Algiers gevang - Geskiedenis

Algiers gevang - Geskiedenis

Die Algeriërs het die Franse ambassadeur in 1827 beledig en gedreig om die Franse handelsregte in Algerië terug te trek. Die Franse reageer deur 'n uiteensetting op te stel teen Algerië wat dit in Julie 1830 in beslag neem.

Die skokkende geskiedenis van slawerny van 1,5 miljoen blanke Europeërs in die 16de eeu in Noord -Afrika

Bridget Boakye is 'n skrywer, aktivis en entrepreneur in Accra, Ghana. Sy is grootgemaak in Ghana en die VSA, en is veral geïnteresseerd in kwessies wat put uit die ervarings, insigte en waardes van sowel Afrika as die Afrikaanse diaspora. Sy is tans 'n Amplify Africa -genoot en lid van die Global Shapers Accra Hub. U kan haar op Instagram vind by @boakyeb

Einde verlede jaar het die BBC berig dat historici 'n veldtog begin het om bewustheid te skep oor die Barbary -seerowers van Noord -Afrika. Hierdie seerowers, ook bekend as die Barbary corsairs, het honderde duisende mense uit die kusgemeenskappe van Brittanje van die 16de tot die 19de eeu gevange geneem en in slawerny verkoop in Noord -Afrika, waar baie die res van hul lewens deurgebring het.

Die slawehandel van Barbary, wat plaasgevind het op dieselfde tyd as die Trans-Atlantiese slawehandel waar swart Afrikane van Afrika na die Amerikas gestuur is, was 'n besonder omstrede onderwerp en het woedende debat gelewer oor slawerny, rassisme en godsdiensvrae .


Die Slag van Algiers

Ons redakteurs gaan na wat u ingedien het, en bepaal of hulle die artikel moet hersien.

Die Slag van Algiers, Italiaans La battaglia di Algeri, Italiaans-Algerynse oorlogsfilm, wat in 1966 vrygestel is, dit is die handtekening van regisseur Gillo Pontecorvo en 'n bekroonde eksperiment in cinéma vérité.

Die visueel treffende film dokumenteer die Algerynse opstand teen die Franse in 1954–62, met die fokus op die gebeure van 1956–57. Nadat Ali La Pointe (gespeel deur die eerste keer akteur Brahim Hadjadj) gewerf is om by die National Liberation Front (FLN) aan te sluit, raak 'n guerrillagroep onder leiding van Saari Kader (gespeel deur die werklike FLN-bevelvoerder Saadi Yacef) aktief betrokke by sy gewapende opstand teen die Franse koloniale moondhede in Algiers. Beide kante word in 'n langdurige konflik getrek, aangesien gewelddadige aanvalle en daaropvolgende weerwraakaktiwiteite maande lank voortduur. Uiteindelik slaag die Franse kolonel Mathieu (Jean Martin) daarin om die FLN metodies af te breek, aangesien Kader en ander leiers gevange geneem word en La Pointe vermoor word. Drie jaar later breek 'n hernieude opstand egter uit, en Algerië wen uiteindelik sy onafhanklikheid in 1962.

Die uitstekende vertoning van filmprente in filmstyl het baie kykers laat glo dat Pontecorvo filmmateriaal van die werklike opstand gebruik het. Trouens, elke raam is deur Pontecorvo geskiet met 'n 16 mm-kamera. Sommige kritici veroordeel deels weens die bekende Marxistiese neigings van Pontecorvo Die Slag van Algiers as anti-Franse propaganda, en dit is eers in 1971 in Frankryk gewys. Baie ander het Pontecorvo se uitbeelding van die brutaliteit van die geveg egter waarneembaar en egalig gevind. Vir dekades na die vrystelling daarvan, is die film bestudeer deur sowel nasionale militêre as revolusionêre faksies regoor die wêreld.


