Wat is die titel van 'n Middeleeuse burgemeester?

Wat is die titel van 'n Middeleeuse burgemeester?

In die middeleeuse/renaissance -era, wat is die titel van 'n persoon wat 'n stad in die koninkryk van sy koning bestuur? Asof hy nie die koning is nie, maar hy dien hom deur die stad te bestuur. Ek dink hulle kan 'n kanselier genoem word, maar ek is nie seker nie.


Geoktrooieerde stede en dorpe, met hul eie selfregering, was tot laat in die Middeleeue redelik skaars. Opmerklike uitsonderings was:

  • Italiaanse stadstate soos Venesië: bestuur deur die verkose Doge.
  • Hansebond vrye keiserstede: geadministreer deur 'n verkose Burgomaster (en taal/dialek-spesifieke verwante titels)
  • Londen: Beheer deur 'n verkose burgemeester

Op die gebied van 'n groot deel van die moderne Duitsland, sowel as die Lae Lande, die oorspronklike stamhertogdomme van die Heilige Romeinse Ryk het vinnig in 'n magdom kleiner verdeel soewereine state, die meeste vergelykbaar in grootte met stadstate. Die stad Luik in die moderne België was byvoorbeeld 'n prins-bisdom van 985 G.J. wat deur 'n aangestelde biskop geadministreer is (wat ook die aparte en groter bisdom van Luik bestuur het).

In die voor-Normandiese Engeland is dorpe en stede (behalwe Londen) bestuur deur 'n Reeve, die town-reeve, verskillende deur die graaf van die Shire aangestel of volgens plaaslike gebruik verkies. Die belangrikste funksie van hierdie vroeë reeves was om die beslissings van die hof vir elkeen toe te pas tiendes, honderd, stad en shire (die shire-reeve of balju).

In Spanje was die hooflanddros en administrateur van stede en dorpe 'n Alcalde

Let daarop dat die bevoegdhede, verantwoordelikhede en owerhede van hierdie amptenare, dikwels aansienlik, van stad tot stad sou verskil, alhoewel daar gewoonlik gemeenskap was tussen stede en dorpe binne 'n enkele soewereiniteit.


As u wonder oor die regte aanspreekvorm vir 'n burgemeester, kan 'n groot variasie per land en era verwag word. Tradisionele Engelse praktyk was:

  • Verbale aanspreekvorm: U aanbidding
  • Geskrewe aanspreekvorm: His Worship John Smith, burgemeester van Jonestown
  • Groet: Geagte Meneer

Dit gaan kort wees; u kan skakels gebruik om meer te lees.

Eerstens, omtrent oorerflike titels in 'n feodale stelsel:

  • Koning, Koningin.
  • Prins, prinses.
  • Hertog, hertogin.
  • Markies, optogster.
  • Graaf, gravin.
  • Viscount, Viscountess.
  • Baron, barones.

Tweedens, waarskynlik nie kanselier nie, want dit kom uit Latyn cancellarii, wat hofsekretarisse gedurende die Romeinse tyd aangedui het. Later, gedurende die Middeleeuse Europese tydperk (en selfs China se Tang -dinastie), was die kanselier en soortgelyke titels in wese hooggeplaaste staatsamptenare (iets soos "hoofsekretaris" of "departementshoof").

Dit is 'n konvensie, nie streng toegepas nie, en hang baie af van watter tydperk en plek. Byvoorbeeld, in die moderne Britse politiek het die term "die Kanselier"verwys gewoonlik na die Kanselier van die skatkis (Minister van Finansies), en Lord Kanselier is Lord High Chancellor van Groot -Brittanje (Minister in beheer van die howe).

Ten slotte, ek glo die titel is Viceroy, soos in Onderkoning van Indië. Dit vereis gewoonlik in die Britse politieke konvensie 'n parlementswet (wet gemaak deur wetgewers) voordat die titel toegeken kan word (dws nie-oorerflik, daarom kan dit nie beweer word tensy dit deur die parlement bepaal word nie).

Dit is egter nie 'n titel vir die Middeleeue nie, want gedurende daardie tyd sou enige stad/stad onder die beheer/bevel van die adel wees (sien punt 1, op oorerflike titels). En hoogstens die "burgemeester'van die stad sou 'n hertog dien, nie die koning nie.

LET WEL: Pls sien kommentaar deur TheHonRose hieronder. Die konsep van titels en verantwoordelikhede, met dienaar aanspreeklikheid, kan baie vinnig moeilik raak (en eindig met wettig). Ek het probeer om dit te vermy. Daarom is my antwoord hierbo duidelik nie waar vir die hele periode en plek nie. (Ek het probeer om 'n uiters spesifieke antwoord te vermy gegewe die breed geformuleerde vraag.)


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Inhoud

Middeleeuse tydperk -georiënteerde lewende geskiedenisgroepe en reenactors fokus op die herskep van die burgerlike of militêre lewe in die Middeleeue. Dit is baie gewild in Oos -Europa. Die doel van die reenactor en hul groep is om 'n akkurate interpretasie van 'n persoon uit te beeld wat geloofwaardig op 'n spesifieke tyd op 'n spesifieke plek sou kon bestaan, terwyl dit terselfdertyd vir die publiek toeganklik was. Voorbeelde van lewende geskiedenisaktiwiteite sluit in outentieke kampeer, kook, oefen historiese vaardighede en ambagte en speel historiese musiekinstrumente of bordspeletjies.

Renaissance Fair-deelnemers leen oor die algemeen uit 'n reeks geskiedenis en bevat dikwels fantasie- of Hollywood-geïnspireerde elemente in 'n aanbieding vir openbare vermaak. In teenstelling hiermee sluit die aktiwiteite van die Society for Creative Anachronism (SCA) alles in, van artistieke vermommings vir moderne items soos yskaste, tot uitputtende navorsing en outentieke gebeurtenisse in lewende geskiedenis.

Die hoofdoel van hierdie soort herontmoeting is om historiese gevegte of strydmetodes te herskep. Die variasies wissel van opleiding van historiese tweestrydspraktyke (gewoonlik met 'n geskikte tydperk -swaard, soos 'n wapen -swaard of verkragter en worstel as 'n gevegskuns), tot die herontwikkeling van historiese of legendariese gevegte uit die Middeleeue.

Sommige groepe wat historiese gevegte as 'n gevegskuns beskou, pas nie by die tradisionele definisie van 'n re -enactment -groep nie en is meer soortgelyk aan omheiningsklubs. 'N Voorbeeld hiervan is die SCA, wat rotan -swaarde gebruik om beserings te voorkom. Ander kombineer die sport met meer tradisionele vorme van herontmoeting, soos lewende geskiedenis. Dit is gewoonlik om te veg met meer beperkte teikengebiede as in 'n werklike geveg en met minder spoed en krag, hoewel sommige stelsels probeer om so na as moontlik aan werklike gevegte te kom. Baie samelewings probeer om werklike gevegte op of naby die gevegsterrein te herleef. Hierdie gebeure is gewoonlik oop vir die publiek om te kyk. Ander verenigings soos die SCA huur plekke vir private geleenthede, insluitend gevegte, sonder enige openbare teenwoordigheid.

Die Federation of the Wars of the Roses is 'n Britse samelewing wat spesialiseer in die herontmoeting van die 15de eeu. Dit organiseer gebeure op historiese plekke in die hele Brittanje, insluitend die op of naby die werklike gevegsterreine. Daar is reëls oor wapens, klere en wapens wat deur die huishoudings wat lid is van die Federasie, nagekom word. Nuwe huishoudings wat die Federasie wil betree, word geborg deur gevestigde persone en hou 'n proeftydperk deur om te verseker dat standaarde nagekom word.

