoewel die Puriteine ​​op 'n verskeidenheid ander instellings soos kerke en skole staatgemaak het om kinders Christelike waardes aan te wakker, die Quakers hierdie verpligting uitsluitlik by die ouers gevestig het. Deur die morele sentraliteit en selfversorgendheid van die huishouding te beklemtoon, meen hy, het die Quakers die eienaardige begrip van die kwaliteit van die huis ontstaan, wat die Amerikaanse kultuur in die vroeë negentiende eeu sou oorheers. In hierdie siening is die huis 'n soort kerk, die geestelike sentrum van die gemeenskaplike lewe, 'n toevlugsoord uit die wêreld waarin kinders hul belangrikste morele en geestelike opvoeding ontvang, sowel as van moeders as van vaders.

Dit bring hierdie bespreking by die onderwerp van godsdiens en geslagsrolle. Volgens Levy het Quaker se geestelike egalitarisme vroue en moeders lewendige, gesaghebbende aanwesighede in die huishouding en in die kerk gemaak, wat 'n baie groter invloed op beide sfere gehad het as Puriteinse matrone. Kwakervroue het nie net 'n gelyke verantwoordelikheid met mans vir die handhawing van 'n atmosfeer van gesellige gesprekke en huise in hul huise gedeel nie, maar hulle het ook prominente openbare rolle gespeel en lede van dissiplinêre komitees vir kwakervergaderings wat toesig hou oor die gedrag van ander gelowiges en as reisende sendelinge. Maar vanweë al hul godsdienstige invloed, soos Levy erken, lyk dit asof Quaker-vroue baie minder vertroud was met die sakeaangeleenthede van hul huishoudings, en feitlik niks geweet het oor hoe mans hul daaglikse ekonomiese transaksies onderneem het waardeur hul koring plase floreer of op watter wyse rekeninge en boedels by hul eggenote en sterftes betaal sal word.

Eienaardig genoeg was Puriteinse vroue baie meer op hoogte van sulke wêreldse bekommernisse. Alhoewel hulle ondergeskik was aan hul mans in die godsdienstige lewe van beide die huis en die kerk, speel Puritan & ldquogoodwives & rdquo 'n belangrike rol in die ekonomie van hul huishoudings, en die mans het hulle 'n wye reeks praktiese verantwoordelikhede toevertrou. Dit is die gevolgtrekkings van Laurel Thatcher Ulrich in Goodwives (1980), 'n studie van vroue in die vroeë New England, wat onder meer die gemeenskaplike rol van die streek se matrone as & ldquodeputy -mans & rdquo dokumenteer, wat by magte was om vir hul eggenote op te tree oor 'n verskeidenheid finansiële en regsake. Tog het 'n diepe wantroue van vroue die kultuur van Puriteinse Nieu -Engeland deurgedring. Alhoewel mans hul vrouens as 'n potensiële betroubare hulpmaatreël beskou het, soos Carol Karlsen beweer Die duiwel in die vorm van 'n vrou (1987), het die meeste Puriteinse mans steeds donker vermoedens van alle vroue as dogters van Eva, koesterend vir mag en seksuele bevrediging. Volgens Karlsen het hierdie deurdringende vrouehaat vroue vatbaar gemaak vir aanklagte van heksery, veral diegene wat groot boedels sou erf wat hulle 'n ongewone ekonomiese invloed sou toebedeel het.

Soos die vorige paragrawe suggereer, het die meeste studies oor die verhouding tussen godsdiens, familie en geslag in die vroeë Amerika gefokus op die Noorde, veral die kolonies van New England. Die beste bron om vir die Suide te raadpleeg, is Die Protestantse Temperament, omdat Greven & rsquos -voorbeelde van & ldquogenteel & rdquo -Amerikaners grootliks afkomstig is van Virginia Anglicans. Daar is ook Jan Lewis & rsquos Strewe na geluk (1983), 'n studie van Virginia & rsquos planter elite aan die einde van die agtiende eeu wat beweer dat die verspreiding van evangeliese godsdiens binne hul geledere die ideale van gesamentlike huwelike en liefdevolle, toegeeflike maniere van kinderopvoeding bevorder het. Laastens is daar Christine Leigh Heyrman & rsquos Suiderkruis (1997), wat die maniere ondersoek waarop evangeliste soos die vroeë Baptiste en Metodiste populêre opposisie gewek het deur heersende standpunte oor die ondergeskiktheid van jongmense en vroue te betwis, asook deur hul lidmate aan te spoor om godsdienstige lojaliteite meer as gesinspligte toe te ken.

Hierdie beurs is nie geredelik aangepas vir die meeste hoërskoolklasse nie. Maar die bekendheid met hierdie beurs kan u help om aan studente te beklemtoon dat godsdienstige oortuiging nie 'n aparte sfeer van die res van die sosiale lewe beslaan nie. Inteendeel, vroeë Amerika en rsquos het godsdienstige kulture uiteenlopend gevorm, wat die mees basiese menslike interaksies gevorm het, en hoe mans en vroue hul ideale identiteit, hul verhoudings met eggenote en hul benadering tot die grootmaak van kinders voorgestel het.

Christine Leigh Heyrman was 'n genoot by die National Humanities Center in 1986 en ndash87. Sy het 'n Ph.D. van die Yale University in American Studies en is tans professor in geskiedenis in die Departement Geskiedenis aan die Universiteit van Delaware. Dr Heyrman is die skrywer van Handel en kultuur: die maritieme gemeenskappe van koloniale New England, 1690 & ndash1740 [1984], Suiderkruis: Die begin van die Bybelgordel [1997], wat die Bancroft -prys in 1998 gewen het, en Nation of Nations: 'n Narratiewe geskiedenis van die Republiek, met James West Davidson, William Gienapp, Mark Lytle en Michael Stoff [3de uitgawe, 1997].

Rig kommentaar of vrae aan professor Heyrman via TeacherServe & ldquo Kommentaar en vrae. & Rdquo


Suidelike kolonies: gesinslewe en opvoeding

In die suidelike kolonies was die lewe baie anders as die lewe in Engeland. Ons kyk na die tydperk van laat 1600's tot vroeë 1700's. Die gemiddelde man in die suidelike kolonies kan ongeveer 35 jaar leef. Deur 'n gemiddelde man sê ons amper 'n gemiddelde persoon.

Die vroue sou omtrent so lank lewe as hulle nie sou sterf as gevolg van komplikasies tydens die bevalling nie, omdat hulle op die oomblik groot gesinne sou hê. Sonder formele medisyne was daar niks wat mense kon doen vir vroue wat probleme ondervind met die bevalling nie.

Die lewensverwagting van vyf en dertig jaar was deels te wyte aan siektes. Stilstaande water, wat beteken dat water wat stilstaan, en onbekende hitte die verspreiding van baie siektes deur die bevolking van die suidelike kolonies gehelp het. Malaria was 'n konstante gevaar.

In hierdie warm toestande met staande water kan muskiete uitbroei. Muskiete kan vinnig broei en ons sal baie algemeen voorkom. Muskiete versprei malaria, so dit was baie algemeen dat mense malaria kry gedurende hierdie tyd. As gevolg van die onbekende hitte, sou mense wat uit Engeland gekom het, meer gewoond geraak het aan 'n klimaat daar.