Gietwerk

Kuns en lewe. Saadi Yacef (regs) was 'n werklike leier van die FLN. Foto: Kobal

Saadi Yacef speel 'n gefiksionaliseerde FLN -leier, Jafar. Yacef, wat die memoires geskryf het waarop die film gebaseer is, was 'n werklike leier van die FLN, en is steeds 'n senator in die Algerynse parlement. Intussen speel die Franse akteur Jean Martin 'n fiksie-kolonel Philippe Mathieu, gebaseer op 'n samestelling van werklike kolonels, waaronder Marcel Bigeard, en bevat elemente van genl Jacques Massu en maj Paul Aussaresses. Net soos die beamptes, het Martin werklik in die Franse verset en in Indochina geveg. Die filmmakers het die plig verby gegaan-Reel-geskiedenis sou nie verwag dat die vervaardigers van, byvoorbeeld, Gladiator 'n groep werklike veterane sou saamstel nie. Tog word dit nie veel meer outentiek as dit nie.


Inhoud

Die Geallieerdes beplan 'n Anglo-Amerikaanse inval in Frans-Noord-Afrika/Magreb-Marokko, Algerië en Tunisië, nominaal in die hande van die Franse Vichy-regering. Met die Britse magte wat uit Egipte gevorder het, sou dit uiteindelik moontlik wees dat die Geallieerdes 'n knypoperasie teen die as -magte in Noord -Afrika kon uitvoer. Die Vichy French het ongeveer 125 000 soldate in die gebiede sowel as kusartillerie, 210 operasionele, maar verouderde tenks en ongeveer 500 vliegtuie gehad, waarvan die helfte Dewoitine D.520-vegters was-gelykstaande aan baie Britse en Amerikaanse vegters. [7] Hierdie magte het 60 000 troepe in Marokko, 15 000 in Tunisië en 50 000 in Algerië, met kusartillerie, en 'n klein aantal tenks en vliegtuie ingesluit. [8] Boonop was daar ongeveer 10 oorlogskepe en 11 duikbote in Casablanca.

Politieke situasie op die grond Redigeer

Die Geallieerdes het geglo dat die Franse Vichy -magte nie sou veg nie, deels as gevolg van inligting wat deur die Amerikaanse konsul Robert Daniel Murphy in Algiers verskaf is. Die Franse was voormalige lede van die Geallieerdes en die Amerikaanse troepe het opdrag gekry om nie te vuur nie, tensy op hulle afgevuur is. [9] Hulle het egter die vermoede dat die Franse vloot Vichy 'n wrok sou dra oor die optrede van die Britte in Junie 1940 om te voorkom dat die Franse skepe die aanval op die Franse vloot in die hawe by Mers-el-Kébir neem, naby Oran, het byna 1300 Franse matrose doodgemaak. 'N Evaluering van die simpatie van die Franse magte in Noord -Afrika was noodsaaklik, en planne is gemaak om hul samewerking te verseker, eerder as om weerstand te bied. Duitse steun vir die Vichy -Franse het in die vorm van lugsteun gekom. Verskeie Luftwaffe bomwerpervleuels het aanvalle teen skeepvaart onderneem teen geallieerde hawens in Algiers en langs die Noord-Afrikaanse kus.

Operasionele opdrag Edit

Generaal Dwight D. Eisenhower het die bevel oor die operasie gekry, en hy het sy hoofkwartier in Gibraltar opgerig. Die geallieerde vlootbevelvoerder van die ekspedisiemag was admiraal sir Andrew Cunningham, sy adjunk was onder-admiraal sir Bertram Ramsay, wat die amfibiese landings beplan het. [ aanhaling nodig ]