Daar was baie geïsoleerde voorbeelde van middeleeuse herontmoeting in Europa, veral die Eglinton -toernooi van 1839. In die moderne tyd was middeleeuse herontmoeting gewild in die Verenigde Koninkryk, wat begin in die laat 1960's begin en sedertdien elke jaar groei, met groepe van regoor Engeland. , Skotland, Ierland en Wallis wat aan geleenthede deelneem. Baie Britse gevegte word weer op hul oorspronklike gevegsterreine uitgevoer deur entoesiaste met 'n hoë mate van egtheid, saam met Middeleeuse handelaars, musikante, spyseniers. Britse reenactors kan gedurende die somermaande deur die hele land gesien word by gevegte, kermisse, karnavalle, fetes, kroeë en skole. Byna geheel en al in die Verenigde Koninkryk gebruik reenactors afgestompte staalwapens vir herontmoetings en pyle met rubber kant (stompies) vir boogskutters, of staalkoppe by skietery. Die grootste vroeë Middeleeuse gebeurtenis in die Verenigde Koninkryk is die Battle of Hastings -heropvoering, wat in 2006 meer as 3600 geregistreerde deelnemers gehad het en 'n kombinasie van lewensgeskiedenis en herbekamping bestry het. Die meeste Britse gevegte is op 'n stadium herontwerp, soos die Slag van Lewes en die Slag van Evesham, baie historiese gevegte word jaarliks ​​herhaal uit periodes soos die Wars of the Roses, insluitend die Slag van Bosworth Field en die Slag van Tewkesbury. Ander word met onreëlmatige tussenposes uitgevoer, afhangende van die beskikbaarheid van die webwerf en befondsing vir die geleentheid, soos die Slag van Bannockburn.

België het ten minste twee dosyn afsonderlike groepe Middeleeuse reenactors, waaronder die Orde van die Hagelanders, die Gentsche Ghesellen en die Gruuthuse -huishouding wat Lewis de Bruges, heer van Gruuthuse, bedien. [1]

Die opelugmuseum Middelaldercentret gebruik lewende geskiedenis en historiese heropbou om 'n deel van 'n klein Deense handelstad te beeld. In Denemarke bestaan ​​daar verskeie groepe vir herontwikkeling wat op die markte regoor die land middeleeuse heropnames doen.

In Frankryk vind die Slag van Agincourt jaarliks ​​weer plaas, wat 'n geveg van die Honderdjarige Oorlog verteenwoordig.

In Duitsland word middeleeuse herontwikkeling gewoonlik geassosieer met lewende geskiedenis en renaissance -feeste en feeste soos bv. die Peter en Paul -fees in Bretten. [2] of die Schloss Kaltenberg -riddertoernooi. [3] In die afgelope paar jaar het gevegsherontwikkeling ook veld gewen. 'N Paar groepe oefen historiese gevegte, soos langspeel -tweestryd en tweestrydgevegte aan universiteite, maar die meerderheid gevegsherenigingsgroepe is hergroeperingsgroepe van die slagveld, waarvan sommige tot 'n mate geïsoleer geraak het vanweë 'n sterk fokus op egtheid (sommige groepe weier om veggroepe wat verskillende of wyer tydperke verteenwoordig, selfs al sou die gevegspraktyke andersins heeltemal versoenbaar wees). Oor die algemeen handel die spesifieke Duitse benadering van egtheid (reenactment) minder oor die herhaling van 'n sekere gebeurtenis, maar om 'n onderdompeling in 'n sekere era toe te laat. Historiese stadsfeeste en -byeenkomste is baie belangrik om plaaslike gemeenskappe op te bou en by te dra tot die selfbeeld van munisipaliteite. [4] Gebeurtenisse in monumente of op historiese terreine handel minder oor die gebeure wat daarmee verband hou, maar slegs as personeel vir die onderdompeling. [5]

Onder baie slagveldreënactors in Duitsland, het die Codex Belli 'n de facto standaard geword.

Gerugte uit Sentraal -Europa, veral Hongarye, word gerugte [ aanhaling nodig ] om baie meer gevaarlike vorme van heropvoering van die slagveld te beoefen, soms met skerp kante en punte sowel as metaalpylkoppe en 'n algehele groter aanvaarding van die risiko van besering wat hierdie gevare inhou. Hierdie meer riskante, alhoewel meer realistiese, vorm van hervorming word blykbaar ook in voormalige Oos -Duitsland beoefen.

In Pole is die Slag van Grunwald elke jaar weer op 15 Julie die bekendste en lok dit deelnemers en besoekers uit baie ander lande. Dit word verbind met lewende geskiedenis en 'n Middeleeuse kermis.

In Swede is daar baie verskillende "middeleeuse markte". Die grootste is die een in Gotland. [1] In Szeklerland, Transsilvanië, is daar baie Hun-, Szekler -ridder-, vroeë Hongaarse en Hussar -herontwikkelingsgroepe en kampe. Een hiervan is die Szekler ridders (Lofos) re -enactment -groep in Torboszlo.


Skêr of swaard? Die simboliek van 'n Middeleeuse kapsel

Simon Coates ondersoek die simboliese betekenisse wat aan hare in die vroeë Middeleeuse Weste geheg word, en hoe dit gedien het om verskille in ouderdom, geslag, etnisiteit en status aan te dui.

Terwyl koningin Clotild, die weduwee van die Merovingiese heerser Clovis, in die sesde eeu in Parys gewoon het, het die onwillige onderwerp geword van die onverskrokke planne van haar seuns, Lothar en Childebert, wat jaloers was op haar voogdyskap van haar kleinseuns, die kinders van hul broer, Chlodomer. Childebert het die gerug versprei dat hy en sy broer die kroning van die jong prinse sou beplan en 'n boodskap aan Clotild gestuur. Toe die seuns na hul ooms gestuur is, is hulle in hegtenis geneem en van hul huishouding geskei. Lothar en Childebert stuur toe hul handlanger Arcadius na die koningin met 'n skêr in die een hand en 'n swaard in die ander.

Hy het die koningin 'n ultimatum gestel. Sou sy wou sien dat haar kleinseuns met hul hare kortgeknip word, of sou sy verkies om hulle dood te maak? Behalwe haarself van hartseer, het Clotild gesê dat as hulle nie op die troon sou slaag nie, sou sy hulle eerder dood wou sien as met hul hare kortgeknip. Sy verwerp die skêr en kies vir die swaard. 'N Derde kleinseun, Chlodovald, was goed bewaak en het aan sy ooms ontsnap. Op soek na die lot van sy broers, het hy sy hare met sy eie hande kortgeknip en priester geword. Vrywillige tonnering dra nie die skaamte van skeer onder dwang nie.

Vir 'n twintigste-eeuse gehoor lyk hierdie verhaal vreemd. Waarom moet 'n koningin kies om haar kleinseuns dood te maak eerder as om hulle aan 'n kapsel te onderwerp? In die Merovingiese Gallië se wêreld het die verhaal egter 'n sterk resonansie gehad, en hare self was van die allergrootste belang. Die Merowingiese konings, wat hulle in die ruïnes van die Romeinse Gallië gevestig het, staan ​​bekend as die Reges criniti, die langharige konings. Vir hulle het hul lang hare nie net hul aristokratiese status gesimboliseer nie, maar ook hul status as konings. Dit is belê met 'n sakrale kwaliteit en het magiese eienskappe. Die Bisantynse digter en historikus Agathias (c.532-c.582) het geskryf:

Dit is die reël dat die Frankiese konings nooit geskeer moet word nie; hulle hare word van kleins af nooit gesny nie en hang in oorvloed op hul skouers. hul onderdane laat hul hare oral rondknip en mag dit nie verder laat groei nie.

Die ultimatum wat Lothar en Childebert gebied het, tref dus direk in die hart van die Merovingiese hoë politiek. Wat hulle eintlik gesê het, was 'Wil u nie-koninklik lewe of sterf?'. Hulle was vasbeslote om hul neefs se reg om te heers in gevaar te stel en gebruik die skêr as 'n kragtige simboliese wapen. In Gallië van die sesde eeu het 'n kapsel politieke dwang en sosiale uitsluiting beteken. As u die lang hare van 'n koning verwyder het, verwyder u sy aansprake op koningskap self.