Die suidelike kolonies was baie warmer. Die hitte, die stilstaande water, wat meer muskiete beteken het, sou almal daartoe bydra dat siektes vinnig versprei het sodra dit ter sprake gekom het. Mense het nie baie verdediging of maniere om van 'n siekte te genees as hulle besmet was nie.

Vanweë die hoë sterftesyfer was die meeste gesinne baie groot. Onthou, ek het jou vertel dat die meeste mense groot gesinne gaan hê. Dit is, want as hulle nie 'n groot gesin het nie, is dit waarskynlik dat hul gesin baie vinnig kan sterf. As hulle net ongeveer 35 jaar leef, het hulle nie baie tyd om dinge reg te kry nie.

As hulle baie kinders het, kan die kinders grootword om hulle te help met goed op hul klein plase en ook te trou, eie kinders te hê en meer mense te skep wat die familieboerdery in daardie gebiede voortsit. Die hoë sterftesyfer wat ons reeds aan siektes toegeskryf het.

Vroue wat probeer om al hierdie kinders te hê om hierdie groot gesinne te skep, het soms probleme gehad tydens kraam. Sonder enige formele medikasie of dokters om hierdie vroue te help, sterf hulle dikwels self. Daar was 'n hoë sterftesyfer. Verskillende faktore het daartoe bygedra, maar gesinne het hul bes gedoen om groot te word.

Paartjies sal probeer om baie kinders te hê, sodat hulle meer geneig is om nageslag te hê wat tot volwassenheid oorleef en hul eie kinders kan hê. Opvoeding was in daardie dae nie 'n hoë prioriteit in die kolonies nie. Dit is laat 1600's, vroeë 1700's. Onderwys was nie so belangrik vir mense in die suidelike kolonies nie.

Een probleem was dat die bevolking te verspreid was om 'n sentrale openbare skool moontlik te maak. Die bevolking was verstrooi. Jy sou groot plantasies hê. Mense sou daar woon, maar dan moes mense wegbeweeg om kleiner plase te ontwikkel.

Hulle kon nie te naby 'n stad of 'n groot plantasie wees nie, want dan sou hulle nie hul eie landbougrond hê nie. Hulle sou nie 'n mark hê om in te werk nie, so die mense sou verder moes wegbeweeg om klein landbougrond te vind- klein stukke landbougrond wat hulle self kon eis en hul huis daar sou begin.

Met al hierdie plase wat ver uitmekaar versprei was, was dit moeilik om 'n sentrale openbare skool te hê waar dit baie kinders sou wees om na te gaan. Kinders moes moontlik 'n paar kilometer afgelê het net om by die skool uit te kom. As daar nie 'n maklike manier was om dit te doen nie, dan sou hulle nie skool toe kom nie.

Op hierdie tydstip was die bevolking te verspreid dat daar 'n sentrale openbare skool vir formele onderwys kon wees. Nou sou die welgestelde plantasie -eienaars 'n onderwyser vir hul kinders huur. As u in 'n welgestelde huishouding van 'n plantasie -eienaar was, as u een van hul kinders was, sou u waarskynlik 'n opvoeding gekry het, omdat u ouers 'n onderwyser sou huur om te leer.

Hierdie kinders kan later na William en Mary gestuur word, wat 'n kollege (universiteit) was vir hoër onderwys in Virginia, of een van die skole in die noorde (Harvard, Yale of Princeton). Daar was 'n paar universiteite.

Daar was 'n paar kolleges, sommige mense wat 'n hoër formele opleiding volg as wat hulle van 'n dosent sou leer, maar nie baie mense kon na hulle toe gaan nie. Dit was veral die welgestelde plantasie -eienaars en#8217 kinders wat na hierdie universiteite gestuur word.

Vir die grootste deel van die bevolking was daar geen formele opleiding nie. Kinders sou net kon leer wat hul ouers vir hulle kon sê. Vir die minder gegoede was dit meer waarskynlik dat enige opleiding wat ontvang sou word, as 'n vakleerling van 'n ervare vakman sou wees.

In plaas daarvan om 'n formele opleiding op skool of by 'n onderwyser te kry, sou die kinders van hierdie minder gegoede mense 'n ambag leer. Hulle sou by bekwame vakmanne leer hoe om die vakmanskap te bemeester. Dan sou hulle dieselfde kon doen.

As u iemand het wat baie goed met perde was of baie goed met metaal werk of 'n baie goeie jagter, dan kan die persoon 'n vakleerling die vaardigheid leer, en die vakleerling kan dit vir hom oorneem.

Daar was weë wat mense kon ondergaan om hul kinders te laat onderrig, maar dit sou nie gereeld 'n formele opvoeding wees nie, tensy dit 'n kind was uit 'n welgestelde plantasie -eienaar se huishouding. Gesinslewe en opvoeding in die suidelike kolonies in die laat 1600's, vroeë 1700's.

Dit was waarskynlik dat u eers ongeveer 35 jaar oud sou word. Siekte was baie algemeen. Gesinne was groot om die hoë sterftesyfer te vergoed. Onderwys was nie baie belangrik nie, want dit was net nie prakties nie.

Daar was nie te veel mense om 'n sentrale plek vir 'n openbare skool te hê nie. Gewoonlik het slegs die welgestelde plantasie -eienaars se kinders 'n hoër opleiding ontvang. Die arme mense het soms die geleentheid gekry om as vakleerling te dien en 'n vaardige vakman te leer.


Daar word algemeen geglo dat vroue op 'n baie jonger ouderdom in die koloniale Amerika getrou het as vandag. Dit is in die reël nie waar nie, hoewel daar sommige was wat getroud was. Gereelde huwelike bly redelik algemeen, en hoewel sommige vroue in die middel van hul tienerjare belowe is, is die huwelik gewoonlik vertraag totdat 'n meer geskikte ouderdom bereik is. Vroue is dikwels belowe in onderhandelinge wat die verkryging van eiendom as deel van die huwelik bespreek het, veral omdat die klassestelsel gebaseer op welvaart wat in die kolonies verhard is.

Onder die geldklas word verwag dat jong mans en vroue rykdom, reputasie en vaste eiendom in 'n huwelik sou bring. Dit het verskeie probleme vir mans wat wou trou, meegebring. Eiendom is dikwels aan die oudste seun oorgedra, jonger broers het dikwels minder boedels gekry, of kleiner bedrae om hul eie te bou. Maar die oudste het ook probleme ondervind met hierdie stelsel, hy moes ook wag totdat sy pa sy groot bedeling afgee voordat hy 'n sterk onderhandelingsposisie na die onderhandelingstafel bring met sy voorgestelde skoonfamilie.

Die stelsel stel die egpaar dikwels 'n dilemma: of hulle 'n suiwer gereëlde huwelik gaan binnegaan of dat daar geliefde is. Die menslike natuur, wat dit is, dikwels die een of die ander, of albei partye in 'n huwelik wat deur die ouers gereël is, was aangetrokke tot partye buite die ooreenkoms. Die situasie was vol potensiaal vir wat onwettige seksuele gedrag genoem sou word. Virginia & rsquos George William Fairfax was getroud met Sally Cary in 'n huwelik wat deur hul ouers gereël is. Sally was die eerste ware liefde van George Washington, en daar is bewyse dat sy sy gevoelens weergee. Maar sy het getrou gebly aan haar huwelik.

