Frederick Pethick-Lawrence

Frederick Pethick-Lawrence

Frederick Lawrence, die seun van Alfred Lawrence, die eienaar van 'n boumaatskappy, is op 28 Desember 1871 in Londen gebore. Sy ryk ouers was Unitarians en lede van die Liberal Party. Frederick is opgelei in Eton (1985-1891) en een van sy onderwysers het geskryf: "Hy is beslis 'n baie goeie jong man, vol allerhande manlike eienskappe. Waar hy ook al gaan, sal hy eer aan homself doen en aan almal wat vir hom is. wat ek self as een van die eerste beskou. ”

Lawrence het ook goed gevaar by Trinity College. Na drie jaar wiskunde studeer, bly hy nog drie aan om natuurwetenskappe te lees. Uiteindelik behaal hy 'n Double First en word president van die Unie. Volgens Fran Abrams: "In 1897 word hy 'n kollega van sy kollege en lyk dit vir 'n akademiese loopbaan. Maar ander invloede was reeds aan die werk. Fred se politieke bewussyn word geslyp deur die kontakte wat hy in Cambridge gesluit het." Dit het Alfred Marshall ingesluit, wat aangevoer het dat die kennis van ekonomie toegepas moet word om armes te help. Terwyl hy studeer om 'n prokureur te word, het Lawrence gratis regsadvies gegee by die Nonconformist -nedersetting Mansfield House in die krotbuurte van Oos -Londen. Hy het ook saam met Charles Booth inligting versamel oor armoede in die omgewing (Lewe en arbeid van die mense, Deel IX).

Lawrence is deur die Binne -tempel in 1899 na die kroeg geroep. Die dood van sy ouer broer in 1900 het hom ryk gemaak, en in die daaropvolgende jaar is hy gekies as die kandidaat van die Liberale Party vir North Lambeth. Terwyl hy saam met die arme werk, ontmoet Frederick Lawrence die maatskaplike werker, Emmeline Pethick. Die egpaar het verlief geraak, maar Emmeline het geweier om met Frederick te trou omdat hy nie haar sosialistiese oortuigings gedeel het nie. Eers in 1901, toe Frederick tot sosialisme bekeer is, het Emmeline ingestem om met hom te trou. By die huwelik het hy sy vrou se naam by sy eie gevoeg en by die Arbeidersparty aangesluit.

Kort na haar huwelik het Emmeline gedink sy is swanger. Frederick het geskryf dat die geboorte 'ons albei ekstra gelukkig sal maak'. Hy het bygevoeg: "Is dit nie wonderlik nie, my hart sing en sing net en ek sal nie stilbly nie." Emmeline het egter 'n miskraam opgedoen en nuus ontvang dat sy nie kinders kan kry nie. Frederick het vir haar geskryf: "Ek is vir jou 'n wonderlike man en jy vir my 'n wonderlike vrou, en dit is genoeg!"

Pethick-Lawrence het 'n goeie vriend geword van James Keir Hardie. Hy het later gesê: "Hy was eintlik die teenoorgestelde van die onbeskofte en onpraktiese ikonoklast, wat diegene wie se voorregte hy gedreig het hom geskilder het. Hy was die sensitiefste persoon wat ek ooit in my lewe geken het, en as hy onkonvensioneel was was omdat hy moes wees om sy doel te bereik. "

In 1901 word Frederick Pethick-Lawrence die eienaar van The Echo, 'n linkse aandkoerant. Hy het vriende uit die sosialistiese beweging gewerf, soos Ramsay MacDonald en H. N. Brailsford om vir die koerant te skryf. Frederick publiseer en redigeer ook die maandblad, Labor Record and Review (1905-07). Emmeline het later aangevoer: "Sy uitstaande kwaliteite van intellek, gebalanseerde oordeel en praktiese administrasie in besigheid en finansies het die rots geword waarop ek sedertdien die struktuur van my lewe gebou het."

In 1906 stel James Keir Hardie Frederick en Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence aan Emmeline Pankhurst voor. Gevolglik het Emmeline by die Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) aangesluit. Die organisasie het nie toegelaat dat mans lid word nie, maar Frederick het sy regsopleiding gebruik om die WSPU in die hof te verteenwoordig. Hy het later gesê dat hy dit gedoen het om 'n 'seksoorlog' te voorkom. Volgens sy biograaf, Brian Harrison: "Hy het broodnodige finansiële, organisatoriese en regskundigheid op vlakvlak gebied, en baie gepubliseer vir die saak. Reeds in 1906 ondersteun hy suffragette in die regshowe, en lei hulle uit selfverdediging, en borgtog vir meer as 100 van hulle. ” Pethick-Lawrence het ook £ 1,000 per jaar aan die WSPU verpand.

In 1907 begin Frederick en Emmeline die tydskrif Votes for Women. Tussen 1908 en 1909 het die koerant die sirkulasie na 30 000 versprei. Die groot huis van Pethick-Lawrence in Londen het die kantoor van die WSPU geword. Dit is ook gebruik as 'n soort hospitaal waar vroue wat deur hul gevangeniservarings siek was, hul krag kon herstel voordat hulle met verdere militante dade begin. Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence het ses maande tronkstraf uitgedien vir haar politieke aktiwiteite gedurende hierdie tydperk.

In 1912 het die WSPU 'n nuwe veldtog gereël wat die grootskaalse stukkie van winkelvensters behels. Frederick en Emmeline het albei nie saamgestem met hierdie strategie nie, maar Christabel Pankhurst het hul besware geïgnoreer. Sodra hierdie grootskaalse breek van winkelvensters begin het, het die regering beveel dat die leiers van die WSPU gearresteer word. Christabel het na Frankryk ontsnap, maar Frederick en Emmeline is in hegtenis geneem, verhoor en tot nege maande gevangenisstraf gevonnis. Hulle is ook suksesvol gedagvaar vir die koste van die skade wat die WSPU aangerig het.

Hulle het albei 'n hongerstaking ondergaan en moes twee keer per dag twee keer per dag die dwangmatige voeding ondergaan. Hy onthou later die ervaring in sy memoires, Die noodlot was vriendelik (1943): "Die hoofdokter, 'n sensitiefste man, was duidelik ontsteld oor wat hy moes doen. Dit was beslis 'n onaangename en pynlike proses en 'n voldoende aantal bewaarders moes ingeroep word om te verhoed dat ek beweeg terwyl 'n rubber buis is in my neusgat gestoot en in my keel en vloeistof is daardeur in my maag gegooi. Twee keer per dag het een van die dokters my op hierdie manier gevoed. Ek kon nie my sel in die hospitaal verlaat nie en vir die meeste Ek moes in die bed bly. Daar was niks anders as om te lees nie; en die dae was baie lank en het baie stadig gegaan. "

Christabel Pankhurst het later opgeteken: "Ma en meneer en mev. Pethick Lawrence het hongerstaking ondergaan. Die regering het teruggekap deur middel van dwangvoer. sel gewapen met dwangvoedingsapparaat. Voorgewaarsku deur die uitroepe van mev Pethick-Lawrence ... Moeder het hulle met al haar majestueuse verontwaardiging ontvang. Hulle het teruggeval en haar verlaat. Noch toe en nooit in haar logboek en verskriklike konflik met die regering is sy met geweld gevoed. ”

Nadat Frederick en Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence uit die gevangenis vrygelaat is, het hulle openlik begin praat oor die moontlikheid dat hierdie vensterverwoestende veldtog die steun vir die WSPU sou verloor. Op 'n vergadering in Frankryk het Christabel vir Emmeline en Frederick vertel van die voorgestelde brandstigtingveldtog. Toe Emmeline en Frederick beswaar maak, het Christabel gereël dat hulle uit die organisasie geskors word. Soos Brian Harrison daarop gewys het: 'The Pethick-Lawrences, wat hul privaat bitterheid verberg het oor hoe hulle behandel is, het voortgegaan om stemme vir vroue te redigeer, die stemme vir vroue-genootskap daaroor versamel en uiteindelik in 1914 saamgesmelt met die United Suffragists , 'n brugbouende liggaam wat daarop gemik is om suffragiste van beide geslagte bymekaar te bring en militante met nie-militante te verenig. "