Die sterfkennis van die langharige konings is opgeteken in die geskiedenis van die familie wat hulle in 751, die Karolingers, verdring het. Volgens Einhard, die biograaf van die bekendste Karolingiër, Karel die Grote, was die latere Merowingers rois fainiants, dekadente en niks-doen konings, wie se mag effektief deur die Karolingiese dinastie verdring is in die vorm van burgemeesters van die paleis. Die laaste Merowinger, Childeric III, was slegs in naam en hare koning, wat beteken dat hy in sy koninkryk rondbeweeg in 'n wa wat deur osse getrek is. Die skêr kom weer uit. Die Karolingers, met pouslike steun, het Childeric se hare afgesny en in 'n klooster opgesluit. Hulle het ook die betekenis van hare effektief gedesakraliseer. Karel die Grote se kop en sy reg om te heers - word nie deur sy hare onderskei nie, maar deur sy kroning en salwing aan die hand van die pous. Heilige olie, nie heilige hare nie, het 'n koning gemaak.

Verder was die Karolingers trots daarop dat hulle afstammelinge was van 'n heilige wat nie aan die ritueel van gedwonge mangeling onderwerp is nie. Gertrude, die dogter van 'n hooggeplaaste Frankiese edelman, Pippin, sou tot die gesin se voordeel trou. Pippin is egter oorlede voordat hy sy testament kon afdwing en sy plan kon uitvoer, en Gertrude in die sorg van haar ma, Itta, gelaat het. Amandus, moeder en dogter, het die steun van 'n heilige man gekry en besluit om 'n klooster by Nivelles te stig en, 'sodat die oortreders van siele haar dogter nie met geweld na die onwettige genot van die wêreld kan terugtrek nie', Gertrude se moeder, ' gryp yster skêr en sny haar dogter se hare in die vorm van 'n kroon '. Gertrude was die groot tante van die Karolingiese burgemeester van die paleis, Charles Martel, en het 'n beskermheilige van die Karolingiese huis geword. Die langharige konings is afgesit deur 'n gesin wat die kultus van 'n nonne wat vol was, gekweek het. Terwyl gedwonge tonsuring as skande beskou word, kan die sny van hare volgens 'n gelofte as verdienstelik beskou word.

Hare kon sulke simboliese betekenisse dra omdat dit 'n liggaamsdeel is wat maklik kan verander: dit kan gekleur, gevorm, los gedra, vasgemaak of verwyder word. Aangesien dit die mees ekspressiewe deel van die liggaam, die gesig, omring, is alle veranderings wat dit aangebring het, inherent sigbaar en merkbaar. Sodra reëls voorgeskryf is oor die betekenis, funksie en behandeling daarvan, het dit 'n besondere resonansie gekry, afhangende van die manier waarop dit in die plaaslike gemeenskappe verstaan ​​word. Hierdie betekenisse is natuurlik hoogs gekontekstualiseer. 'N Monnik wat op 'n volmaan wag, sou erken dat die teenwoordigheid van 'n skêr die punt was waarop hy sy gelofte nagekom het om die sekulêre wêreld agter te laat en 'n dienaar van God te word. Tensy die monnik onseker was oor sy roeping, sal dit waarskynlik nie paniek veroorsaak nie. Die situasie lyk egter baie anders as 'n Merowingiese koning.

Die verhouding tussen lang hare en hoë geboorte was 'n ou verhouding en was teenwoordig in ander gemeenskappe as die Merovingiese Gallië. In Ierland, byvoorbeeld, het geknipte hare 'n dienskneg of slaaf aangedui. Tacitus het die belangrikheid van lang hare in die vroeë Germaanse samelewing opgemerk en gesê dat dit die teken van vrye mans is. Ook haarkleur het sosiale betekenis gehad. In die Ierse epos, Tain bo Cuailnge, Koning Conchobar het goue hare wat met koninklikes geassosieer word, terwyl bruin en swart hare ook aan hoofmanne en helde toegeskryf word. Die assosiasie van lang hare met 'n krygerklas het sterk Bybelse bekragtiging in die verhaal van Simson in Rigters 16:17. Lang hare dui sterkte en viriliteit aan. By vroue verteenwoordig dit ook vrugbaarheid. Aangesien lang hare deel was van die sosiale kenteken van 'n krygsaristokrasie, is dit deur die wet beskerm. In die wetskodes van die Alamane, Frise, Lombarde en Angelsaksers het haarsny boetes opgelewer. Volgens die wette van koning Alfred moes elkeen wat 'n man se baard afgesny het, 'n vergoeding van 20 sjielings betaal, en in Frederick Barbarossa se Landfried van 1152 was dit verbode om 'n man aan die baard vas te gryp of om hare van hom te skeur kop of baard. In die Frankies Pactus Legis Salicae, As 'n puer crinitus (langharige seuntjie) is afgesny sonder die toestemming van sy ouers, die swaar boete van vyf en veertig solidi is opgelê, terwyl daar onder die Boergondiërs swaar boetes opgelê is om die hare van 'n vryvrou te sny.

Baarde word beskou as 'n teken van manlikheid, wat mans van seuns skei. Volgens die Anglo-Normandiese historikus, Orderic Vitalis, het William the Conqueror gekla dat hy Normandië 'terwyl hy nog steeds onbebaard' was, moes verdedig met verwysing na die manier waarop hy in beheer was van die verdediging van die hertogdom toe hy nog net 'n seuntjie was. 'N Besondere antieke funksie van haarbehandeling was die manier waarop dit etnisiteit aandui en dus gebruik kan word om verskillende etniese groepe te onderskei. Tacitus het gedink dat die Suevi gekenmerk word deur hul kenmerkende, geknoopte hare. Ander groepe soos die Langobarde en die Frise is vernoem na hul besondere manier vir die styl van baard of hare. Die Bisantyne het byvoorbeeld opgemerk hoe die Avars 'hul hare agterlangs gedra het, met bande vasgemaak en gevleg het'. Sowel die groot Spaanse kerkman uit die sesde eeu, Isidore van Sevilla, die skrywer van die Etymologiae, 'n bondige ensiklopedie van klassieke kultuur, en Paulus die diaken, die historikus van die Langobarde, het die naam Lombard ontleen aan die Duitse Langbarte of langbaard. Gregorius van Tours vertel hoe koningin Fredegund in 590 die leër van die Saksers in die Bayeux -gebied beveel het om 'n Frankiese hertog aan te val, maar hulself as Bretone te vermom deur hul hare op die Bretonse manier te sny en Bretonse klere aan te trek. William van Malmesbury se Gesta Regum het Saksers tydens die Normandiese verowering van die Normane onderskei aan die hand van die verskille tussen die haarstyle van die twee etniese groepe. Net voor die Normandiese inval in Engeland, stuur Harold 'n paar spioene wat berig dat al die Normandiese soldate priesters is. omdat hulle hul hele gesig, met albei lippe, geskeer het, terwyl die Engelse die bolip ongesny gelaat het, terwyl die hare onophoudelik floreer. William skryf in die twaalfde eeu, maar sy getuienis word bevestig deur die Bayeux Tapestry wat byna al die Normandiese soldate skoon geskeer toon en die Angelsaksiese soldate met lang snorre.