George Washington word deur die vader van Sally & rsquos beskou as onder die klas van die Cary & rsquos, as die erfgenaam van die fortuin en lande van die Washington-gesin was sy ouer halfbroer Lawrence. Sulke fynhede by die reël van huwelike was algemeen in Virginia onder die gesinne, en het ongetwyfeld bygedra tot die vele voorvalle van tweestryd wat ook algemeen was.

Dit was nie net die man wat waarde moes bring vir die onderhandelinge oor die huwelik nie. Die bruid en rsquos -gesin moes 'n bruidskat voorsien. Vaders uit die hoër klas moes hulle verstand behou toe hul dogters op hul eie 'n vryer kies, veral as die betrokke heer uit 'n ander gebied was en relatief onbekend was, byvoorbeeld 'n besoeker uit Engeland. Voorheen getroude huwelike het verhoed dat hul dogters deur 'n onbetwisbare seun van 'n gebroke Engelse edelman geneem word, weggekruip van debiteure in Amerika, in die hoop om in geld te trou.


Rhode eiland

In die herfs van 1686 het 'n liggaam van Franse Protestante, bestaande uit veertig of vyftig gesinne, in New England aangekom en hulle gevestig op die gebied wat nou deur die staat Rhode Island gedek is. Die skikking was belowend. Van al die groepe Hugenote -emigrante wat in hierdie tydperk na ons oewers gekom het, was die Narragansett -kolonie miskien die mees kompakte en homogene. Die geskiedenis daarvan is nietemin 'n kort en weemoedige geskiedenis. Binne vyf jaar na die stigting is die kolonie verbreek, en byna elke gesin het elders 'n huis gesoek.

Die meeste van hulle is reeds genoem in verband met die Hugenote -emigrasie uit die kusprovinsies van Wes -Frankryk. Tien van die agt-en-veertig gesinne wat in die & quot plot & quot of plan van die nedersetting genoem word, was van Saintonge tien was van La Rochelle en sy omgewing was verskeie van Poitou, 'n paar was uit Normandië en 'n paar van Guyenne. Ezdchiel Carr é, die minister van die kolonie, was 'n boorling van die eiland Re en het filosofie en teologie studeer in die Akademie wat deur Calvyn in Genève gestig is. Hy was nou tussen vyf en dertig en veertig jaar oud en was reeds predikant van twee gemeentes in Frankryk, dié van Mirambeau in Saintonge en La Roche Chalais in Guyenne. Carry se medewerker in die leierskap van die groep vlugtelinge was Pierre Berthon de Marigny, Peter Berton, soos die Engelse hom genoem het, en die verteenwoordiger van 'n prominente familie Chatellerault in Poitou. 'N Ander belangrike lid van die kolonie was die dokter, Pierre Ayrault, van Angers, in die provinsie Anjou, 'n man met 'n vasberade karakter, wat nou al jare gevorder is, 1686. wno alleen het stand gehou, soos ons verder sal sien, toe die ander setlaars het die onderneming laat vaar. Ayrault is vergesel deur sy vrou Francoise, sy seun Daniel en sy neef Nicholas.

'N Aantal vlugtelinge was verbonde aan hierdie kondukteurs van die kolonie, wat ons slegs hier sal noem, en 'n volledige verslag daarvan vir 'n ander plek voorbehou. Die rol van die Narragansett -setlaars, onder leiding van Carre, Berthon en Ayrault, omvat die volgende name: Jean Julien, Jean Coudret, Elie Rambert, Daniel Lambert, Andre Armaud, Daniel Large, veuve Galay, Abram Tourtellot, Pierre Le Moine , Ezechiel Bouniot, Pierre Traverrier, Etienne La Vigne, Moise Le Brun, Jean Beauchamps, Jean David, Jacob Ratier, Jean Galay, Menardeau, Pierre Bretin dit Laronde, Daniel Le Gendre, Daniel Renaud, Daniel Jouet, Milard, Belhair, Jean Lafon , Amian, Ezechiel Grazilier, Paul Bussereau, Etienne Jamain, Louis Allaire, Theophile Foretier, Jean Chadene, Josue David senior, Josue David junior, Jacques Magni, Jean Magni, Etienne Robineau, Francois Legare, Rene & quot Grignon, Pierre Tougere, Dechamps, Jean Germon, Paul Collin en Guillaume Barbut.


Die uittog

In 1910 het die rewolusie oor Mexiko versprei. Alhoewel kerkamptenare hul standpunt van neutraliteit verklaar het, het verskillende faksies teen mekaar geveg terwyl die Amerikaanse en Mexikaanse burgers van The Mormon Colonies in Mexiko in die middel vasgevang was. Baie van die koloniste in die buitekolonies is bedreig, beroof en vermoor deur rondlopende groepe guerilla's. In 1912 het die Mexikaanse regering aan die heiliges gesê dat die regering hulle nie meer sal beskerm nie.

In Julie 1912 vergader die koloniste by die treinstasie in Pearson (nou Mata Ortiz). Alle vroue en kinders moes na Douglas, Arizona en El Paso, Texas, ontruim word. Baie heiliges het besluit dat die onsekerhede en hartseer wat verband hou met die lewe suid van die grens te veel is. Minder as die helfte van die koloniste het na die revolusie in 1920 na die kolonies teruggekeer.

Die uitgewekenes sal slegs vyf van die oorspronklike tien kolonies hervestig. In die volgende 30 jaar sou die inwoners van Anglo die bergkolonies Chuichupa, Garcia en Pacheco laat vaar. As gevolg van isolasie, gebrek aan sekondêre onderrig en die onvermoë om 'n bestaan ​​te bewerkstellig, verhuis die oorspronklike vestigingsgesinne na die kolonies Dublan en Juarez.

Sluit by ons aan via hierdie blog en ons intekening Las Colonias nuusbrief terwyl ons die geskiedenis van die kolonies vertel en baie aangrypend en geloofsverhelderende verhale van die individuele heiliges se beproewings met Indiese aanvalle, grizzlybere, bandito's en revolusioniste deel.


Die eerste Jood wat sy voete op Amerikaanse bodem gesit het, was Solomon Franco, 'n handelaar wat in 1649 in Boston aangekom het, waarna hy 'n beurs ontvang het van die Puriteine ​​daar, op voorwaarde dat hy vertrek op die volgende deur na Holland. In September 1654, kort voor die Joodse nuwe jaar, het drie en twintig Jode van Nederlandse afkoms uit Recife, Brasilië, in New Amsterdam (New York City) aangekom. Goewerneur Peter Stuyvesant het probeer om sy NG Kerk te versterk deur teen ander godsdienste te diskrimineer, maar godsdienstige pluralisme was reeds 'n tradisie in Nederland en sy meerderes by die Nederlandse Wes -Indiese Kompanjie in Amsterdam het hom van die hand gewys.