Fran Abrams die skrywer van Vryheidsoorsaak: Lewe van die Suffragettes (2003) het geskryf: "Selfs die skeuring met die WSPU het hierdie pyn nie beëindig nie - die Pethick -Lawrences het nog bankrotskapsverrigtinge ondergaan. 'N Veiling van hul besittings is by The Mascot gehou, maar het slegs £ 300 ingesamel vir hul hof van £ 1100. koste, selfs al het baie vriende opgedaag om persoonlike besittings te koop en dit aan die egpaar terug te gee. Selfs die afslaer het 'n snuistery aan hulle teruggegee wat hy as 'n aandenking gekoop het. vir herstelwerk aan winkelvensters wat tydens die aanvalle beskadig is. Gelukkig het hy diep sakke gehad en hoef hy nie sy huis te verkoop nie. "

Einde Julie 1914 het dit aan die Britse regering duidelik geword dat die land op die punt staan ​​om oorlog te voer met Duitsland. Vier senior lede van die regering, David Lloyd George (kanselier van die staat), Charles Trevelyan (parlementêre sekretaris van die onderwysraad), John Burns (president van die plaaslike regering) en John Morley (minister van buitelandse sake vir Indië), was gekant daarteen dat die land by 'n Europese oorlog betrokke sou raak. Hulle het die premier, Herbert Asquith, meegedeel dat hulle bedoel het om oor die kwessie te bedank. Toe die oorlog op 4 Augustus verklaar word, het drie van die mans, Trevelyan, Burns en Morley, bedank, maar Asquith het daarin geslaag om Lloyd George, sy kanselier van die skatkis, te oorreed om van plan te verander.

Die dag nadat die oorlog verklaar is, het Charles Trevelyan vriende begin kontak oor 'n nuwe politieke organisasie wat hy beplan om die oorlog teë te staan. Dit het twee pasifistiese lede van die Liberale Party ingesluit, Norman Angell en E. D. Morel, en Ramsay MacDonald, die leier van die Arbeidersparty. 'N Vergadering is gehou en nadat hulle name soos die Peoples' Emancipation Committee en die Peoples 'Freedom League oorweeg het, het hulle die Union of Democratic Control (UDC) gekies.

Pethick-Lawrence was ook gekant teen Brittanje se betrokkenheid by die Eerste Wêreldoorlog en het by die UDC aangesluit. Hy het later onthou: "Ek het by die Unie van Demokratiese Beheer aangesluit en die penningmeester geword. geen verbintenisse moet aangegaan word sonder dat die mense volledig ingelig is en hul goedkeuring verkry is nie. Deur 'n natuurlike oorgang het die doelwitte van die Unie die vorming van terme van 'n duursame skikking ingesluit, op grond waarvan die oorlog 'n 'n einde. "

Ander lede van die UDC was Arthur Ponsonby, JA Hobson, Charles Buxton, Norman Angell, Arnold Rowntree, Philip Morrel, Morgan Philips Price, George Cadbury, Helena Swanwick, Fred Jowett, Ramsay, Tom Johnston, Philip Snowden, Arthur Henderson, David Kirkwood , William Anderson, Isabella Ford, HH Brailsford, Israel Zangwill, Bertrand Russell, Margaret Llewelyn Davies, Konni Zilliacus, Margaret Sackville en Morgan Philips Price.Die volgende paar jaar het die UDC die voorste oorlogsorganisasie in Brittanje geword.

Pethick-Lawrence was tesourier van die Union of Democratic Control (UDC) en is in die lente van 1917 gekies as die organisasie se kandidaat in die tussenverkiesing in Suid-Aberdeen. Pethick-Lawrence het slegs 333 stemme gekry, terwyl die regeringsverteenwoordiger met 3,283 stemme gewen het. Alhoewel hy ses en veertig jaar oud was, het die regering probeer om Pethick-Lawrence in diens te neem in 1917. Hy het geweier, maar in plaas van 'n gevangenisstraf is hy tot die einde van die oorlog op 'n plaas in Sussex toegewys.

In die algemene verkiesing van 1923 het Pethick-Lawrence die setel in Leicester vir die Labour Party gewen. Hy het die bevrediging gehad om sy ou politieke teenstander, Winston Churchill, te verslaan. Alhoewel hy 'n kenner van ekonomie was, was Pethick-Lawrence 'n swak redenaar en kon hy nie in debatte in die Laerhuis verskyn nie. As gevolg hiervan is hy nie 'n pos in die Arbeidsregering van 1924 gekry nie.

Na die oorwinning van die Arbeidersparty in die algemene verkiesing van 1929, het Ramsay MacDonald Pethick-Lawrence as finansiële sekretaris aangestel onder Philip Snowden. Pethick-Lawrence was dit nie eens met Snowden se besluit om die openbare besteding te besnoei nie en bedank in 1931 uit die regering. Soos die meeste parlementslede van die Arbeid wat MacDonald se nasionale regering gekant het, het Pethick-Lawrence sy setel verloor tydens die algemene verkiesing van 1931.

In 1931 het G.D.H. Cole het die Society for Socialist Enquiry and Propaganda (SSIP) gestig. Dit is later herdoop tot die Socialist League. Pethick-Lawrence het by die organisasie aangesluit en ander lede was William Mellor, Charles Trevelyan, Stafford Cripps, H. Brailsford, D. Pritt, R. Tawney, Frank Wise, David Kirkwood, Clement Attlee, Neil Maclean, Frederick Pethick-Lawrence, Alfred Salter , Jennie Lee, Gilbert Mitchison, Harold Laski, Frank Horrabin, Ellen Wilkinson, Aneurin Bevan, Ernest Bevin, Arthur Pugh, Michael Foot en Barbara Betts. Margaret Cole het erken dat hulle 'n paar lede van die Guild Socialism -beweging gekry het: "Douglas en ek het persoonlik die eerste lys gewerf op kamerade uit alle stadiums van ons politieke lewens." Die eerste pamflet wat deur die SSIP gepubliseer is, was Die Krisis (1931) is geskryf deur Cole en Bevin.

Volgens Ben Pimlott, die skrywer van Arbeid en Links (1977): "Die Socialist League ... het takke gestig, onderneem om navorsing, propaganda en bespreking te bevorder en uit te voer, pamflette, verslae en boeke uit te reik en konferensies, vergaderings, lesings en skole te organiseer. In hierdie mate was dit sterk volgens die Fabiaanse tradisie, en dit werk in noue samewerking met Cole se ander groep, die New Fabian Research Bureau. " Die hoofdoel was om 'n toekomstige Arbeidsregering te oorreed om sosialistiese beleid te implementeer.

Pethick-Lawrence se kommer oor die opkoms van Adolf Hitler in Nazi-Duitsland het daartoe gelei dat pasifisme ten gunste van kollektiewe veiligheid deur die Volkebond verwerp is. As Arbeidskandidaat vir Edinburgh-Oos by die algemene verkiesing van 1935 het hy 43 persent van die stemme in 'n driehoekige wedstryd gewen. By sy aankoms in die Laerhuis val hy onmiddellik die Hoare – Laval -verdrag aan.

Pethick-Lawrence het sy setel in die algemene verkiesing van 1945 gewen en die nuwe Britse premier, Clement Attlee, het hom as minister van buitelandse sake vir Indië aangestel. Pethick-Lawrence was saam met Stafford Cripps betrokke by die onderhandelinge wat gedurende 1947 in Indië plaasgevind het.