Haarbehandeling kan ook gebruik word om ouderdomsgroepe aan te dui, soos ons reeds gesien het met betrekking tot die besit van baarde. Een van die kenmerkendste oorgangsrites in die vroeë Middeleeuse Wrest was die rituele sny van hare om die oorgang van baba na die jongste te merk. Hierdie ou seremonies bekend as barbato rica het 'n geestelike band tussen die snyer en die snit geskep. Aan die einde van die 730's het die Karolingiese burgemeester van die paleis, Charles Martel, sy seun Pippin na die Lombardiese koning Liutprand gestuur sodat die koning die seuntjie se hare kan sny en as vader vir hom kan word. Die belangrikheid van so 'n fiktiewe familie is ook duidelik in die verhaal rondom die afkoms van Miesko, die eerste Christelike heerser van Pole, wie se pa, Semovith, 'n rituele kapsel onder die hande van twee vreemdelinge gehad het tydens 'n dronk fees, waar 'n vat bier hervul het wonderbaarlik. Die vestiging van die vreemdelinge as die beskermhere van Semovith was die grondslag van 'n nuwe dinastie toe Semovith die voormalige hertog verdryf en homself in sy plek aanstel. Net soos met die opkoms van die Karolingers, was hare 'n kwessie waarop die uitkoms van dinastiese politiek gekonstrueer kon word. Haarsny kan ook dien as 'n teken van seksuele verskil. Op grond van die woorde van Paulus in I Korintiërs 11: 4, word lang hare as 'n glorie vir 'n vrou beskou, solank sy dit in die openbaar bedek hou, terwyl korter hare die geskikste vir mans geag word. Die Romeine het gewaardeerde kort hare. Alle Romeinse magtige en staande manne het hul hare kort gedra, 'n teken dat dit onder beheer was. Keisers uit die vierde eeu het 'n nabygeskeerde openbare beeld gegenereer. Lang hare, kappers en gesigshare word as kenmerkend beskou vir vroue en barbare. Aristokrate het mekaar daarvan beskuldig dat hulle soos hoere lyk omdat hulle hul hare gedra het. Die keiser Julianus die Afvallige (r.361-363) het waarnemers minder geskok oor sy pogings om die ou gode te herstel as deur sy baard. Hy het dus die Misopogon of Baardhater geskryf waarin hy die gladgeskeerde Antiochenes gesmaad het wat met sy lang baard en onversorgde hare gespot het.

Terwyl die tydperk tussen die val van die Romeinse Ryk en die opkoms van die Karolingiese Ryk blykbaar oorheers is deur 'n verdraagsame en inderdaad bemoedigende houding teenoor gesigshare en baarde, het die Karolingiese tydperk en die daaropvolgende post-millennium Europese wêreld ontwikkeling van 'n vyandigheid teenoor lang hare en beskou dit as 'n kwessie wat deur skandale gekenmerk word. In die agtste eeu het Bede dit geskryf, '. die baard wat 'n teken van die manlike geslag en ouderdom is, word gewoonlik as 'n aanduiding van deugd gestel '. Op Aswoensdag 1094 het aartsbiskop Anselm van Canterbury egter geweier om as of sy seën te gee aan mans wat hul hare soos meisies laat groei het. In Rouen in 1096 het 'n kerkraad besluit dat 'niemand sy hare lank moet laat groei nie, maar dat hy dit as 'n Christen moet laat sny'.

Sowel William van Malmesbury as Orderic Vitalis het die lang hare van die hof van William Rufus met morele skandale verbind. Orderic het geskryf hoe:

Nou is byna al ons volksgenote mal en dra hulle baardjies, wat openlik met so 'n teken verkondig dat hulle smul aan begeerlike begeertes soos stinkbokke.

In Carentan in Normandië bestraf die aartsbiskop van Seez Henry I en sy hofdienaars vir hul lang hare, maak 'n skêr en sny dit ter plaatse. William van Malmesbury was veral vituperatief oor aristokrate met vloeiende slotte. Vir hom was lang hare 'n teken van homoseksualiteit en dekadensie. Dit het mans laat effineer en die verskille tussen die geslagte vervaag. Hy het 'n morele verhaal vertel oor hoe een ridder wat in sy weelderige hare verheerlik het, gedroom het dat hy deur sy eie lokke verstik is en daarna vinnig die nuus versprei het dat haarsny in Engeland nodig is. William was so bekommerd oor die dekadensie wat deur lang hare verteenwoordig word, dat hy dit selfs die skuld vir die Normandiese verowering gegee het omdat dit daartoe gelei het dat mans wat hul koninkryk hardop moes verdedig, nie beter as vroue sou optree nie.

Ander het meer praktiese redes gehad waarom hulle nie van lang hare hou nie. Biskop Ernulf van Rochester (1114-24) het opgemerk hoe mans met lang baarde dikwels hare in vloeistof gedompel het as hulle uit 'n beker drink. Die retoriek van kloosterskrywers het dus lang hare met jeug, dekadensie en die hof geïdentifiseer. Dit is egter moeilik om 'n harde en vinnige lyn te trek tussen 'n vroeë verdraagsaamheid teenoor lang hare en 'n geleidelike afkeer van die verbouing daarvan. 'N Keiserlike dekreet van 390 het vroue byvoorbeeld verbied om hul hare af te sny en 'n biskop gedreig wat so 'n vrou toegelaat het om met 'n neerslag in die kerk in te gaan, terwyl die Raad van Agde in 506 gesê het dat geestelikes wat toegelaat het dat hul hare lank word, laat dit sny deur die aartsdiaken. Die Ierse monnik Columbanus uit die sesde eeu, wat 'n reeks kloosters in Gallië gestig het, het boete voorgeskryf vir diakens wat geweier het om hul baard te sny.

Een gebied waar die behandeling van hare veral as 'n aanduiding van geslagsverskille beskou word, lê op die gebied van rou oor die dooies. Die openbare ritueel van rou met emosionele vertoon en skeuring van hare word algemeen beskou as 'n vrou se saak. Mans was egter nie immuun teen sulke aktiwiteite nie, soos blyk uit die verhaal van die latere Merowingiese koning, Dagobert III (d. 715), wat na 'n skrikwekkende nagtelike visie die volgende oggend gevind is dat hy sy lang naels geknip het en bly toe in sy slaapkamer en beveel dat sy hare afgesny moet word. Volgens Tacitus was dit egter vroue wat klaagliedere beoefen het, óf deur hul hare uit te trek of dit in die steek te laat in die mate dat hulle 'n algemene gesig by begrafnisse geword het. Reginald van Durham, 'n twaalfde-eeuse skrywer van die heiliges se lewens, beskryf hoe 'n jong man beseer en vermoedelik dood is, maar dat beide mans en vroue deur trane en gehuil rou, maar net die vroue hul hare laat sak het in rou. Die skrywer van die negende eeu, Agnellus van Ravenna, beskryf intussen die menigte vroue wat tydens begrafnisplegtighede in die stad waar hy aartsbiskop was, verskyn het. Die uitspattige gedrag van vroue by begrafnisse het so groot geword dat die Italiaanse gemeentes in die dertiende eeu beperkende wetgewing teen begrafnispraktyke aanvaar het in 'n poging om die skare by begrafnisse in te perk en sosiale orde te herstel.

Die kerklike teenstrydigheid teenoor die aristokratiese kweek van lang hare lê in die monastieke mangel. Volgens Bede het die mangel die geestelikes van die leek geskei. Dit was, eerder as kleredrag, die kenmerkende kenteken van diegene wat die geestelike beroep betree het. Bede's Kerklike geskiedenis van die Engelse volk bewaar 'n brief wat na bewering geskryf is deur Ceolfrid, die abt van sy eie klooster, Wearmouth-Jarrow, aan Nechtan, die koning van die Pikte, wat, benewens kommentaar op die leer van die Roomse Kerk, met betrekking tot die berekening van Paasfees , 'n paar noemenswaardige opmerkings oor die mangel gemaak. Terwyl hy erken dat daar variasies was in die mangelstyl wat deur geestelikes aangeneem is, beveel die brief aan om die Petrine -mangel te kweek wat die vorm aanneem van 'n kroon in navolging van Christus se doringkroon, eerder as die mangel wat verband hou met Simon Magus, wat nog steeds gedra deur sommige in die Ierse kerk, en wat 'n kuif aan die voorkant van die kop gelaat het. Vroeë besprekings oor die simboliek van die mangel verwys nie na die korona nie, maar Isidore van Sevilla het opgemerk hoe die kroon simbolies was van die gesag van die priester, en herinner aan die tiara van die Hebreeuse priesters. Isidore het die simboliese betekenis van die mangel vasgestel deur dit te assosieer met 'n ritueel van afstanddoening wat dit beskou as 'n pakt met God. Volgens Isidore was die menigte priesters sigbaar op hul liggame, maar het dit die uitwerking op hul siele gehad:

Deur hierdie teken word die ondeugde in die godsdiens afgesny, en ons verwyder die misdade van die liggaam soos hare. Hierdie vernuwing vind gepas in die gees plaas, maar dit word op die kop aangetoon waar die gees bekend is.