Daar was min Joodse gemeenskappe in die suidelike koloniale Amerika. Daar word slegs selde melding gemaak van Joodse godsdienstige aktiwiteite tot in die middel van die 1700's. Beoefen hulle hul geloof in die geheim, of slegs in die huis? Het die vroegste Jode in koloniale Amerika te kampe gehad met diskriminasie? Was daar te min in 'n gegewe gebied om 'n tempel of sinagoge te ondersteun?

Omdat godsdienstige identiteit in die Amerikaanse kolonies dikwels onvriendelik was vir andersdenkendes en nie -konformiste, kan dit in baie gevalle moeilik wees om Joodse immigrante volledig te dokumenteer. Daarom is hierdie projek oop vir voorouers vir wie daar 'n familietradisie van Joodse oorsprong is, vir wie kontemporêre getuienis 'n Joodse oorsprong suggereer, sowel as diegene wie se Joodse identiteit goed gedokumenteer is.

Onthou hierdie riglyne as u u voorouer by die projek voeg:

  • Die Verenigde State het eers in 1787 bestaan, met die bekragtiging van die Grondwet. Moet dit asseblief nie by plekke in hierdie projek voeg nie.
  • Maak seker dat die naamvelde van die meesterprofiele die voornaam, die middelnaam, die van, die nooiensvan bevat, andersins leeg, agtervoegsel vir Sr., Jr., ens.
  • Voeg slegs voorvoegsels soos Gov., Dr., Rev., ens. In die vertoonnaam by. Voeg slegs titels en geledere (graaf, balju, ens.) By die vertoonnaam.

Kolonisasie en vroeë selfregering

By die opening van die 17de eeu was daar drie lande - Frankryk, Spanje en Engeland - wat aanspraak maak op heerskappy in Noord -Amerika. Van hierdie Engeland, die traagste op die toneel, het uiteindelik beheer geneem oor die begin van wat nou die Verenigde State is. Die Franse, wat deur buitelandse oorloë en interne godsdienstige rusies ontsteld was, het lankal nie die groot moontlikhede van die nuwe kontinent besef nie, en hul nedersettings in die St. Lawrence -vallei het flou geword. Die Spanjaarde was besig met Suid -Amerika en die lande wat deur die Karibiese Eilande en die Golf van Mexiko gewas is. Maar die Engelse het, na aanvanklike mislukkings onder sir Humphrey Gilbert en sir Walter Raleigh, vaste nedersettings al van Maine tot Georgië geplant, hulle met 'n bestendige vloei van mense en kapitaal gevoed en gou die kleiner koloniserende onderneming van die Nederlanders opgeneem Hudson Valley en die klein Sweedse poging aan die Delaware -rivier. Binne 'n anderhalf eeu het die Britte 13 bloeiende kolonies aan die Atlantiese kus gehad: Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina en Georgia.

Binne 'n kort tydjie het die koloniste van die Tidewater -strook na die Appalachiërs gestoot en uiteindelik die berge deur die Cumberland Gap en die Ohio -rivier oorgesteek. Dekade vir dekades het hulle minder Europees geword in gewoonte en uitkyk en meer Amerikaans - veral die grens wat hulle stempel afdruk. Hulle vryheid van die meeste feodale erfenisse van Wes-Europa en die selfstandigheid wat hulle noodwendig in die gedempte natuur verkry het, het hulle hoogs individualisties gemaak.


DIE OU 300 GESINS: STEPHEN F. AUSTIN'S KOLONIE IN TEXAS (1821-1823)



Sy seun, Stephen, is opgelei in New London, Connecticut, en aan die Transylvania University, Lexington, Kentucky, en vestig hom in Missouri. Hier was Stephen F. Austin 'n lid van die territoriale wetgewer van 1813 tot 1819. In 1819 verhuis hy na die Arkansas -gebied, waar hy as 'n kringregter aangestel word.

Na die dood van sy vader het Stephen bevestiging van die Texas-toelaes van die nuutgestigte Mexikaanse regering verkry, en in 1821-23 het hy 'n kolonie van honderde Amerikaanse gesinne aan die Brazosrivier gestig. Die grootste nedersetting in die nuwe kolonie is San Felipe de Austin genoem.

Austin was 'n sterk verdediger van die regte van die Amerikaners in Texas, en in 1833 is hy na die stad Mexiko gestuur om 'n petisie van 'n byeenkoms in Texas voor te lê waarin hy bid vir die oprigting van 'n aparte staatsregering. Terwyl hy daar was, het hy tuis geskryf en die organisasie van 'n staat aanbeveel sonder om te wag vir die toestemming van die Mexikaanse kongres. Ongelukkig val sy brief in die hande van die Mexikaanse regering. Austin is in Saltillo gearresteer, na Mexiko teruggekeer en 'n jaar lank sonder verhoor opgesluit.

When Austin returned to Texas in 1835, he found the Texans in armed revolt against Mexican rule, and was chosen commander-in-chief of the revolutionary forces. However after failing to take San Antonio, his command was reassigned.

After the battle of San Jacinto, Austin ran for the Presidency of the Republic of Texas, but was defeated by Sam Houston. Austin then served as Secretary of State under Houston until his sudden death on the 27th of December 1836.

THE IMPERIAL COLONIZATION LAW

The Mexican government needed U.S. settlers to hold on to their Texas territory. As a result, all legislative bodies of the provisional and regular governments of Mexico appointed committees to draft a colonization law, but the first such law was passed by the Junta Instituyente, Emperor Agust n de Iturbide's rump congress, on January 3, 1823. This law invited Catholic immigrants to settle in Mexico provided for the employment of agents, called empresarios, to introduce families in units of 200 defined the land measurement in terms of labores (177 acres each), leagues or sitios (4,428 acres), and haciendas (five leagues each) and defined the privileges and certain limitations of immigrants and empresarios.

Families who farmed crops were promised at least a labor of land families who raised cattle were promised a league of land, and families who both farmed and raised cattle were to receive a labor and a league of land.

Settlers were free of tithes and other taxes for six years and subject only to half payments for another six years families might import "merchandise" free of duty and tools and materials for their own use to the value of $2,000 and settlers became automatically naturalized citizens upon residence of three years, if married and self-supporting.

An empresario might receive premium lands to the amount of three haciendas and two labors (roughly 66,774 acres) for settling 200 families. Total premiums and permanent holdings of empresarios were limited. Article 30 of the law, by inference, permitted immigrants to bring slaves into the empire but declared children of slaves born in Mexican territory free at the age of fourteen and prohibited domestic slave trading, a limitation that was sometimes evaded. The law provided for settlement by the local governments of immigrants not introduced by empresarios. The law was annulled by the abdication of the emperor in March 1823, but the provisional government that succeeded Iturbide applied its terms by special decree to Austin's first colony in April 1823.

OLD THREE HUNDRED

The name, "Old Three Hundred" refers to the settlers who received land grants in Stephen F. Austin's first colony in Texas. Stephen F. Austin took up his father's colonization activities and traveled to San Antonio, where he met with the Spanish governor Antonio Mar a Mart nez. The governor acknowledged Stephen F. Austin as his father's successor allowing the colonization activities to proceed. Stephen F. Austin recruited some hardy pioneers willing to move to Texas and by the end of the summer of 1824, most of the Old Three Hundred were in Texas.