Volgens sy biograaf, Brian Harrison: 'Sy gedagtes kombineer teenoorgesteldes: enersyds rasionalisties en in baie opsigte radikaal, was hy tegelyk hoogs sentimenteel (veral in godsdiens en persoonlike verhoudings) en ook tradisionalisties - trots op Britse instellings, gretig om by te bly met ou vriende en 'n geesdriftige vir die herdenking van herdenkings. Sy wiskundige verstand sou hom moontlik swart en wit sienings in die politiek gehad het, en tog was hy 'n lewenslange entoesias vir kompromie en vir die Britse instellings wat dit aangemoedig het. "

Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence was aktief in die politiek tot 1950 toe sy 'n ernstige ongeluk gehad het wat haar immobiliseer gelaat het. Frederick het na Emmeline gekyk totdat sy op 11 Maart 1954 aan 'n hartaanval by haar huis in Gomshall, Surrey, gesterf het. Hy skryf aan 'n vriend: "Ek voel 'n bietjie verdwaas. Dit is asof ek saam met die violis by 'n vioolkonsert was. afwesig. "

Pethick-Lawrence trou in Februarie 1957 met Helen Craggs, 'n voormalige leidende figuur in die WSPU. Hy het aan 'n vriend geskryf dat Emmeline hom vertel het dat die grootste kompliment wat 'n man aan sy dooie vrou kan gee, is om weer te trou, "so ek voel Ek het haar seën vooraf ".

Frederick Pethick-Lawrence is op 10 September 1961 oorlede.

Ek was op 'n manier kinderliker en op 'n manier meer volwasse as my skoolmaats. Ek was heeltemal onkundig oor die wêreld, maar ek was geskok oor die taal wat die seuns gebruik het. Hulle middele om werk te vermy en die meesters te mislei, was vir my dom en immoreel. Alhoewel ek onthou dat ek kort nadat ek daar aangekom het met 'n seuntjie baklei het, kon ek oor die algemeen nie opstaan ​​nie en kon ek dus straffeloos geboelie word. Ek was eerlikwaar verveeld oor die manier waarop die klassiekers geleer word, en ek was instem met 'n opmerking deur een van die seuns dat harde werk stelselmatig by Eton ontmoedig word.

Latyn en Grieks beset die meeste van ons tyd en ek vind hulle dodelik saai. My gedagtes was ongetwyfeld op daardie ouderdom die mees steriele grond om die sade van literatuur in te plant. Maar ek kan nie help om te dink dat die ergste metode is om ons belangstelling te wek nie. As ons byvoorbeeld 'n Griekse toneelstuk speel, het ons slegs in elke les ongeveer 20 reëls deurgemaak; en al die klem is geplaas op die kennis van die gevalle van die selfstandige naamwoorde en die tyd van die werkwoorde. Teen hierdie koers het ons die spel skaars voltooi voor die einde van die 'helfte'. Selfs die letterlike betekenis van die sinne het my oor die algemeen ontgaan, en van die geweldige menslike kwessies van die drama, het ek nooit die vaagste idee gehad nie. Ek vermoed dat slegs 'n klein minderheid van my klasmaats 'n ander verhaal sou vertel.

Op 18 Maart (1891) is die nuwe Laerskole geopen en 'n statuut van koningin Victoria is deur die keiserin Frederick onthul. Die koningin self het ook persoonlik na die seremonie gekom. Die kaptein van die skool het 'n adres gekry om aan die koningin voor te lê, en ek het een vir die keiserin.

'N Ander beroemde besoeker aan wie ek voorgestel is, was die Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone. Hy het na Eton gekom om lesings te gee oor Homeros, 'n ontspanningsonderwerp waarin hy baie belanggestel het, hoewel sy mening daaroor deur die ortodokse as ongesond beskou is. Die skoolhoof het my genooi om saam met hom te gaan eet, en ek onthou dat ek gedurende die ete baie gepraat het oor die verdienste van skuifstoele in die skoolbote. Hy was reeds in gevorderde jare en was blykbaar taamlik doof, aangesien hy af en toe sy vrou op hoorbare toon laat hoor het wat ons nie wou hoor nie. Maar sy oog was nog steeds skerp en sy gesig pas 'n persoonlikheid aan wat gewoond is om besluite te neem en gehoorsaam te word.

Gedurende die laaste kwart van die negentiende eeu het die rykdom op die Britse Eilande geweldig vermeerder. Massaproduksie soos ons dit vandag ken, het skaars begin, maar 'n grootskaalse mededingende bedryf wat onder koorsige druk werk, het 'n toenemende stroom gemeenskappe tot gevolg gehad. Die rykdom is gruwelik versprei. 'N Paar' kapteins van die industrie 'het groot fortuin verdien. Baie meer van die hoër middelklas het 'n inkomste gehad wat hulle in staat gestel het om gemaklik in stad- en plattelandse huise te woon en na die vasteland te reis. Maar ten minste 'n derde van die mense het ongelukkig geleef. Hulle het lang ure gewerk.

Hulle kos was, selfs al was dit voldoende, eentonig en van swak gehalte. Hulle klere was oor die algemeen onvanpas en, na lang gebruik, verslind en vuil. Hulle huise was in gemene strate, erg gebou en gereeld ongedierlik. Die ergste van alles was dat hulle geen sekuriteit gehad het nie. Ongeluk, siekte of 'n tydperk van werkloosheid het hulle in ernstige armoede en skuld gedompel. Ouderdom het hul huise verbreek; en mans en vrouens, wat hul huweliksbeloftes opgehou het en dan nagekom het om mekaar te koester, het gevind dat die werkhuis die dood verwag het deur hulle uitmekaar te skeur.

Ek en my vrou het in daardie dae baie Keir Hardie gesien; want hy het kamers in 'n klein huisie in 'n ouwêreldse hof agter Chancery Lane gehad, en hy het gereeld ingeloer om ons in Clement's Inn te sien. Nader kennis maak die indruk wat ek gevorm het toe ek hom vir die eerste keer in Mansfield House ontmoet het. Hy was in werklikheid presies die teenoorgestelde van die onbeskofte en onpraktiese ikonoklast, wat diegene wie se voorregte hy gedreig het, hom geverf het. Hy was die sensitiefste persoon wat ek ooit in my lewe geken het, en as hy onkonvensioneel was, was dit omdat hy moes wees om sy doel te bereik.

Wat die ander aanklag betref dat hy onprakties was, is dit waar dat hy drome gedroom het van 'n meer regverdige wêreld. Maar 'n baie groot aantal van daardie drome is reeds bewaarheid; en as iemand geregtig is om as die hoofargitek van 'n beter toestand gereken te word, is dit hy. Hy stig die I.L.P. en daaruit die Arbeidersparty opgebou en albei met sy gees geïnspireer. Destyds word slegs 'n paar dit waardeer, en ek is bly dat ek een van die getalle was.

Die belangrikste motief vir mans se opposisie teen vroulike stemreg was ongetwyfeld die vrees vir die gebruik waarmee vroue sou stem as hulle dit sou kry. Daar word gesê dat mans deur die rede beheer word, vroue deur emosie. As die franchise eers vir vroue oopgemaak word, sou hulle vinnig 'n meerderheidsbeheer verkry en 'n emosionele beleid op die land afdwing. In die besonder is daar gesê (alhoewel minder openlik) dat vroue oor seks meer en harder as mans is; en dat as hulle mag sou kry, hulle onmoontlik streng morele standaarde sou oplê en sou probeer om dit af te dwing deur strawwe vir nie-nakoming. 'N Verdere vrees was dat vroue hul besondere sjarme en aantrekkingskrag sou verloor as vroue die politieke, intellektuele en beroepslewe van mans sou deel. 'N Effens ander motief was die aangebore liefde vir oorheersing. Dit word soms uitgedruk in die stomp herhaling: "Inderdaad stemme vir vroue; ons sal hierna gevra word om ons perde en honde stemme te gee."