Die seremonie van volmaaktheid het 'n ritueel van skeiding van die gemeenskap bewerkstellig. Dit was 'n simbool van afstanddoening, nie net omdat dit skaamte en nederigheid beteken het nie, maar ook omdat dit 'n ontkenning van die vrye status was wat die eersgeboortereg van die meeste geestelikes was, en 'n lewenstyl wat 'n ontkenning van die norme van die leke samelewing. Die daad van mangel het die geestelike 'n buitestaander gemaak. Anders as die gedwonge ontvoering van afgesette Merovingiese heersers, het die geestelikes egter hierdie kenteken van skande vrywillig aanvaar. Maar net soos die dwang van langharige konings, het die kweek van kort hare deur die mangel politieke resonansie meegebring.

Bede was bekommerd oor die Iere wat die tonsuur wat met Simon Magus verband hou, dra, omdat dit hulle van die Roomse Kerk geskei het, tesame met die feit dat hulle Paasfees op 'n ander manier bereken het. Die besluit wat die Northumbrian -kerk by die Sinode van Whitby in 664 geneem het om die Romeinse praktyk te volg oor die berekening van Paasfees en oor die tonsuur, was dus 'n teken van openbare trou aan die wêreld van Rome. Die Spaanse Kerk het die waarde van die mangel in die vorm van die korona erken by die vierde raad van Toledo in 633, waar daar besluit is dat 'alle geestelikes die hele voorste deel van die hare moet skeer en slegs 'n sirkelvormige kroon op die rug moet laat '. Die idee het egter vroeër duidelik versprei sedert Gregory van Tours se oom Nicetius na bewering gebore is met sy hare in 'n sirkel bo -op sy kop, wat van geboorte af onthul dat hy bedoel was vir die biskop

Terwyl kerklike wetgewing kort hare kan voorskryf as 'n noodsaaklike teken van geestelike status, bly onduidelikhede oor haarbehandeling selfs in die strenger morele wêreld van die elfde en twaalfde eeu. Die gebruik van geestelike skeer was minder universeel as wat sommige skrywers in die Westerse Kerk geïmpliseer het, hoewel hervormers in die elfde eeu die kanoniese verordeninge oor hierdie en ander aangeleenthede wou afdwing, soos blyk uit die bevel van pous Gregorius VII dat die skeer van baarde 'n kenmerk van die geestelike orde in die samelewing. Baie geestelikes het egter steeds hul baard laat groei in vas en het nie geskeer tydens reis nie. Kanoniese reëls is dus wyd verontagsaam.

Daar was geen enkele standaard vir skeer in godsdienstige gemeenskappe nie. Terwyl die monnike in St Augustine, Canterbury, tussen 1090 en 1120 as baardloos uitgebeeld word, word die in Mont-St-Michel in die tweede helfte van die twaalfde eeu met baard vertoon. Kluisenaars, ankeriete, afgeslotenes en askete het gewoonlik nie geskeer nie en hul reputasie vir ongeskeerde heiligheid is geparodieer in die opmerking van biskop Eugenius van Toledo in die sewende eeu dat 'As 'n baard 'n heilige maak, is niks heiliger as 'n bok nie'. Boonop het baie heersers, ondanks die feit dat skrywers soos William van Malmesbury die lang hare uitgespreek het, aktief begin om baard te kweek. Die historikus Percy Ernst Schramm het opgemerk hoe die vol baard verskyn in ikonografiese voorstellings van heerskappy aan die begin van die millennium. Towards the end of their reigns, the rulers of Germany, Otto I and Otto II, had beards. These iconographical sources are, however, at variance with written sources which refer to laymen who cut off their beards to become monks. One such was the ninth-century Carolingian count, Gerald of Aurillac, who shaved his beard to live like a monk. Since he was a layman, however, Gerald was caught between the world of aristocratic mores and the secluded world of clerics:

He cut his beard as though it were a nuisance, and since his hairs flowed down from the back of his head, he hid the crown on top, which he also covered with a cap.

On October 14th, 680, Wamba, the Visigothic King of Spain, fell unconscious in his palace at Toledo. Julian, the Archbishop of Toledo, was called by the courtiers who feared that the King was near death. He cut Wamba's hair and clothed him in a monastic habit. Emerging from his coma, the king discovered that he had become a monk and could not resume royal office since the law of the Church enshrined in the Council of Chalcedon of 451 decreed that `those that have become clerics or who have entered a monastery should neither enter the army nor take on secular honours'. Wamba therefore signed documents attesting his acceptance of clerical status and named one of his nobles, Erwig, as his successor. The forcible tonsure of kings was known in all the pre-Carolingian barbarian kingdoms of Western Europe but, like the issues of tonsuring and clerical beards, it was characterised by ambiguity. Although the hair of secular rulers could be cut off, it could also grow back. The Merovingian ruler Childeric I dealt with his rebellious son, Merovech, by tonsuring him and throwing him into a monastery but Meroverh soon escaped and fled to Tours.

King Theuderic III was tonsured but grew his hair again and regained power. The Mayor of the Palace, Ebroin was stripped of his power, tonsured and thrown into a monastery at Luxeuil in Burgundy. He waited for his hair to grow back before gathering an army and attempting to regain control in Francia. Similarly, in AngloSaxon England, King Ceolwulf of Northumbria was tonsured and thrown into the monastery at Lindisfarne only to return as king. In 737, however, he was tonsured again at his own request, abdicated as king and entered the monastery voluntarily. Having decided to take the tonsure, he would thus be compelled to keep his hair short. He had no need to grow it since, like Wamba, he was now a monk and no longer a king. In the early Middle Ages, the language of hair treatment was open to as many interpretations as the treatment of hair itself. What is clear is that hair and its appearance mattered in both secular and clerical society. Men may have lived by the sword but they could metaphorically die by the scissors. Childeric III knew that when the Carolingians bore the scissors his days were numbered. It only took one bad hair day to turn his fear into living panic.


Frankryk

The French word for knight is Chevalier. A female knight in her own right is a Chevalière, The wife of a Chevalier is a Chevaleresse. French knights are nobles. The French system can be confusing, because Chevalier is both a rank and a title. Most French knights were members of orders of chivalry, so they had the title chevalier but they held the lower rank of ಜuyer (Esquire). For more information, see Wikipedia, French nobility: Titles, peerage, and orders.

  • For a knight: Jean de Rochefort, chevalier (the title is a suffix)
  • For a knight’s wife: no special form
  • For a knight’s children: no special form

Inhoud

Historical background Edit

Neither Greek nor Latin had a word corresponding to modern-day "family". The Latin familia must be translated to "household" rather than "family". [1] The aristocratic household of ancient Rome was similar to that of medieval Europe, in that it consisted – in addition to the paterfamilias, his wife and children – of a number of clients (clientes), or dependents of the lord who would attend upon him, counsel him and receive rewards. Where it differed from its medieval equivalent was in the use of slaves rather than paid servants for the performance of menial tasks. [2] Another difference was that, due to the relative security and peacefulness within the borders of the Roman Empire, there was little need for fortification. The aristocratic household of medieval Europe, on the other hand, was as much a military as a socio-economic unit, and from the 9th century onwards the ideal residence was the castle. [3] [4]

Samestelling wysig

As a result of the military nature of the medieval noble household, its composition was predominately male. Towards the end of the medieval period the ratio levelled out somewhat, but at an earlier date the feminine element of the household consisted only of the lady and her daughters, their attendants, and perhaps a few domestics to perform particular tasks such as washing. [5] Many of the male servants were purely military personnel there would be a gatekeeper, as well as various numbers of knights and esquires to garrison the castle as a military unit. [6] [7] Yet many of these would also serve other functions, and there would be servants entirely devoted to domestic tasks. At the lower level, these were simply local men recruited from the localities. The higher level positions – in particular those attending on the lord – were often filled by men of rank: sons of the lord's relatives, or his retainers. [8]

The presence of servants of noble birth imposed a social hierarchy on the household that went parallel to the hierarchy dictated by function. [9] This second hierarchy had at its top the steward (alternatively seneschal of majordomo), who had the overriding responsibility for the domestic affairs of the household. [10] Taking care of the personal wellbeing of the lord and his family were the Chamberlain, who was responsible for the chamber or private living-quarters, and the Master of the Wardrobe, who had the main responsibility for clothing and other domestic items. [10]

Of roughly equal authority as the steward was the marshal. This officer had the militarily vital responsibility for the stables and horses of the household (the "marshalsea"), and was also in charge of discipline. [11] The marshal, and other higher-ranking servants, would have assistants helping them perform their tasks. These – called valets de chambre, grooms or pages, ranking from top to bottom in that order – were most often young boys, [12] although in the larger royal courts the valet de chambres included both young noble courtiers, and often artists, musicians and other specialists who might be of international repute. Assigning these the office of valet was a way of regularising their position within the household.