"Old Three Hundred" included the following recorded families:

ELIJAH ALLCORN
MARTIN ALLEN

JOHN ALLEY
RAWSON ALLEY
THOMAS ALLEY
WILLIAM ALLEY
CHARLES GRUNDISON ALSBURY
JAMES HARVEY ALSBURY
THOMAS ALSBURY
SIMEON ASA ANDERSON
JOHN ANDREWS
WILLIAM ANDREWS
SAMUEL T. ANGIER
JOHN AUSTIN
JAMES ELIJAH BROWN AUSTIN
STEPHEN FULLER AUSTIN
JAMES BRITON BAILEY
DANIEL E. BALIS
WILLIAM BARRETT
THOMAS BARNETT
MILLS M. BATTLE
JAMES BEARD
BENJAMIN BEASON
CHARLES BELKNAP
JOSIAH H. BELL
MANDERS BERRY
ISAAC BEST
WILLIAM BLOODGOOD
THOMAS BOATWRIGHT
THOMAS HENRY BORDEN
CALEB R. BOSTIC
JOHN T. BOWMAN
EDWARD R. BRADLEY
JOHN BRADLEY
THOMAS BRADLEY
CHARLES BREEN
WILLIAM B. BRIDGES
DAVID BRIGHT
ENOCH BRINSON
ROBERT BROTHERTON
GEORGE BROWN
JOHN BROWN
WILLIAM S. BROWN

PUMPHREY BURNET
JESSE BURNAM
MICAJAH BYRD
MOSES A. CALLIHAN
ALEXANDER CALVIT
DAVID CARPENTER
WILLIAM C. CARSON
SAMUEL C. CARTER
JESSE H. CARTWRIGHT
THOMAS CARTWRIGHT
SYLVANUS CASTLEMAN
SAMUEL CHANCE
HORATIO CHRIESMAN
ANTHONY R. CLARKE
JOHN C. CLARK
MERIT M. COATS
JOHN P. COLES
JAMES COOK
WILLIAM COW COOPER
WILLIAM SAWMILL COOPER
JOHN CRIER
JOHN CROWNOVER
JAMES CUMINGS
JOHN CUMINGS
REBEKAH CUMINGS
WILLIAM CUMINGS
HINTON CURTIS
JAMES CURTIS, SR.
JAMES CURTIS, JR.
SAMUEL DAVIDSON
THOMAS DAVIS
DANIEL DECROW

CHARLES DeMOSS
PETER DeMOSS
WILLIAM B. DEWEES
JOHN R DICKINSON
NICHOLAS DILLARD
THOMAS MARSHALL DUKE
GEORGE DUTY
JOSEPH DUTY
CLEMENT C. DYER
THOMAS EARLE
GUSTAVUS E. EDWARDS
ROBERT ELDER
CHARLES FALENASH
DAVID FENTON
JOHN F. FIELDS
JAMES FISHER
DAVID FITZGERALD
ISAIAH FLANAKIN
ELISHA FLOWERS
ISAAC FOSTERS
JOHN FOSTER
RANDOLF FOSTER
JAMES FRAZIER
CHURCHILL FULSHEAR, SR.
CHARLES GARRETT
SAMUEL GATES
WILLIAM GATES
FREEMAN GEORGE PRESTON GILBERT
SARAH GILBERT
DANIEL GILLELAND
CHESTER SPALDING GORBET
MICHAEL GOULDRICH
THOMAS GRAY
JARED ELLISON GROCE, II
ROBERT GUTHRIE
JOHN HADDON
SAMUEL C. HADY
GEORGE E. HALL
JOHN W. HALL
WILLIAM J. HALL
DAVID HAMILTON
ABNER HARRIS
DAVID HARRIS
JOHN RICHARDSON HARRIS
WILLIAM HARRIS
WILLIAM J. HARRIS
GEORGE HARRISON
WILLIAM HARVEY
THOMAS S. HAYNES
JAMES HENSLEY
ALEXANDER HODGE
FRANCIS HOLLAND
WILLIAM HOLLAND
JAMES HOPE
CHARLES S. HUDSON
GEORGE HUFF
JOHN HUFF
ELI HUNTER
JOHNSON CALHOUN HUNTER
JOHN IIAMS, SR.
IRA INGRAM
SETH INGRAM
JOHN IRONS
SAMUEL ISAACKS
ALEXANDER JACKSON
HUMPHREY JACKSON
ISAAC JACKSON
THOMAS JAMISON
HENRY W. JOHNSON
HENRY JONES
JAMES WALLES JONES
OLIVER JONES
RANDALL JONES
IMLA KEEP
JOHN KELLER
JOHN KELLY
SAMUEL KENNEDY
ALFRED KENNON
JAMES KERR
PETER KERR
WILLIAM KERR
WILLIAM KINCHELOE
WILLIAM KINGSTON
JAMES KNIGHT
ABNER KUYKENDALL
BARZILLAE KUYKENDALL
JOSEPH KUYKENDALL
ROBERT H. KUYKENDALL
HOSEA H. LEAGUE
JOEL LEAKEY
JOHN LITTLE
WILLIAM LITTLE
JANE HERBERT WILKINSON LONG
JAMES LYNCH
NATHANIEL LYNCH
JOHN McCROSKEY
ARTHUR McCORMICK
DAVID McCORMICK
JOHN McCORMICK
THOMAL McCOY
ACHILLES McFARLAND

OLD 300 FAMILIES RECEIVE LAND GRANTS

Since the Spanish were eager to settle the vast expanse that was the Texas territory, it was decided under the colonization decree drawn up by the Spanish that the family would be the unit for land distribution. However, Stephen Austin permitted unmarried men to receive grants in partnership, usually in groups of two or three. Twenty-two such partnership titles were issued to fifty-nine partners.

In all, 307 land titles were issued, with nine families receiving two titles each. Thus the total number of grantees, excluding Austin's own grant, was actually 297, not 300. The colonization decree required that all the lands should be occupied and improved within two years most of the settlers were able to comply with the terms, and only seven of the grants were forfeited.

During 1823-24, Stephen Austin and the land commissioner Baron de Bastrop issued 272 titles, but Bastrop was called away in August 1824, and the work remained unfinished until 1827, when the new commissioner, Gaspar Flores de Abrego, issued the remaining titles.

EARLY ANGLO SETTLEMENTS IN TEXAS

The lands selected by the Old 300 colonists were located along the bottom lands of the Brazos, Colorado, and San Bernard rivers, extending from the vicinity of present-day Brenham, Navasota, and La Grange to the Gulf of Mexico. According to the terms of the colonization agreement, each family engaged in farming was to receive one labor (about 177 acres) and each ranching family one sitio (about 4,428 acres).

As one might expect, a sizeable number of the colonists classified themselves as stock raisers, though they were technically planters, to get the additional acreage. Each family's sitio was to have a frontage on the river equal to about one-fourth of its length thus the east bank of the Brazos was soon completely occupied from the Gulf to what is now Brazos County. Most of the labors were arranged in three groups around San Felipe de Austin, which formed the nucleus of the colony.