Daardie herfs (1906) begin die Maandagmiddag 'At Homes', wat jaar na jaar voortduur tydens die militante veldtog. Hulle was hoofsaaklik bedoel vir vroue, maar mans is nie uitgesluit nie. Strategie is verduidelik, militante demonstrasies is aangekondig, 'n versameling is geneem en lede is ingeskryf. Ek het oor die algemeen letterkunde gekom - boeke, pamflette en later die Stemme vir vroue koerant. Toe die bywoning te groot geword het om in die kantoor in Clement's Inn rekenskap te gee, is die lokaal verander na die Portman Rooms in Bakerstraat, en later na die Queen's Hall.

Einde Oktober 1906 het gebeure plaasgevind wat my in 'n baie nouer verbintenis met die beweging gebring het. My vrou is gearresteer. Sy het saam met ander lede van die Sosiale en Politieke Unie van die Vroue na die Laerhuis gegaan op die dag dat die parlement geopen is; en in ooreenstemming met 'n vooropgestelde plan het sy opgespring na een van die sitplekke in die Sentrale Lobby en begin om die M.P.s en ander wat teenwoordig was toe te spreek. Afgetrek en in die straat gebondel, saam met 'n aantal ander vroue wat 'n soortgelyke protesoptog gelewer het, het sy probeer om weer die huis binne te gaan en is in hegtenis geneem.

Ek het die volgende oggend saam met haar na die hof gegaan, en sy het saam met nege ander vroue, waaronder mev. Cobden Sanderson, dogter van Richard Cobden, aan haar borgtog oorgegee. Die landdros het hulle almal verplig om hul eie erkenning te aanvaar om die vrede vir ses maande te bewaar. Dit het hulle eenparig geweier om te doen. By verstek was hulle twee maande tronk toe gestuur. Hulle is gevolglik uit die Holloway gepak.

Ek het dadelik vasgestel dat tydens my vrou se afwesigheid haar kant van die werk nie moet ly nie. Ek het ingestem om na die finansies om te sien, en op 'n openbare vergadering daardie middag het ek 'n beroep op fondse gedoen. Deur die bal aan die rol te sit, het ek belowe om £ 10 by te dra vir elke dag van haar gevangenisstraf.

Mag ek met respek vra of dit nie moontlik is om die Suffragette -beweging te verbreek deur stappe te neem teen die heer en mev Pethick Lawrence vir sameswering en aansporing tot ernstige vredesoortredings nie. Dit kan baie maklik bewys word dat mnr Pethick Lawrence by 'n geleentheid na East Ham gegaan het en 'n aantal vroue teen twee sjielings per dag gehuur het plus hul uitgawes. Hierdie vroue is deur die heer Lawrence en sy assistente in hul werk ingeboor en het deelgeneem aan baie wanordelike tonele ... Hierdie vroue (en baie van die vroue-roerders wat £ 2- £ 5 per week betaal word) weet niks van politiek of stemme nie. Vroue bevraagteken en word betaal vir die skep van versteuring onder bevel van die leiers.

Ek het ook die hongerstaking aangeneem. Die eerste dag was ek baie warm en het ek daaroor gepla, hoofpyn gekry en sleg geslaap. Die tweede dag het ek myself in die hand geneem en uitgevind dat dit wat gewoonlik honger is beter beskryf kan word as die 'voedselgewoonte', en dat as dit nie kalmeer nie, dit gou verdwyn. Ek het die aand lekker geslaap. Die derde dag het die owerhede ontdek wat ek doen en my na die hospitaal geneem en meegedeel dat hulle my met geweld gaan voed.

Die hoofdokter, 'n sensitiefste man, was duidelik ontsteld oor wat hy moes doen. Daar was niks anders as om te lees nie; en die dae was baie lank en het baie stadig gegaan.

Mev Pankhurst het ons na haar kamer genooi. Sy vertel ons toe dat sy besluit het om ons verbintenis met die WSPU te verbreek. Ons het dus gesien dat die breuk tussen ons en die Pankhursts volledig en onherroeplik was. Daar was verder geen appèl teen ons uitsluiting van die WSPU nie. Mev Pankhurst was die erkende outokraat van die Unie. Ons het haar verskeie jare tevore ondersteun om hierdie pos te verkry; ons kon dit nie nou betwis nie.

So eindig ons persoonlike omgang met twee van die merkwaardigste mense wat ek ooit geken het. Op sommige maniere was hulle baie anders. Christabel, met haar meisjesagtige figuur, haar deurdringende brein, haar onverbiddelike logika en haar krag van akute politieke analise, het veral 'n beroep op die jongmense van beide geslagte gedoen. Pankhurst, met haar warm Manx -bloed, haar ryk lewenservaring en haar aangrypende stem, wie se modulasies sy so goed kon beheer, het die harte aangeraak en die simpatie gekry van diegene wat nie deur 'n bloot rasionele benadering geraak sou word nie.

Selfs die skeiding met die WSPU het hierdie pyn nie beëindig nie - die Pethick -Lawrences het nog bankrotskapsverrigtinge ondergaan. Gelukkig het hy diep sakke gehad en hoef hy nie sy huis te verkoop nie.

My eie persoonlike houding was baie krities. Die oorlog het vir my gelyk asof dit op die vasteland sonder genoegsame rede begin het en 'n volledige uiteensetting van staatsmanskap was. Ek was baie jammer oor die klandestiene manier waarop sir Edward Gray die Britse volk in werklikheid vooraf agter hul rug toegewy het. Maar ek, ten spyte van my afkeer van die oorlog, was van mening dat 'n weiering om Frankryk en België te hulp te bring, in die lig van die omstandighede soos op die twaalfde uur sou wees.

Ek het by die Unie van Demokratiese Beheer aangesluit en die tesourier geword. Deur 'n natuurlike oorgang het die doelwitte van die Unie die vorming van terme van 'n duursame nedersetting ingesluit, op grond waarvan die oorlog 'n einde kon bring.

Eers kon ons oral openbare vergaderings hou en ons saak stel, maar soos die tyd aanstap, is 'n georganiseerde opposisie opgestel deur 'n afdeling van die pers, wat ons verteenwoordig as teenstanders van die dapper manne wat die land se gevegte beveg het. Ons vergaderings in Londen is gevolglik verbreek. Ek onthou veral een waar ek as voorsitter van die platform geslinger is. In die middel van die stryd het 'n jong soldaat uitgeroep: "Moenie die ou man seermaak nie." Ek het die bynaam met 'n bietjie vermaak gehoor. Ek was maar 43.

Daar is 'n keuse tussen twee polisse. Die eerste is vrede deur onderhandeling, die tweede gaan oor maande en maande met die oorlog - miskien vir jare. Vrede deur onderhandeling beteken nie om na die keiser te gaan en te vra watter vredesvoorwaardes hy ons genadiglik sal gee en die voorwaardes te aanvaar nie. Dit sou vrede wees deur oorgawe. Vrede deur onderhandelinge beteken 'n vrede waarin Groot -Brittanje en haar bondgenote op sekere onherleibare terme sou aandring en tot 'n skikking kom ten opsigte van die ander.

Eers middel 1918 het my ouderdomsgroep onder die diensplig gekom en ek is ontbied. Ek was toe 46. Terwyl ek geglo het dat die oorlog tot 'n einde gekom kan word deur 'n onderhandelde vrede, kon ek nie baie goed gaan om te veg vir Lloyd-George se "uitklophou" nie. Ek het gevolglik as 'n gewetensbeswaarder voor 'n tribunaal in Dorking gegaan. Die griffier van die Raad het aan die tribunaal gesê dat hy weet dat ek 'n geruime tyd my standpunte gehad het, en die militêre verteenwoordiger het gesê dat hy nie hierdie man 'besonder' wou hê nie. Ek is dus vrygestel, onderhewig aan my werk van nasionale belang, en werk op die grond is aangedui.