One of the most important functions of the medieval household was the procuration, storage and preparation of food. This consisted both in feeding the occupants of the residence on a daily basis, and in preparing larger feasts for guests, to maintain the status of the lord. The kitchen was divided into a pantry (for bread, cheese and napery) and a buttery (for wine, ale and beer). These offices were headed by a pantler and a butler respectively. [9] Depending on the size and wealth of the household, these offices would then be subdivided further. The following is a list of some of the offices one could expect to find in a large medieval aristocratic or royal household:

In addition to these offices there was a need for servants to take care of the hunting animals. The master huntsman, or the veneur, held a central position in greater noble households. [15] Likewise, the master falconer was a high-ranking officer, often of noble birth himself. [16] There were spiritual needs to be cared for, and a chapel was a natural part of every large household. [17] These household chapels would be staffed by varying numbers of clerics. The chaplains, confessors and almoners could serve in administrative capacities as well as the religious ones. [18]

Noble households Edit

The households of medieval kings were in many ways simply aristocratic households on a larger scale: as the Burgundian court chronicler Georges Chastellain observed of the splendidly ordered court of the dukes of Burgundy, "after the deeds and exploits of war, which are claims to glory, the household is the first thing that strikes the eye, and which it is, therefore, most necessary to conduct and arrange well." [19] In some ways though, they were essentially different. One major difference was the way in which royal household officials were largely responsible for the governance of the realm, as well as the administration of the household. [20]

The 11th century Capetian kings of France, for instance, "ruled through royal officers who were in many respects indistinguishable from their household officers." [21] These officers – primarily the seneschal, constable, butler, chamberlain and chancellor [21] – would naturally gain extensive powers, and could exploit this power for social advancement. One example of this is the Carolingians of France, who rose from the position of royal stewards – the Mayors of the Palace – to become kings in their own right. [22] It was the father of Charlemagne, Pepin the Short, who gained control of government from the enfeebled Merovingian king Childeric III. [a] Another example can be found in the royal House of Stuart in Scotland, whose family name bore witness to their background of service. [23]

Eventually the central positions of the royal household became little else than honorary titles bestowed upon the greatest families, and not necessarily even dependent on attendance at court. In Flanders, by the thirteenth century, the offices of constable, butler, steward and chamberlain had become the hereditary right of certain high noble families, and held no political significance. [24]

Finally, the royal household differed from most noble households in the size of their military element. If a king was able to muster a substantial force of household knights, this would reduce his dependence on the military service of his subjects. This was the case with Richard II of England, whose one-sided dependence on his household knights – mostly recruited from the county of Cheshire – made him unpopular with his nobility and eventually contributed to his downfall. [25]

In England, the semi-royal household of Edward of Carnarvon, later Edward II when Prince of Wales, is the earliest for which detailed knowledge can be obtained from sources. [26]

Itineration Edit

The medieval aristocratic household was not fixed to one location, but could be more or less permanently on the move. Greater nobles would have estates scattered over large geographical areas, and to maintain proper control of all their possessions it was important to physically inspect the localities on a regular basis. As the master of the horses, travel was the responsibility of the marshal. Everything in the noble household was designed for travel, so that the lord could enjoy the same luxury wherever he went. [27]

Particularly for kings, itineration was a vital part of governance, and in many cases kings would rely on the hospitality of their subjects for maintenance while on the road. This could be a costly affair for the localities visited there was not only the large royal household to cater for, but also the entire royal administration. [28] It was only towards the end of the medieval period, when means of communication improved, that households, both noble and royal, became more permanently attached to one residence. [29]

Regional variations Edit

The aristocratic society centered on the castle originated, as much of medieval culture in general, in Carolingian France, and from there spread over most of Western Europe. [3] In other parts of Europe, the situation was different. On the northern and western fringes of the continent, society was kin-based rather than feudal, and households were organised correspondingly. [30]

In Ireland, the basis for social organisation was the "sept", a clan that could comprise as many as 250 households, or 1250 individuals, all somehow related. [31] In Viking-age Scandinavia, housing arrangements were more humble than those of contemporary France or England, but also here the greater lords would own grand halls wherein they might entertain large numbers of guests. [32]

In the Byzantine Empire, slaves were employed until the end of the Empire, as were eunuchs. [33] Little is known of the living arrangements of the Byzantines, as very few buildings remain. From historical and architectural evidence it is known that, even though castles were rare, the wealthy lived in palaces of varying magnitude, with chapels and gardens, and rich decorations of mosaics and frescoes. [34]

Rural Edit

The households of medieval peasant families were naturally smaller than those of the aristocracy, and as such resembled modern households more. The patterns of marriage fluctuated greatly over the course of the Middle Ages. Even though most of the available evidence concerns the higher classes, and the source material for southern Europe is richer than for the rest, it is still possible to make some rough generalisations. [35] It seems clear that the average age of marriage during the Early Middle Ages was comparatively high, in the early twenties, and quite equal for men and women. The reason for this can be found in traditions brought forward from the Germanic tribes, but equally in the fact that habitation was confined to small areas, a factor that enforced restrictions on population growth. [36] [37] [38]

As more land was won for cultivation, this trend changed. During the High and Late Middle Ages, women were increasingly married away in their teens, leading to higher birth rates. [39] While women would be married once they reached reproductive age, men had to possess independent means of sustenance – to be able to provide for a family – before entering into marriage. [40] For this reason, the average age of marriage for men remained high, in the mid- to late twenties. [41]

Even though peasant households were significantly smaller than aristocratic ones, the wealthiest of these would also employ servants. [42] Service was a natural part of the cycle of life, and it was common for young people to spend some years away from home in the service of another household. [43] This way they would learn the skills needed later in life, and at the same time earn a wage. This was particularly useful for girls, who could put the earnings towards their dowry. [44]

The houses of medieval peasants were of poor quality compared to modern houses. The floor was normally of earth, and there was very little ventilation or sources of light in the form of windows. In addition to the human inhabitants, a number of livestock animals would also reside in the house. [42] Towards the end of the medieval period, however, conditions generally improved. Peasant houses became larger in size, and it became more common to have two rooms, and even a second floor. [45]

Urban Edit

The medieval world was a much less urban society than either the Roman Empire or the modern world. The fall of the Roman Empire had caused a catastrophic de-population of the towns and cities that had existed within the Empire. Between the 10th and 12th centuries, however, a revival of the European city occurred, with an increase in the urbanisation of society. [46]

The practice of sending children away to act as servants was even more common in towns than in the countryside. [43] The inhabitants of towns largely made their livelihood as merchants or artisans, and this activity was strictly controlled by guilds. The members of these guilds would in turn employ young people – primarily boys – as apprentices, to learn the craft and later take a position as guild members themselves. [b] These apprentices made up part of the household – or "family" – as much as the children of the master. [47]

Towards the end of the Middle Ages, the functions and composition of households started to change. This was due primarily to two factors. First of all, the introduction of gunpowder to the field of warfare rendered the castle a less effective defence, and did away with the military function of the household. [48] The result was a household more focused on comfort and luxury, and with a significantly larger proportion of women. [49]

The second factor that brought about change was the early modern ascendancy of the individual, and focus on privacy. [c] Already in the later Middle Ages castles had begun to incorporate an increasing number of private chambers, for the use both of the lord and of his servants. [50] Once the castle was discarded to the benefit of palaces or stately homes, this tendency was reinforced. This did not mean an end to the employment of domestic servants, or even in all cases a reduction in household staff. What it did mean, however, was a realignment whereby the family – in a genealogical sense – became the cornerstone of the household. [51]

a. ^ The chronicler Einhard sardonically wrote: "Pepin the Short, the father of Charlemagne, held the office for some years, under, if that is the word, King Childeric III. " [52]

b. ^ It should be mentioned that many – if not most – of these apprentices never achieved guild membership for themselves, but ended up spending their whole life as wage laborers. [53]

c. ^ The idea of the invention of the individual in Renaissance Italy is primarily associated with Jacob Burckhardt. [54] In spite of later criticism, this thesis is still highly influential. [55]


What did a lord do in medieval times?