STATE OF ORIGIN OF THE OLD 300 SETTLERS

The largest number of the Old Three Hundred colonists were from Louisiana, followed by Alabama, Arkansas, Tennessee, and Missouri. Virtually all of the Old 300 were of British ancestry. Many had been born east of the Appalachians and were part of the large westward migration of the early years of the nineteenth century. Most were farmers, and many-including the Bell, Borden, Kuykendall, McCormick, McNair, McNeel, Raab, and Varner families-already had substantial means before they arrived.

Because Austin wanted to avoid problems with his colonists, he generally only accepted those of "better" classes and only four of the Old Three Hundred grantees were illiterate.

443 SLAVES ACCOMPANY THE OLD 300 FAMILIES

Another indication of the financial stature of the grantees was the large number of slaveholders among them by the fall of 1825, 69 of the families in Austin's colony owned slaves, and the 443 slaves in the colony accounted for nearly a quarter of the total population of 1,790.

One of the colonists, Jared E. Groce, who arrived from Georgia in January 1822, had ninety slaves. Though not all of the original grantees survived or prospered, Austin's Old Three Hundred, as historian T. R. Fehrenbach has written, formed "the first Anglo planter-gentry in the province." Their plantations, arrayed along the rich coastal riverbottoms, constituted the heart of the burgeoning slave empire in antebellum Texas.

LETTER WRITTEN IN 1841 BY ONE OF THE EARLY SETTLERS IN TEXAS

Postmarked: New Orleans, Louisiana Nov. 18,1841 Addressed to: Pheneas C. Hall and Samuel B. Hall State Illinois, Jackson County, Brownsville Letter headed: Texas, Washington County, Cedar Creek Nov. 5,1841

"Dear Sons, I now embrace the opportunity to drop you a few line informing you that through the mercies of the Great Giver of All Blessings we are all enjoying good health say all our friends-your Mother excepted and her health is much the same as it was when you were here.

I sincerely hope that these lines may find you and all the Connections in a state of perfect good health. I have but little of importance to communicate to you- we have good crops of corne (corne is selling at $.50 per bushel).

Cotton crops are tolerable good. There is a great quantity raised in the County. This season cotton is from $9.50 to $10.00 per hun.

I can inform you that midst plenty we have indirectly Peace. The Mexicans scarcely threaten us as they are so engaged in perpetual war at home they have not time to think of war abroad. It is a short time since Santa Anna defeated Bustementa (the President and Cheiftain of Mexico) and got possession of the City of Mexico and is counquering all the Centerlists before him. This has been the misfortune of those rebeled criters for the last eleven years and God only knows when such a civil war will be at an end.

I wrote you a letter about the last of August informing you that if you could encourage me to come I intend to pay you a visit though I have not received any answer yet though I am still expecting one. In some short time if I receive a letter shortly informing me to come I shall start in three days after I receive it, but if the time is delayed I cannot come lest the River might freeze up and I be detained until Spring. Which would be very much against my wishes.

If you are not prepared to pay the little money that is coming to William and Jackson at this time perhaps you can discharge it in flower next spring. If you can write to me immediately and I will come on or about the first of March next.

Since James speaks of authenticizing me to dispose of the eighty acres of land joining you as he has declined the intention of ever going back to live there. He is such a fair way of sitting well to live and becoming wealthy. The boys is all in a good way of making a good living but William is a little embarrased at this time. They have lands in abundance but it will not sell for money. They are anxious to get out of debt before the law is repealed making property bring two-thirds of its value as property cannot be sold under any pretence whatever for less than two-thirds of its value. Congress is now in session and it's expected the the above law will be repealed and a new law be passed making property sell for what it will bring. If so it will place the citizens of this County in a very awkward situation and some of ourselves among the rest unless you can do something for them.

If you cannot raise money, flower can be used. Have very soon and I will come and receive it first next March but if I receive a letter from you to come this fall I will start in two or three days after receiving it. William and Jackson both have helpless family and not situated to leave them and the way I am situated to assist them is to attend to their concerns in that County. I assure you it would be a great accomodation to them if you can help them and it would be remembered by them as a great favor.

As it is not in my power to assist them at this time, please to write me every month for two or three months. Perhaps I may get some of your letters. Before I close I inform you that your Mother sends her love to you both and all her grandchildren. Also my adopted daughter, Sarah A. Hall sends her best respects to all her uncles and aunts and she says she wishes to see them all but her lot is cast-always therefore she has to be content with her situation.

I now close my letter by offering to you my best love and effections. Your Affectionate Father until Death, James Hall Sr.

Before I close I inform you that religion is flourishing very much in this County- eighteen months back there was not a Baptist church west of the Brazos River- now there are seven or eight containing a great many members."

Curtesy of Barbara Stacy of Sun City, CA

TYPES OF LAND GRANTS ISSUED IN EARLY-DAY TEXAS

First Class Headright

Issued to those who arrived before March 2, 1836. Heads of families received one league (4,428 acres) and one labor (177.1 acres), while single men received 1/3 league (1,476.1 acres).

Issued to those who arrived between March 2, 1836 and October 1, 1837. Heads of families received 1,280 acres, while single men received 640 acres.

Issued to those who arrived between October 1, 1837 and January 1, 1840. Heads of families received 640 acres, while single men received 320 acres.

Issued to those who arrived between January 1, 1840 and January 1, 1842. The amounts issued were the same as for third class headrights, plus the requirement of cultivation of 10 acres.

Similar to the headright grants, pre-emption grants were made after statehood. From 1845 to 1854 homesteaders could claim 320 acres. From 1854 to 1856, and 1866 to 1898, up to 160 acres could be claimed. Homesteaders were required to live on the land for three years and make improvements (such as building a barn) in order to qualify for a pre-emption grant of 160 acres.

Empresario Colonies In The Republic Of Texas

Four colonies were established under contracts with the Republic of Texas: Peters' Colony (1841) Fisher and Miller's Colony (1842) Castro's Colony (1842) and Mercer's Colony (1844).

Heads of families were eligible for land grants of 640 acres while single men were eligible for 320 acres. Settlers were required to cultivate at least fifteen acres in order to receive the patent.

Military Land Grants

Bounty Grant Grants for military service during the Texas Revolution were provided by the Republic of Texas. Each three months of service provided 320 acres up to a maximum of 1,280 acres. Bounty grants for guarding the frontier (1838-1842) were issued by the Republic of Texas. Soldiers were issued certificates for 240 acres. 7,469 bounty grants were issued for 5,354,250 acres.

Donation Grant
Grants were issued by the Republic of Texas for participation in specific battles of the revolution. Soldiers who fought in the Siege of Bexar and the battle of San Jacinto (including the baggage detail at Harrisburg), and the heirs of those who fell at the Alamo and Goliad were eligible for 640 acres. 1,816 donation warrants were issued for 1,162,240 acres.

Military Headright Grant
Special headrights of one league were provided by the Republic of Texas to:
Soldiers who arrived in Texas between March 2 and August 1, 1836
Heirs of soldiers who fell with Fannin, Travis, Grant and Johnson
and soldiers who were permanently disabled.