Die Duitse opperbevel het 'n wapenstilstand gevra, en om elfuur die oggend van 11 November 1918 is die bevel gegee om te stop. In Londen het die hele bevolking deur 'n gemeenskaplike impuls die uur getref, hul werkswinkels, hul kantore en hul huise verlaat en na die straat gegaan. Ek meng met die digte skare. Daar was geen teken van skuimende verheuging nie. Die een gedagte blyk dankbaar te wees dat die moord tot 'n einde gekom het, dat geliefdes nou huis toe kan keer, dat haat verdryf kan word en die vernietigingswerk beëindig kan word en dat die konstruktiewe heropbou van die wêreld kan begin.

Susan Lawrence het my kom sien. As parlementêre sekretaris van die ministerie van gesondheid was hy bekommerd oor die voorgestelde vermindering van werkloosheidsverligting, wat sy as afskuwelik beskou het. Ons het die hele situasie bespreek en was dit eens dat, as die kabinet besluit om die besnoeiings in sy geheel te aanvaar, ons albei uit die regering sou bedank.

Uiteindelik het ek my dagvaarding van die minister ontvang en na Downingstraat gegaan. Ons het ingegaan en om 'n tafel gesit. MacDonald het ons aangespreek. Hy gee 'n kort verslag van die krisis, vertel ons dat die kabinet uitmekaar is en dat hy 'n nasionale regering saam met konserwatiewe en liberale kollegas vorm. Hy sluit die vergadering skielik af en sê dat hy belangrike sake moet doen. Terwyl ons verby was om afskeid te neem, het hy my vir 'n oomblik aangehou en gesê dat hy gedink het dat ek bereid sou wees om by die nuwe regering te bly; maar ek het die voorstel van die hand gewys.


Lêer: Frederick Pethick Lawrence met Mahatma Gandhi, 1946 (22967765972) .jpg

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Clement's Inn, die eerste tuiste van die Women's Social and Political Union in Londen

In 1906 verhuis die Women ’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) van Manchester na Londen, en spesifiek na Emmeline en Frederick Pethick-Lawrence se woonstel by Clement ’s Inn, skryf LSE-kurator Gillian Murphy. Uiteindelik het die WSPU 27 kamers in die gebou beset, voordat 'n skeuring in 1912 die WSPU om die draai na Kingsway laat beweeg het. Vandag is die perseel by Clement ’s Inn deel van die LSE ’s kampus.

Clement's Inn was die tuiste van Emmeline en Frederick Pethick-Lawrence in Londen. Dit was naby die kantore van die Eggo, 'n koerant onder redaksie van Frederick, en word in 1906 die Londense hoofkwartier van die Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU).

Dit is 'n beeld van Clement's Inn wat in die 1960's geneem is voordat dit vervang is deur wat LSE Tower 3 geword het.

Clement's Inn, hoofkwartier van WSPU. Krediet: LSE -biblioteek

1906 was 'n belangrike jaar vir die WSPU en die land. Die algemene verkiesing vroeg in die jaar het 'n oorwinning behaal vir die Liberale Party. Arbeid het ook goed gevaar om 29 setels te wen, wat gelei het tot die hernoeming tot die Arbeidersparty met Keir Hardie as leier. Emmeline vertel van die verkiesing in haar outobiografie My aandeel in 'n veranderende wêreld:

'Ek sal nooit die opwinding vergeet wat ek gevoel het toe ek vanuit die daktuin van my woonstel in Clement's Inn kyk na die uitslag van die verkiesing toe hulle deur 'n lantern-gly op die bord met verhoogde wit in die Strand gegooi word nie.

Die outobiografie van Emmeline bied ook baie besonderhede oor haar betrokkenheid by die WSPU, 'n organisasie onder leiding van Emmeline Pankhurst.

Dit was Keir Hardie wat Emmeline Pankhurst die eerste keer aangemoedig het om in Februarie 1906 'n beroep op Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence te doen, omdat sy miskien ''n praktiese en nuttige kollega' sou vind wat drie jaar tevore haar nuwe samelewing in Manchester, wat in Manchester gestig is, kon ontwikkel. Keir Hardie also sent Annie Kenney, a mill girl from Oldham, to see Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence in Clement’s Inn. There was something about Annie that changed Emmeline’s thoughts about the WSPU. She agreed to meet the WSPU committee at Park Walk where Sylvia Pankhurst was staying. Out of this meeting, the Central London Committee of the WSPU was formed and Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence was its treasurer.

Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence, 1907-1912. Credit: LSE Library

However, Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence found that the WSPU had no office, no organisation, no money – no postage stamps even – and the fate of the group fell to her. She gave them a room in her residential apartment in Clement’s Inn which became the first office of the WSPU and her secretary typed the business letters for them. Before they could rent further premises, they needed to raise funds. Frederick Pethick-Lawrence gave the first donation Keir Hardie sent £100 collected from friends. Gradually, Emmeline and Frederick were absorbed into the whirlpool of the WSPU.

After taking her law degree with first-class honours in June 1906, Christabel Pankhurst moved to London and lived with the Pethick-Lawrences in Clement’s Inn, and for the next five years, she, and the Pethick-Lawrences, managed the business and the finances of the WSPU.

Christabel Pankhurst, c.1905. Credit: LSE Library

By relocating to London, the WSPU were now at the political heart of the nation and the suffrage campaign became highly public. On 11 October 1908 a mass meeting was held in Trafalgar Square and the WSPU leaders called for the crowds to “rush the House of Commons”. This ended with a summons for the arrest of the speakers, Christabel and Emmeline Pankhurst, along with Flora Drummond.

Christabel and Emmeline Pankhurst on the roof of Clement’s Inn, 13 October 1908. Credit: LSE Library

Before arrest, Christabel and Emmeline hid on the roof of Clement’s Inn.

At 6pm, the women entered the WSPU office and gave themselves up to Inspector Jarvis.

The arrest of Flora Drummond, Emmeline and Christabel Pankhurst, WSPU offices at Clement’s Inn, 1908. Credit: LSE Library

Clement’s Inn became the centre of the militant suffrage campaign, eventually occupying some 27 rooms in the building. Year by year new offices were added and departments were scattered over practically every floor. The Women’s Press, printing its newspaper Stemme vir vroue, even had to be moved out. The operation was enormous and all administrated by paid employees and volunteers.

We hold a series of photographic postcards taken in 1911 which show behind-the-scenes activity. There was an information bureau, advertising department, editorial department, the general office, and the office of Jessie Kenney, for example:

WSPU offices at Clement’s Inn, 1911 – Mrs Pethick Lawrence’s secretary office. Credit: LSE Library

WSPU offices at Clement’s Inn, 1911 – Miss Jessie Kenney’s office. Credit: LSE Library

WSPU offices at Clement’s Inn, 1911 – advertising department. Credit: LSE Library

WSPU offices at Clement’s Inn, 1911 – editorial department. Credit: LSE Library

I particularly like this image, which must have been a shop where people could buy postcards, leaflets and other merchandise:

WSPU offices at Clement’s Inn, 1911. Credit: LSE Library

In 1912, the Pethick-Lawrences and the Pankhursts differed over militant tactics of the WSPU campaign ending with the Pethick-Lawrences being ousted from the WSPU. The WSPU headquarters moved into Lincoln’s Inn House in Kingsway.

Lincoln’s Inn House. Credit: LSE Library

Contributed by Gillian Murphy (Curator for Equality, Rights and Citizenship, LSE Library)


Posts Tagged frederick pethick lawrence

Pretend you are taking a GCSE paper. One of questions states that this picture shows Christabel Pankhurst casting her first parliamentary vote. You have to decide whether this statement is true or false.