People of the Middeleeue. A king (or lord) ruled large areas of land. To protect his land from invasion, the king gave parts of it to local lords, who were called vassals. In return, his vassals promised to fight to defend the king's land.

Also, what was the daily life of a lord in the Middle Ages? A day in the life of a medieval lord

Dagbreek Hear Mass, followed by a breakfast of white bread and wine.
After supper Listen to the news and stories brought by a travelling minstrel, or just sit and talk.
Bedtime When the lord decided he wished to go to bed, the household would have a light supper, say prayers and go to sleep.

In this regard, what did lords and ladies do in medieval times?

Kings, Lords, Ladies, Knights. In medieval times, most of the people were peasants, farmers who worked all the tyd just to grow food. Die lord was expected to pay taxes to the king and provide soldiers when needed. To doen that, the lord was given absolute power over his fief.

What are the duties of a lord?

Under the feudal contract, the lord had the duty to provide the fief for his vassal, to protect him, and to do him justice in his court. In return, the lord had the right to demand the services attached to the fief (military, judicial, administrative) and a right to various &ldquoincomes&rdquo known as feudal incidents.


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The true history of lying

Pulled from the latest headlines: “Mayor Caught in a Lie!” “Did Wall Street Lies Create Financial Downfall?” “Web of Lies Led to Murder of Husband!” “‘I Lied My Way to the Top’ Fake Harvard Grad Confesses!” Studies reveal that each and every one of us lies every few minutes, that lying has reached epidemic proportions threatening the very foundations of society, corroding our civil discourse, warping our politics.

Is lying more prevalent now than in the past, more insidious? There are more people in the world than ever before, so odds are good more lies are told than ever before. Television and the internet make it easier than ever to broadcast what we say to untold millions, billions, and given that so much of what we say is false and deceptive, no doubt whatever lies we tell fall on unprecedented numbers of innocent ears. Perhaps things are worse than ever before, that lies will be the end of us.

Historical perspective is always a useful thing and if history tells us anything about lying it tells us that people have always thought there was too much of it and however much of it there was, there was always more of it now than there had ever been before. The 12th-century English courtier and future Bishop of Chartres, John of Salisbury, feared no time had ever been so dangerous for men of honest virtue. According to John, the royal and ecclesiastical courts of Europe teemed with every sort of deceiver and falsifier, with timeservers and wheedlers, gift-givers, actors, mimics, procurers and gossipmongers. The only thing that surpassed their variety was their number “for the foul inundation of their cancerous disease seeps into all so that there is rarely anyone left uncontaminated”.

Long before John, scripture had already warned that “every man is a liar” and after John, throughout the Middle Ages, into and beyond the Renaissance, few people would deny that the problem of lies had reached never-before-witnessed proportions. Writing late in the 16th century, the French skeptic Pierre Charron asked his readers to “observe how all mankind are made up of falsehood and deceit, of tricks and lies, how unfaithful and dangerous, how full of disguise and design all conversation is at present become, but especially, how much more it abounds near [the prince], and how manifestly hypocrisy and dissimulation are the reigning qualities of princes’ courts.”

Until the French Revolution, the problem of lying and hypocrisy often seemed to be experienced most keenly in the courts of the European elite, those hybrid spaces, both public and private, political and domestic, in which eager bureaucrats and all manner of hangers-on sought their fortunes. A zero sum game, fortune hunting required the self-serving courtier to deceive and slander his competitors, to fawn over and flatter his superiors.

A difficult balance to keep. As the English Renaissance writer Nathaniel Walker noted in The Refin’d Courtier, it was a matter of learning how to “demean ourselves acceptably” before our superiors, without appearing willing “to lick the very spittle from under their feet.” In a place seemingly constructed to promote lying and flattery, a breeding ground for plots, conspiracies and coups, in which every friendly face might well conceal devious designs, how should a person respond? Is it acceptable to fight fire with fire, to lie to the liars? Again and again courtiers asked, is it ever acceptable to lie? and again and again they answered, Yes.

Actually, people rarely came out in whole-hearted favour of lies. Almost to a person, medieval and Renaissance writers condemned lies as vile and pernicious. There was tradition behind this opinion. The early fifth-century bishop Augustine had argued that every lie was a sin and every sin must be avoided. No good can come from evil, and even lies told with the best of intentions are sins nonetheless. Augustine’s definition would be repeated incessantly throughout the ensuing centuries, repeated so frequently that historians have too often argued that we can distinguish the Middle Ages from the Renaissance in terms of how people thought about lies. During the Middle Ages, so this story goes, every lie was prohibited (which is different than claiming no one lied – we always have and always will do all sorts of things we shouldn’t), whereas in the Renaissance people became a bit more realistic about what it takes to get on in the world.

But this is simply not the case. John of Salisbury thought there was nothing for it but for the virtuous man to lie to accomplish the good and to protect himself from the evil schemers that everywhere surround him. Christine de Pizan, often thought to be Europe’s first professional writer, had similar thoughts about princesses and noblewomen. The princess should never lie, true, but she must also do her best to maintain peaceful relations with her husband and the other members of the court, between the court and the commoners. When lies are needed to secure these worthy ends, then lie she must.

A sad truth supported this rather pragmatic line of ethical thinking. We live in a fallen and corrupt world, a world so morally adrift and complicated, knotted and entangled, that there are few, perhaps no, moral certainties, and all too many situations in which we will have no choice but to sin to avoid greater sins.

We need moral principles to guide our actions, but principles can conflict with one another, the demand that we be truthful in all our actions may run afoul the demand that we always act with charity towards others. In other words, courtly proponents of mendacity were, more often than not, skeptics and probabilists, finding refuge not in Aristotle’s ethics, but in Cicero’s rhetoric. Like a skilled orator, we must adjust our words and actions to the moment, to the circumstances. Depending upon the circumstances, even the most secure of moral principles may have to give way to others.

The seed of a new idea lay buried within these defences of courtly deceit, slowly germinating, growing and supplanting long-standing ideas about lies. Medieval writers like John and Christine argued that we must sometimes lie to protect ourselves, to protect the state. Theologians disagreed. Civil society, they argued, depends upon the assumption that we deal truthfully and honestly with each other. If we were to deem some lies acceptable, how could we ever trust anyone, trust that, even as you sign this contract, make this promise, you have not secretly judged this to be a moment of permissible mendacity?

This account of social harmony in no way matched the experience of the members of the European courts, neither in the Middle Ages, nor in the Renaissance. From their vantage point, lies seemed very much like the very substance of social cohesion. We lie to protect ourselves and to advance ourselves. We lie to avoid conflict and simply to grease the wheels of social interaction.

“The gentleman courtier is not subject to himself,” wrote Philibert de Vienne in his mid-sixteenth-century satire, The Philosopher of the Court, “if it is necessary to laugh, he laughs, if it is necessary to grieve, he cries, if it is necessary to eat, he eats, and if it is necessary to fast, he fasts.”