Republic Veterans Donation Grant
A grant was provided by the state of Texas to veterans of the Texas Revolution and signers of the Declaration of Independence. The veteran was required to have received a bounty grant or to be eligiblefor one. A donation law in 1879 provided 640 acres and required proof of indigence. A donation law passed in 1881 provided 1,280 acres and dropped the indigency requirement. This grant was repealed in 1887 with 1,278 certificates issued for 1,377,920 acres.

Confederate Scrip
Certificates for 1280 acres were provided to confederate soldiers who were permanently disabled or to the widows of confederate soldiers. Passed in 1881, it was repealed in 1883 with 2,068 certificates issued.

Loan And Sales Scrip

Loan scrip was a land certificate issued to provide for or repay loans made to the government of Texas. Sales scrip was a land certificate directly sold to raise money for Texas. Most of this scrip was issued to cover costs of the war. The following is a list of the categories of scrip indicated with the name by which they were known.

Bryan Scrip
Land scrip was issued to William Bryan equal to the amount of debts owed to him for loans made during the war for independence. December 6, 1836.

Sam Houston Scrip
The president (Sam Houston) was authorized to negotiate a loan for $20,000 for the purpose of purchasing ammunition and munitions of war. To do this, he was authorized to sell a sufficient amount of land scrip at a minimum of .50 per acre to raise money for the loan. December 10, 1836.

Toby Scrip
The president was authorized to issue scrip to the amount of five hundred thousand acres of land. This scrip was to be transmitted to Thomas Toby of New Orleans and sold at a minimum of .50 per acre. December 10, 1836.

White Scrip
An agency was established in the city of Mobile, and David White was authorized as an agent of Texas to sell land scrip at a minimum rate of .50 per acre for the benefit of the government. December 10, 1836.

James Erwin Scrip
On January 20, 1836, Stephen F. Austin, Branch T. Archer and William Warton contracted with James Erwin and others in New Orleans for a loan of $50,000. June 3, 1837.

First Loan Scrip
The president of the Republic was authorized to issue land scrip to the stockholders as payment for the first loan to Texas "..to fulfill and carry into effect the contract of compromise made on April 1, 1836 between (the interim Texas government) and the stockholders in the first loan (for $200,000) negotiated in New Orleans on January 11, 1836." May 24, 1838.

Funded Debt Scrip
Any holder of promissory notes, bonds, funded debt or any other liquidated claims against the government could "surrender the same, and receive in lieu thereof, land scrip." The scrip was issued at a rate equal to $2.00 per acre. February 5, 1841.

General Land Office Scrip
The Commissioner of the General Land Office was authorized to issue land scrip at .50 per acre for the liquidation of the public debt of the late Republic of Texas. February 11, 1850.

Sales Scrip
The Commissioner of the General Land Office was authorized to issue land scrip in certificates of not less than 160 acres at $1.00 per acre for the sale of the public domain. February 11, 1858.

Internal Improvement Scrip
Central National Road
Under a law passed in 1844, various amounts were issued to road commissioners, surveyors and contractors for building a road from the Red River to the Trinity River in what is now Dallas. Certificates were issued for 27,716 acres.

Scrip for Building Steamboats, Steamships and Other Vessels
Certificates for 320 acres were issued for building a vessel of at least 50 tons, with 320 acres for each additional 25 tons. Sixteen ships were built taking advantage of this 1854 law.

Railroad Scrip
Several laws were passed beginning in 1854. The exact provisions varied, but generally an amount of land was offered for each mile of rail constructed. The Constitution of 1876 provided 16 sections per mile. Railroads were required to survey an equal amount of land to be set aside for the public school fund. Certificates were issued for 35,777,038 acres.

Industry Scrip
For building factories. 320 acres were offered for each $1,000 valuation. 1863 law. Certificates were issued for 111,360 acres.

Navigation Scrip
Several acts were passed beginning in 1854 for building ship channels, and improving rivers and harbors for navigation. Certificates were issued for various amounts of land for each mile completed. (For example, 320 certificates for 640 acres each were issued for building a ship channel 8 feet deep and 100 feet wide across Mustang Island). Certificates were issued for 4,261,760 acres.

Irrigation Canal Scrip
Sections of land were provided based on the class of ditch as specified by acts passed in 1874, 1875 and 1876. Certificates were issued for 584,000 acres.

All legislation authorizing internal improvement scrip was repealed in 1882.

School Land

Sale of the school lands began in 1874. Until 1905, the price, amount of land available, method of purchase, and eligibility requirements varied greatly. Legislation passed in 1905 required that the school lands be sold through competitive bidding. Purchasers could buy a maximum of 4 sections with residence required in most counties, or 8 sections with no residence required in other designated (western) counties.

End of the Unappropriated Public Domain

In Hogue v. Baker, 1898, the Texas Supreme Court declared that there was no more vacant and unappropriated land in Texas. As a result of the decision, a complete audit was ordered by the Legislature. The audit determined that the public school fund was short of the amount of land it should have had by 5,009,478 acres.

In 1900 an act was passed "to define the permanent school fund of the State of Texas, to partition the public lands between said fund and the State, and to adjust the account between said fund and said state to set apart and appropriate to said school fund, the residue of the public domain. " Thus, all of the remaining unappropriated land was set aside by the legislature for the school fund.

BIBLIOGRAFIE:

Eugene C. Barker, ed., The Austin Papers (3 vols., Washington: GPO, 1924-28). Lester G. Bugbee, "The Old Three Hundred: A List of Settlers in Austin's First Colony," Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association 1 (October 1897). Lester G. Bugbee, Austin Colony (M.A. thesis, University of Texas, 1893). T. R. Fehrenbach, Lone Star: A History of Texas and the Texans (New York: Macmillan, 1968), Texas Land Commission.

MORE HISTORY OF OLD 300 FAMILIES

Elijah Allcorn, who came to Spanish Texas in December, 1821. Settled on Tumlinson's Branch of New Year's Creek about three miles north of Brenham. Wife: Nancy Hodge Allcorn. Immigrated from Franklin County, Georgia, via Tennessee, Illinois and Missouri. Roots trace back to York County, South Carolina Mechlenburg County, North Carolina and Cumberland County, Pennsylvania. W Alcorn

Micajah Byrd. Micajah and Hanna Byrd came from Friedrich Virginia to Texas in 1824 as part of Austin's Old 300 Colonists. They settled in Washington County at La Bahia Crossin. The youngest of the Byrd girls, Nancy, married Rev. James Middleton Wesson, on July 10 1852. He was a Circuit Rider for the Methosit Chruch. Nancy died November 2, 1884 and is buried in Oakland Cemetery in Navasota, TX.

John Prince Coles. J. P. Coles was born in Rowan County NC in 1793 and came with his family to Texas as one of the first settlers of Washington County. He established his home near Independence in 1822 and established the first mill. His house is the oldest house still standing in Washington County, built in 1824. He served as an Alcalde in Mexican Texas from 1828 until the Revolution in 1836. Coles became active in politics in both Mexican Texas and the Republic. In 1824 se served on a committee to prepare a petition to the Mexican Congress concerning slavery. He attended the Conventions as a delegate from Washington County in 1833, 1836, and 1839. He served as Chief Justice for the County and in 1840/41 represented Washington County in the House of the fifth congress of the Republic of Texas, He was a substantial planter, and brought garlic into Texas. Coles was known far and wide for his hospitality and public spirit. His community was known as Coles settlement and this is where he died in 1847. He is buried in the Old Independence Cemetery which is a part of the original Coles Settlement.