What clues might you find to point you in the right direction?

Actually there is one so glaring that I am amazed that it can be overlooked. Have a look at her attire.

Q.When were women of Christabel’s age able to vote for the first time?

Q. Does that dress and hat look like an outfit suitable for going to the ballot in December of any year?

Q. Are the hat and dress of a style worn in 1918?

Q. So – if not 1918 when might that flowing gown and flower-bedecked bonnet have been in the mainstream of fashion?

Yes, that is the correct answer.

In fact the photograph shows Christabel casting a vote in a ballot box that was one of the main features of the WSPU Fair at the Prince’s Skating Rink, Knightsbridge, that ran between 13-26 May 1909. As Stemme vir vroue, 23 April 1909, stated ‘A unique feature of the Exhibition.. will be the polling booth which will occupy one of the corners of the great hall. At this booth women as well as men will cast their votes upon many of the most interesting questions of the day.’ And that is what we see Christabel doing.

And as for that hat? It does strike one as a little incongruous. She isn’t usually seen in anything so maidenly frivolous. And so it is interesting to know that the hat was a gift to her from Frederick Pethick-Lawrence. Moreover when, in the late 1950s, after Christabel’s death, he came to prepare her autobiographical manuscript for publication (Unshackled:the story of how we won the vote) it was a photograph of her wearing his hat that he used for the frontispiece.

I have been amazed how this photograph, described as Christabel casting her first parliamentary vote, has been tweeted and retweeted. It was even used in Amanda Vickery’s ‘Suffragettes Forever’ BBC 2 programme to accompany the voice over telling us that women first voted in December 1918. How this thoughtless use of an incorrect image (by no means the only one) jarred.

Click here to see what Christabel looked like as she campaigned in Smethwick in late 1918 – for she was, of course, both a candidate and a voter. She is centre left in the photo – and you’ll be relieved to see that she is sensibly dressed – complete with muff – to combat the winter chill.

WALKS/Suffrage Stories: Where And What Was Clements Inn?

Posted by womanandhersphere in Suffrage Stories on October 15, 2012

To mark the very welcome co-operation that now exists between the Women’s Library and the London School of Economics the next few ‘Suffrage Stories’ will demonstrate the past importance to the women’s movement of streets and buildings in the vicinity of Houghton Street.

In previous posts I have described the Tea Cup Inn, which was in Portugal Street in the building which, for the time being at least, houses the LSE Chaplaincy, and the Aldwych Skating Rink, in which the WSPU organized its grand 1911 census boycott meeting. In the latter post I remarked that, all but abutting onto the back of the Skating Rink, were the offices of the WSPU at 3 & 4 Clement’s Inn.

A commemorative plaque, placed on a building now occupied by LSE. marks the site, citing the words of Christabel Pankhurst: ”Clement’s Inn, our headquarters, was a hive seething with activity… As department was added to department, Clement’s Inn seemed always to have one more room to offer.’ [9 February 1907]

But what was ‘Clements Inn’?

The history of the late-19th-century Clement’s Inn buildings are surprisingly sketchy – although I daresay that archival research would uncover more detail. In its original incarnation Clement’s Inn had been one of the original Inns of Chancery, but its purpose and its buildings were swept away sometime during the second half of the 19th century. The exact date of its removal is vague Pevsner merely puts it between 1868 and 1891, presumably meaning that it was demolished in stages. Suffice it to say that towards the end of the 19th century – probably in the 1880s – large blocks designed for both office and residential use were built on the site of the old Inn. They stretched in a line, just west of the Royal Courts of Justice – and on the west side of Clements Inn Passage – north from the Strand up to Clare Market. These blocks were given the name ‘Clement’s Inn’ and housed a medley of solicitors, architects, chartered accountants, surveyors, publishers and even, at 5 & 6 the Uruguayan Legation and Consulate. The southern-most blocks were numbered 𔃱 & 2 Clement’s Inn’ and were still standing in 1977. By then the more northerly blocks – 3 & 4 – had already been demolished.

Clement’s Inn c 1970 (Courtesy LSE Library)

Extraordinary as it seems, photographs of the exterior of 3 & 4 Clement’s Inn seem all but non-existent, the one above one of very few I’ve been able to track down.

The photograph shows the Clement’s Inn buildings to have been rather imposing – five storeys high, rising in places to seven. They were built of brick – presumably once red, doubtless very quickly blackened in the London atmosphere, with facings of stone around the windows and doors. Detailing was gothic, doubtless a nod to the adjacent Royal College of Justice buildings. The ‘look’ was not unlike that of nearby Old Square, Lincolns Inn, where in later years Frederick and Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence, who are specifically noted on the WSPU plaque, had a flat.

Frederick Pethick Lawrence, photographed at a time when he was living and working in Clement’s Inn

For it was entirely due to the Pethick Lawrences that the WSPU office came to be sited at 3 & 4 Clement’s Inn. Frederick Pethick Lawrence first appears on the London electoral register at 3 & 4 Clement’s Inn in 1904. He and Emmeline – they had married in 1901 -were living in what is termed in the rate book as ‘a residential suite’ – to differentiate this type of apartment from the offices that were also available for rent. The apartments were serviced the Clement’s Inn building included a servants’ hall, servants’ dormitories and a kitchen in which meals were cooked for delivery to the tenants. This, I would imagine, was a style of living that entirely suited the Pethick Lawrences whose many interests surely precluded any time for domesticity.

The Pethick Lawrences had presumably chosen Clement’s Inn as their London address – they did also have a house in Surrey – because it was close to the office, at 19 St Bride Street, of The Echo, a newspaper bought by Frederick Pethick Lawrence c 1902. It had been a Liberal paper – with a bias towards the Liberal Unionist section of the party- but, under Pethick Lawrence was re-directed towards the Labour movement, with Ramsay MacDonald among its contributors. However The Echo ran at a loss and in 1905 Pethick Lawrence closed it and in May launched a new monthly publication, the Labour Record and Review. Pethick Lawrence was also the publisher of the Reformers’ Yearbook (called, before 1905, the Labour Annual and Reformers’ Yearbook). In the 1905 edition of the Yearbook, printed from information supplied in 1904, the ‘Directory of Useful Addresses’ lists the ‘Women’s Union’ , the secretary of which is Mrs Rachel Scott of Woodbine, Flixton, Manchester. This was the recently formed Women’s Social and Political Union. Its founders, Mrs E. Pankhurst and Miss C Pankhurst, of 62 Nelson St, Manchester, are also listed as ‘Useful’.

In her autobiography Emmeline Pethick Lawrence records that it was from her roof garden in Clement’s Inn that in January 1906 she saw the general election results ‘as they were thrown by a lantern-slide on the elevated-whitened board in the Strand’. This new technology was displaying a Liberal landslide. But it was, however, the success of Keir Hardie and the Labour Party that particularly pleased the Pethick Lawrences. A month later Hardie introduced Emmeline Pethic -Lawrence to Emmeline Pankhurst as ‘a practical and useful colleague who could develop in London the new society she had founded in Manchester’ – the WSPU.

Later that year the embryonic London campaign, which had been spearheaded by Annie Kenney and which for several months had held its business meetings around kitchen tables in various hospitable London homes, was given office premises by Frederick Pethick Lawrence in 3 & 4 Clement’s Inn. In the relevant rate book the WSPU is shown as taking up its tenancy at Michaelmas (29 September) 1906 in rooms 68,69 and 70.

This apartment was separate from number 119 shared jointly by the Pethick Lawrences Frederick had given Emmeline the luxury of ‘a room of her own’.

When, in July 1906, Christabel Pankhurst came to London, after gaining her first-class law degree in Manchester, she lived with the Pethick Lawrences – perhaps in Emmeline’s separate apartment. The rate books show that over the years the Pethick Lawrences occupied several different sets of rooms, the quantities and configuration varying from year to year.