He says and does whatever the moment requires, regardless of how he feels or what he thinks. Medieval and early modern courtiers labelled this sort of sycophancy flattery, considered it little more than base mendacity, condemned it roundly, and recommended its practice absolutely. In his Renaissance bestseller, Civil Conversation, Stefano Guazo writes, “The world is full of and subsists by flattery, which is more in fashion than peeked beards and large ruffs. You see how all persons for the sake of peace, and to avoid contention, and that they may appear agreeable in company, comport themselves in the best manner they can to other men’s talk and behavior.” Without lies, they realised, society would fall apart.

So the next time we hear some pundit railing against lying politicians or read some study about the newfound prominence of lying in modern society, maybe we should look between the lines. Rather than worry about the fact that everyone lies, we should concern ourselves with the reasons why we lie. We will always be liars, but that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t always ask ourselves when it is acceptable to lie and when it isn’t.

A History of Lying from the Garden of Eden to the Enlightenment by Dallas G Denery II is published on January 28th by Princeton University Press


Cold Opening [ edit | wysig bron]

George - Congratulations, Mr. Bentley Raccoon.

Cyril - I can't believe you would turn my home into a cheap circus!

Bert - The fair looks dismal.

Pig 3 - You think we can get jobs at the fair?

Ralph - You sure you want to sneak that camera?

George/Nicole - Bentley!

(A black knight is charging toward the screen.)

Main Story [ edit | wysig bron]

(On a clear afternoon outside Bentley's house, Bentley outside on the steps watching the driveway, as the title "Medieval Fair!" appears for a few seconds and vanishes.)

Narrator - On a summer afternoon like this, most kids would play or have time with their parents. Of course, Bentley will be looking forward to something He wouldn’t expect. (Lisa comes out of the house.)

Lisa - Bentley? It’s almost lunch time. You’ve been looking at the driveway since Nine.

Bentley - I’m just waiting for the Mail Truck.

Lisa - Bentley, I normally get the mail— (A mail truck arrives at the driveway)

Bentley - Ah. Speak of the. I won’t say it. (The mail truck stops.)

Mailman (Ostrich) - Ah, Bentley. You’re early. (Gives seven envelopes to Him.)

Bentley - Thank You, Sir. (Walks in the house as Lisa follows.)

Lisa - So, why were you looking forward to getting the mail today?

Bentley - Well, today is the day when tickets are delivered to the winners of the Evergreen Medieval Fair’s raffle. ten winners can bring their families.

Lisa - Bentley, winning a raffle like that is difficult. (Bentley gives the mail to George.)

George - Oh. Thanks, son. (Goes through the mail.) bill, bill, credit card, junk, junk— Huh? Bentley, There’s a letter for you. (Gives it to Bentley)

Bentley - Huh? (Reads the letter, then drops it.) I. I won. I won!

Nicole - Won what, son? (George picks up the letter and reads it.)

George - “Congratulations, Mr. Bentley Raccoon You and your family have won tickets to this year’s Medieval Fair, this weekend. included, are seven Tickets to the fair for the best experience. Signed, the Evergreen Medieval Fair committee”?

Nicole - Wow! when is the fair?

George - Uh. this Saturday at 10 AM.

Lisa - Wow. I guess I should have believed in You more, little brother.

Bentley - Don't worry, Lisa. You, Mom, and Dad can come along if You want. as for the three extra tickets. (Notices a sad George.) What's wrong, Dad?

George - Huh? Oh, nothing's wrong, son. (Thinking) I wish I could tell Him, but I don’t want to disappoint Him.

(The screen blacks out and fades in the Raccoondominium, where Melissa is talking to Lisa on the phone.)

Melissa - Wow! Your brother won tickets to the medieval fair? He wants to invite us? Goed. We’ll be right there. Where's that? Where the firecrackers are launched tonight? I'll tell Bert and Ralph about it. and thanks. (hangs up the phone.) Ralph? Bert? (Ralph and Bert come to the living room.) a medieval fair is coming to the forest, and Bentley won tickets to it.

Bert - Wow! That's great! Do You agree, Ralph? Ralph? (He sees Ralph sad.) Something wrong?

Ralph - Huh? Oh. I. don't know if I want to go.

Ralph - Well, We need a story for the Evergreen Standard--

Melissa - Ralph Raccoon, We haven't had any days off in months. Chances are, the Sneer Mansion could be where the fair will be.

Ralph - But-- (Melissa pulls Ralph off-screen) Whoa! (Bert looks at the screen and shrugs His shoulders.)

(The Scene changes to the Sneer Courtyard, where Cyril is arguing with Mr. Enfeoff the wolf.)

Cyril - Look, I said it before, and I'll say it again, my mansion is not an open house!!

Mr. Enfeoff- Mr. Sneer, listen to reason. Your mansion will be the centerpiece of the fair. (Cedric walks outside.) besides, the Evergreen Fairgrounds are already full up.

Cyril - One moment, Cedric. I told You, Mr. Enfeoff, I'm not letting You have your fair at my doorstep, and that's that!

Mr. Enfeoff  - Your loss, Mr. Sneer. (Leaves the property.)

Cedric - What were you arguing about, Pop?

Cyril - That flimflam attempted to have His fair on private property.

Cyril - Remember this one thing, Cedric. Fairs and tourist traps, do nothing but decrease house prices. And I’m not going to be the cause of other getting opportunities to acclaim monopolies here. But, I wonder. What will Mr. Enteoff do next?

(The scene changes to the Sneer Gardens, where the pigs are trimming the hedges)

Pig One - You know, trimming The hedges twice a week, can get boring.

Pig Two - Yes, it the locusts are hard to reason with!

Pig Three - And We’re not allowed to use any pesticide. (They hear a shaking of leaves.) What the?

(They see Mr. Enfeoff sneak under the bushes.)

Pig One - An intruder! (The pigs run toward Mr. Enfeoff.)

Mr. Enfeoff - Whoa! Wag! I only came to see this environment. It shows promise for My medieval fair.

Pigs Two and Three - Medieval Fair?

Mr. Enfeoff - Let me have the fair here, tell no one, and I’ll give you a good percentage of the ticket sales.

Pig One - You got a deal, Sir. (He shakes Mr Enfeoff’s paw. as the scene changes to the KNOX-TV station, inside an office, Mr. Knox is talking to George.)

Mr. Knox - I must admit, You’ve worked all night making additional episodes of Chef Surprise, Sir. Did something happen at home? Or maybe You’re wanting to win the employee of the year award?

George - Well, neither. as a matter of fact.

sekretaris - I thought I’d let you know that the site of this year’s medieval fair is decided.

Mr. Knox - I said no call— Did You say medieval fair? owned by that lowlife Enfeoff?

Mr. Knox - Yes. Ronald Enfeoff. He's an opportunistic bully. (the screen ripples to a young Mr. Knox reading a book.) When I was in school, I was ridiculed by that no-good cheat. (a young Enteoff whacks the book off a young Knox's hands, as the young wolf laughs.) No matter what I did, Enteoff would lie to avoid getting in trouble, and his bullying of Me would get worse. (Young Knox hides in a boiler room. seconds later young Enteoff pulled young Knox out of the room, and was about to slug Him, but his paw was grabbed by a goat janitor, who shakes his head.) fortunately, the Janitor who witnessed one incident, finally put a stop to it. (The screen ripples back to reality.) To this day, He had been plotting his revenge against me.

George - I had no idea. That’s another reason not to go to the fair this Saturday.

Mr. Knox - Another reason?

(The scene changes to Ralph and Melissa.)

Melissa - What do you have against fairs, Ralph? Did something happen?

Ralph - Well, years ago, when Me and George were kids. (the scene ripples to Ralph and George at a younger age wearing medieval attire.) We went to our first medieval fair, and we had fun. Everything went well until.

Melissa - Until one or both of You we’re traumatized by a Dragon? (Young Ralph and Young George glare at the screen) Ha. Jammer.

Ralph - Actually, What happened was that the black knight lost control of his horse, and We were in his path. (a crash was heard) No one got hurt, but Me and George promised each other to never enter a medieval fair, ever again.