Joshua Parker. Joshua Parker met Moses Austin in Georgia in 1821 and enrolled in the proposed Austin Colony in Texas. He received land in what is now Wharton County on July 24, 1824 amd came to Texas with William Parks as a part of the old 300. Parker built his home on Palmetto Creek adjacent to the Stephen F. Austin Headquarters. He was a single man, and became a Farmer and Stockman in Texas. He bought a Mule from James Gaines, ordered horses from Josiah H. Bell. and an Ox Ring from Nicholas Clopper. While driving a herd of horses to the Rio Grande, he had a quarrell with Aylett Buckner. He was a friend and supporter of William B,. Travis. Joshua Parker is buried in the Old Independence Cemetery.

Isaac Pennington was one of the early school teachers in Austins Colony. He was a partner to David Randon as one of the old 300 families. They received a sitio of land in present Fort Bend County, on August 4, 1824. Pennington was a farmer and stock raiser and became mail contractor between Independence and Milam in 1836. He took part in the election of Baron de Bastrop as deputy for Coahuila and Texas in April of 1824. It is not certain as to what relationship he was to Sydney O. Pennington, one of the signers of the Texas Declaration of Independence nor Riggs Pennington, another of Washington County's early settlers.

James Walker, Sr. Arriving in Texas about 1822, James WALKER, Sr., Catherine MILLER WALKER, their younger children, John M., Sanders, Susanna (married to Phillip SINGLETON), and Lucinda (married to Abraham LOVEALL), accompanied by a small number of slaves, were among the first of AUSTIN's colonists. Children remaining in Wayne County, Kentucky were James Jr. (married to Abelar COLLETT), Charles, Thomas (married to Miranda COLLETT), Sarah (married to William TOWNSON), Catherine (married to Robert SINGLETON) and Lucretia (wife of Silas Bell). Living in Tennessee was son Gideon (with second wife, Sally WALKER). James WALKER Sr. was issued title on July 21, 1824 for one sitio of land (one labor plus one league or about 4428 acres) fronting on the Brazos at New Years Creek.

Thomas Stevens and his wife Elizabeth Miller Stevens (her parents were Simon Miller and Sarah Lucinda Rucker Miller of the old 300 also).

For questions or comments, send me an Email at
[email protected]

OLD300 BULLETIN BOARD

If you have any information relating to the Old 300 or any related topic, send me an email and I'll post it on this webpage for our readers. Dankie. Len Kubiak:

Received the following email from Billie Bolton ([email protected]): Elemelech Swearingen became the last of the original "300". There is a Texas historical marker on the land where he settled which became the community of Millheim in Austin County. He also served in the Texas war for independence. I'm including a picture of the marker. Dankie, Billie Bolton

Received the following informative email from Mike Austin:

An Austin among you
Date: Thu, 26 Jun 2008
From: "Austin, Mike" ([email protected])

I have dabbled in attempting to piece my family history together for about 10-15 years now, and I think maybe your site will help a bit.

I once thought my great great grandfather, Norman Austin, was one of the 300. His second cousin was Stephen Fuller Austin. I need to look at my family tree, which goes back to Richard Austin in England, in I believe 1506, and see if one of the other two Austins on the list of 300, was related to him and sold him the land where his store and home in Matagorda were.

Norman Austin left Matagorda with the Matagorda volunteers, and rode to Goliad and Joined Captain Albert Horton s mounted rangers under Fannin. His company was on patrol the morning of the attack on La Bahia, and got separated from the main garrison by a heavy fog it is told to me. Subsequently, Norman survived the massacre, and lived well into his eighties as a successful merchant with his wife, Eliza, in the town of Belton Texas, where the old Austin Family Cemetery is today.

I have scanned an old photo of Norman and Eliza that my family has, and am enclosing it for you. Note the Texas flag pinned on Norman's jacket. This photo was taken at a Texas Veterans Reunion held in Fort Worth in I believe 1880.

I have been told that I and my sons(Stephen Tyler Austin and Zachary Michael Austin) may well be the last remaining Austins from that branch of the original settlers of Texas, though there are a number of black Austins who are decendants of the slaves that my great great grandfather, Stephen F, and the other Austins had.

Don t ask me why, but after being raised on the coast, living ten years in Austin , I find myself gravitating closer and closer to the Brazos River , and am now living in Fort Bend County, just east of Stephen F. Austin State Park. That s it, just thought you might find this interesting. Groete,

Charles Michael (Mike) Austin

1803 Lowell CT. Katy, Texas 77494


Norman and Eliza A. Houston Austin. Norman fought in the Texas Revolution and he and his wife are burried in the Austin family plot in Belton Texas.


Prostitution

The hinterlands of the colonies, when the frontier was but a few hundred miles from the coastline, were self-governed by necessity, with colonial authority mostly concerned with the collection of taxes and rents, and the suppression of Indian attacks. Within these smaller communities the issue of prostitution was limited, because everyone knew everyone else, and the communities often didn&rsquot tolerate such things. But it did exist. In York County Virginia, which although the small city of Williamsburg abutted it was largely rural, the Grand Jury met twice each year, and charges of prostitution were common.

Women working as prostitutes were usually charged with the offence of fornication, and typical punishments included fines and whippings, held in public, on &ldquo…her bare back laid well on.&rdquo The idea of a public lashing of a semi-nude woman obviously did not appear unseemly to the court. There were charges in several of the colonies of inns and taverns operating as &ldquodisorderly houses&rdquo &ndash a term which sometimes indicated a bordello, and for which the records show punishments in the form of fines.

America&rsquos larger towns were along the coasts, and they operated ports. The seaports developed a bustling trade, and the coastal towns were hosts to sailors from other American towns and from around the world, as British ships were often crewed with men of all nations and races. In the towns, a bustling trade in prostitution developed, even in still Puritanical Boston, and the absence of police vice squads placed enforcement of the laws in the hands of moral authority. Churches solicited information about prostitutes to hand over to the courts.

Brothels were present in all of the larger cities, and their presence was hardly a secret. A portion of Philadelphia, then the largest city in America, was known as Hell Town. It hosted several brothels and although the idea of them being marked with a red light had not yet taken hold, their location was easy to learn from past patrons. Some brothels were specifically for the more genteel members of Philadelphia society, where discretion could be had, cards could be played, good wine could be sipped, and the entertaining ladies were ensured to be free of venereal disease.

Streetwalkers plied the streets nearer the wharves and warehouses, where business could be transacted quickly in an alley or dark corner. They often were accompanied surreptitiously by cohorts who would then rob her customer of any remaining money before dumping him in the water. The streetwalkers and the transient sailors contributed significantly to the rise of venereal disease in the colonies, especially the disease which was called the Great Pox &ndash syphilis.


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