When, in October 1908, warrants were issued for the arrest of Christabel and Emmeline Pankhurst after the WSPU had urged Londoners to ‘Rush the House of Commons’, the pair were photographed hiding from the police on Emmeline Pethick Lawrence’s roof terrace.

Emmeline and Christabel Pankhurst photographed on Clement’s Inn roof terrace, 1908 (courtesy of LSE Library)

After ensuring that their evasion had been captured on camera, they then went downstairs and were photographed in the course of being arrested by Inspector Jarvis.

Arrested by Inspector Jarvis, 1908

Other WSPU offices were photographed on other occasions. Here is Mrs Pankhurst’s. Note the pictures, posters, flowers, and mantlepiece items.

Mrs Emmeline Pankhurst and Mrs Mabel Tuke photographed in Mrs Pankhurst’s office in Clements Inn

This ‘seething hive of activity’ is pictured in at least one contemporary novel. For in Ann Veronica, published in 1909, H.G. Wells furnishes the offices of the Woman’s Bond of Freedom – the suffrage society that sweeps his heroine off her feet and into prison – with ‘notice boards bearing clusters of newspaper slips, three or four posters of monster meetings..and a series of announcements in purple copying ink, and in one corner …a pile of banners’. Wells had no need to rely on photographs for his information during the years when the WSPU was working from Clement’s Inn, it was doing so in close physical proximity to the Fabian Society, of which Wells was a leading member and which had been responsible for the founding of the LSE. Knowing from the rate book that the WSPU’s basement office was next door to that of the Fabian Society, it requires little stretch of the imagination to envisage Wells finding a reason to combine a visit to one with a brief sortie into the other, the result being good ‘copy’ for his novel.

It would be surprising if there had not been some tension between the two offices – the one campaigning for votes for some, not all, women while the other backed the cause of adult suffrage. For although, when they agreed to support the WSPU, the Pethick Lawrences were still committed to the Labour cause, as the women’s suffrage campaign developed its tactics changed and the association with Labour was considered by the Pankhursts no longer to be advantageous. Despite this, there were many connections between the WSPU, the Labour Party and the Fabian Society. For instance, Beatrice Sanders, working from an office in Clement’s Inn as financial secretary to the WSPU, was the wife of William Sanders, a Fabian Society lecturer, LCC alderman and Labour parliamentary candidate. Mrs Sanders was herself a member of the Fabian Women’s Group. However, William Sanders was one of what Wells termed the ‘Old Gang’ that ranged itself against him when he attempted to reform the Fabian Society and, in retaliation, probably took Sanders as his prototype for ‘Alderman Dunstable’ in Ann Veronica. Wells certainly found plenty to mock in the WSPU and its activities and, unsurprisingly, although Ann Veronica was listed among ‘Books Received’ in the WSPU newspaper, Stemme vir vroue, it never received the accolade of a review.

A very powerful propaganda tool for the WSPU, Stemme vir vroue was brought to life each week in a building even closer to Houghton Street than Clement’s Inn and will be the subject of the next of my ‘Suffrage Stories’.

Copyright All the articles on Woman and Her Sphere and are my copyright. An article may not be reproduced in any medium without my permission and full acknowledgement. You are welcome to cite or quote from an article provided you give full acknowledgement.


Political career

Lawrence met and fell in love with Emmeline Pethick , an active socialist and campaigner for women's votes. They finally married in 1901 after Lawrence converted to socialism and from then on Lawrence took part of his wife's name and was known as 'Pethick Lawrence' (later Pethick-Lawrence). He published various left-wing newspapers and became involved in the Labour Party. His involvement in the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), on behalf of women's rights, led to him serving a nine-month prison sentence in 1912, following Christabel Pankhurst's window-smashing campaign, even though he had disagreed with that form of action because of his disagreement, indeed, he was expelled from the WSPU by Emmeline Pankhurst and Christabel. Early in the First World War Pethick-Lawrence joined with others in founding the Union of Democratic Control (UDC), a leading anti-war organisation of which he became Treasurer. After acceptance by a Tribunal in Dorking in 1918, he worked on a farm in Sussex as a conscientious objector.

In 1923 Pethick-Lawrence was elected Member of Parliament (MP) for Leicester West, and was Financial Secretary to the Treasury from 1929 until the formation of the National Government in 1931 in the ensuing General Election and the rout of the Labour Party he lost his seat. He was elected for Edinburgh East in 1935 and sworn of the Privy Council in 1937. [ 4 ] From 1942 acted as Leader of the Opposition to the coalition government. In 1945 Pethick-Lawrence was elevated to the peerage as Baron Pethick-Lawrence, of Peaslake in the County of Surrey. [ 5 ] From 1945 to 1947 he was Secretary of State for India and Burma, with a seat in the cabinet, and was involved in the negotiations that led to India's independence in 1947.


Frederick Pethick Lawrence

Frederick Pethick Lawrence © Dorking Museum

Frederick Pethick-Lawrence lived in South Holmwood. Before the war he had been one of the leaders of the militant ‘suffragettes’, jointly editing ‘Votes for Women’ magazine with his wife, Emmeline, and standing bail for hundreds of women with his own money. In 1912 he had been imprisoned and forcibly fed after going on hunger strike.

During the war he served as treasurer of the Union of Democratic Control, the leading anti-war organization. Many left-leaning politicians, journalists and intellectuals argued that the conflict was not a war of working people, who had more in common with the working men of Austria and Germany than with the upper classes of their own country, and who stood to suffer most and to gain least, whatever the outcome. In 1917 he stood for election as the ‘Peace by Negotiation’ candidate in a Parliamentary by-election in Aberdeen. He and his supporters, including Ramsay MacDonald, were pelted with coal and vegetables.

In 1918 Fred was conscripted at the age of 46. He refused to serve as a political objector. The Dorking Military Tribunal awarded him an exemption on condition that he undertake work of national importance. He worked at Wattlehurst Farm near Capel for the rest of the war.

Fred was selected as the Labour Party candidate for Hastings in the general election of December 1918. But as an anti-war candidate who had not fought he stood no chance of winning. He withdrew his candidacy after being the target of abuse in the press.


ANNE HENRIETTA MARTIN

Photo Credit:
Nevada Historical Society, Reno

The information below has been compiled from a variety of sources. If the reader has access to information that can be documented and that will correct or add to this woman’s biographical information, please contact the Nevada Women’s History Project.

At A Glance:

Gebore: September 30, 1875, Empire City, Nevada
Oorlede: April 15, 1951, Carmel, California
Maiden Name: Baptized Anna Henrietta Martin aka Annie
Race/Nationality/Ethnic Background: Caucasian (Irish, Bavarian)
Primary City and County of Residence and Work:
Reno, Washoe County
Major Fields of Work: Women’s suffrage movement, International peace, Rights of women and children.

Anne Henrietta Martin was the daughter of a very traditional Bavarian mother and an exceptionally open-minded Irish father. Christened Anna, she was called Annie in her youth and from about 1900 on was known as Anne. Her mother, Louise Stadtmiller Martin, cherished the most conservative of Victorian ideals, and taught a nursery school at home. Anne was well educated throughout her entire life and enjoyed physical comfort and intellectual stimulation.

At the age of eighteen, she wrote: “Will I never have any ambition, will I never accomplish anything…? O, I must do something. I suppose I should live more for others, but I don’t understand how. I must do something.”

Her father was a member of the Nevada Senate 1875-1879. He was involved in a mercantile store in Empire City, but moved the family to San Francisco in 1880 when the town declined. They returned to Reno in 1883 and built a house at the corner of Mill and Lake Street. He later became president of the Washoe County Bank, the Reno Water Company and the Reno Flour Mills.

Anne and her sisters attended Bishop Whittaker School for Girls. Anne was very spirited and in 1891 she and her classmates were told they would need an additional year instead of graduating. Instead, Anne enrolled in Nevada State University, where she tested as a sophomore. Three years later she had earned her B.A. degree at the age of 19. In two years at Leland Stanford Junior University she earned a B.A. in history and a year later an M.A. in history. She returned to Reno to found the Department of History at Nevada State University and was on the faculty there from 1897-1901.

/>She took a leave of absence 1899-1901 and studied at the Universities of London, Leipzig and Columbia, and was a student at Chase’s Art School in New York City 1899-1900. She traveled and studied in Europe and the Orient in 1904-1907 and 1909-1911.

Anne Martin’s ten years of travel and study brought her to the cause of feminism. In England she associated with the Fabian Socialists and affiliated with the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU). She participated in political activism with Christabel and Emmeline Parkhurst and enjoyed the Lyceum Club activities.

In January 1910, she was arrested in Great Britain with 114 other women and four men. They were sent by the WSPU to the House of Commons to request the Prime Minister to give further facilities of the Conciliation Bill which would enfranchise British women to a limited extent. Herbert Hoover was sent by his wife, Lou Henry Hoover, Anne’s friend since Stanford days, to pay her bail. However, her bail had already been paid by Frederick Pethick-Lawrence, WSPU Treasurer.

In 1910, the Nevada Equal Franchise Society was established with the aid of Professor Jeanne Weir and the first suffrage legislation was passed by the Nevada Legislature. Anne Martin returned to Nevada and was elected president in 1912, with Bird Wilson as vice-president. Anne Martin organized the campaign that won women’s suffrage with the popular vote in Nevada on November 3, 1914, after passing the Legislature in 1911 and 1913.

She was a delegate to the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, member of the executive committee of the National American Woman Suffrage Association and elected national chairperson of the National Woman’s Party and the first Woman’s Party national convention in Chicago in June 1918. She was the first female member of the Nevada Educational Survey Commission in 1915.

Anne Martin was president of the Nevada Women’s Civic League. She was the author of numerous newspaper and magazine articles on political and economic subjects and women’s equality. She was also the first state woman tennis champion.

Anne Martin was an Independent candidate for the U.S. Senate from Nevada in 1918 and 1920. She wrote magazine articles about women’s equality. In 1919, in Good Housekeeping, she wrote, “The question we must have answered in the coming campaign is not “What shall women do for the political parties?” but “What shall the political parties do for women?””

In 1920, in Good Housekeeping, she wrote, “Last year our government spent $47,000 to protect farmers against avoidable losses of hogs, corn and cattle. In the same period it spent, in an effort to prevent the avoidable loss of mothers and babies, just $47,000 less. And we lost 250,000 babies and nearly 23,000 mothers died in childbirth. Such discrimination in favor of hogs and corn should cease.” Her powerful rhetoric definitely supported the adoption of the Sheppard-Towner law for protection of maternal and infancy cases.

She and her mother sold the house in Reno in 1921 and moved to Carmel, California. She wrote magazine articles about women’s equality and was an advocate for children. She participated in music club meetings, Democratic women’s gatherings and daily walks with her dog. She enjoyed physical comfort and intellectual stimulation.

Anne Martin advocated Farmer’s Markets, which would eliminate the wasteful cost of handling by middlemen. She was a member of the national board of the American Civil Liberties Union. Her writings during the next thirty years championed the causes of women and children. She continued to be active in the Women’s International League for Peach and Freedom (WILPD), and worked with Jane Addams on various issues. Her activities were curtailed for several years by a heart attack in 1930.

She campaigned for the Equal Rights Amendment. She wrote articles for the Encyclopedia Britannica an article on Josephine Butler and one on the white slave traffic. In her later years, she spent much of her time in Reno, living at the Golden Hotel and using the Washoe County Library for research.

In recognition of Miss Martin’s leadership in the fight for state and national suffrage and her work in other fields, the University of Nevada in 1945 conferred upon her the degree of Doctor of Laws. The citation read, “Anne Henrietta Martin…native daughter, distinguished alumnus, student and scholar, inspiring teacher, disciple of world peace, pioneer in the triumphant struggle for women’s rights, leader of womankind…Doctor of Laws.”


Emmeline and Frederick Pethick-Lawrence Blue Plaque

The Plaque © Royston Williamson 2018

2018 sees celebrations to mark the centenary of the grant of the vote to women in Britain. Dorking Museum has marked the occasion by installing a commemorative plaque on the home of two of the most significant campaigners for the vote for women, Frederick and Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence, who lived at the Dutch House in South Holmwood, Surrey.

Jan and Linda Pethick (great nephew and niece of Emmeline and Fred) with Kathy Atherton © Royston Williamson 2018 Kathy Atherton and Jackie Rance © Royston Williamson 2018

The Pethick-Lawrences were integral to the leadership of Mrs Pankhurst’s militant Women’s Social and Political Union, known as the ‘suffragettes’. For six years, between 1906 and 1912, Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence acted as the organization’s treasurer, providing the stable leadership that allowed the Pankhurst campaign to flourish. She was always at Mrs Pankhurst’s side, marching beside her, and responsible for most of the running of the organization.

Heather Ward from the Pethick Lawrence Foundation © Royston Williamson 2018 Professor June Purvis, biographer of Mrs Pankhurst and Christabel Pankhurst © Royston Williamson 2018

She and her husband’s London home became the organization’s headquarters and their Surrey house its unofficial country home, where tactics were formulated and women recuperated from forcible feeding.

The house was at the centre of dramatic events in 1912 when the government sued the couple for the costs of their trial for conspiracy, putting bailiffs into the house and selling the contents at public auction. The WSPU ran a 6 week-long campaign in Dorking and the surrounding villages to protest at the injustice of these actions. Emmeline was imprisoned six times for the cause. Also imprisoned, her husband was nicknamed ‘Godfather’ by the women, standing bail for hundreds with his own money. He was the only man to play a significant role in the WSPU.

Emily Heuvel and The Birch Tree Choir © Royston Williamson 2018

Emmeline’s significance goes beyond the campaign for the vote. She was a renowned social campaigner before her involvement with the Pankhursts, at the forefront of the English folk song and dance revival with her Esperance Club for working class girls. She was one of the leading peace campaigners during the First World War and a founder member of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. She stood for Parliament in 1918, and led the Women’s Freedom League in its campaign for equal voting rights for women. When that was achieved in 1928 she spent the rest of her life promoting economic, legal and social freedoms for women. Fred went on to become a Labour MP and spent his life promoting social equality and the cause of Indian Independence. In 1945 he became Clement Attlee’s secretary of state for India, and, as Lord Lawrence of Peaslake, was key to independence negotiations. In tribute Attlee acknowledged how unusual it was for one man to have played a leading part in two great movements of liberation.

Jan Pethick – Great Nephew of Emmeline and Fred © Royston Williamson 2018

Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence was once sufficiently well known to be depicted in wax at Madame Tussauds, and, until recently a small plaque used to sit outside Pethick-Lawrence House in Dorking. It proclaimed that that the work of Fred and Emmeline for the emancipation of women and for world peace would be remembered by countless generations. With the closure of Pethick-Lawrence House in 2016, there is now nothing to mark the significance of the couple anywhere, other than as a footnote to a plaque at Clement’s Inn in London, marking the spot of the WSPU’s national headquarters – the Pethick-Lawrence’s London home.

The Dutch House © Dorking Museum 2018

Money was pledged by Royal Holloway, University of London, as part of its Citizens 800 project. Donations were also made by interested individuals and groups who wished to ensure that the extraordinary contribution of Frederick and Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence to the fight for democratic representation in Britain, and their contribution to national life and political debate in many other areas, is not forgotten.

Jan Pethick unveils the plaque © Royston Williamson 2018


Pethwick Lawrence meets Mahatma Gandhi in 1946.

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