Strategiese debat onder die bondgenote Edit

Senior Amerikaanse bevelvoerders was sterk gekant teen die landings en nadat die westelike geallieerde gesamentlike stafhoofde (CCS) op 30 Julie 1942 in Londen vergader het, het generaal George Marshall en admiraal Ernest King geweier om die plan goed te keur. Marshall en ander Amerikaanse generaals bepleit later die jaar die inval in Noord -Europa, wat die Britte verwerp het. [10] [11] Nadat premier Winston Churchill in 1942 aangedring het op 'n landing in Frans -Noord -Afrika, stel Marshall in plaas daarvan aan president Franklin D. Roosevelt voor dat die VSA die eerste strategie van Duitsland laat vaar en die offensief in die Stille Oseaan neem. Roosevelt het gesê dat dit niks sal doen om Rusland te help nie. [12] Aangesien Marshall die Britte nie kon oorreed om van mening te verander nie, [13] het president Roosevelt 'n direkte bevel gegee dat Torch voorrang geniet bo ander operasies en op die vroegste moontlike datum sou plaasvind, een van slegs twee direkte bevele het hy tydens die oorlog aan militêre bevelvoerders gegee.

By die uitvoering van hul beplanning moes die geallieerde militêre strateë die politieke situasie in Noord -Afrika, wat ingewikkeld was, sowel as eksterne diplomatieke politieke aspekte in ag neem. Die Amerikaners het Petain en die Vichy-regering in 1940 erken, terwyl die Britte nie die vrye Franse ballingsregering van generaal de Gaulle erken het nie en het ingestem om dit te finansier. Noord -Afrika was deel van Frankryk se koloniale ryk en nominaal ter ondersteuning van Vichy, maar die steun was ver van universeel onder die bevolking. [14]

Politieke gebeure op die terrein het bygedra tot, en in sommige gevalle was dit selfs primêr, militêre aspekte. Die Franse bevolking in Noord -Afrika is in drie groepe verdeel: [14]

  1. Gaulliste - Charles de Gaulle was die byeenkomspunt vir die Franse Nasionale Komitee [a] Dit het Franse vlugtelinge behels wat metropolitaanse Frankryk ontsnap het, eerder as om voor die Duitsers te swig, of diegene wat gebly het en by die verset aangesluit het. Een akoliet, generaal Leclerc, het 'n vegmag georganiseer en in 1943 aanvalle uitgevoer op 'n pad van 2 600 km van Tsjadmeer na Tripoli en op 25 Januarie 1943 saam met generaal Montgomery se agt weermag. [14]
  2. Franse bevrydingsbeweging - 'n paar Franse mans wat in Noord -Afrika woon en in die geheim onder Duitse toesig werk, organiseer 'n ondergrondse 'Franse bevrydingsbeweging', met die doel om Frankryk te bevry. Generaal Henri Giraud, wat onlangs uit Duitsland ontsnap het, het later die leier geword. Die persoonlike botsing tussen de Gaulle en Giraud het die Vrye Franse magte en die Franse bevrydingsbewegings verhinder om tydens die Noord -Afrikaanse veldtog (Torch) te verenig. [14]
  3. Lojale pro-Vichy Frans-daar was diegene wat lojaal was aan maarskalk Petain en geglo het dat samewerking met die asmagte die beste metode was om die toekoms van Frankryk te verseker. Darlan was die aangewese opvolger van Petain. [14]

Amerikaanse strategie by die beplanning van die aanval moes hierdie kompleksiteite ter plaatse in ag neem. Die beplanners het aanvaar dat as die leiers geallieerde militêre steun sou kry, hulle stappe sou neem om hulself te bevry, en die VSA onderneem onderhandelinge onder Amerikaanse konsul -generaal Robert Murphy in Rabat met die Franse Bevrydingsbeweging. Aangesien Brittanje reeds diplomaties en finansieel toegewyd was aan De Gaulle, was dit duidelik dat onderhandelings met die Franse bevrydingsbeweging deur die Amerikaners gevoer moes word, asook die inval. As gevolg van verdeelde lojaliteit onder die groepe op die grond, was hul steun onseker, en as gevolg van die behoefte om geheimhouding te handhaaf, kon gedetailleerde planne nie met die Franse gedeel word nie. [14]

Geallieerde planne Redigeer

Beplanners het Oran, Algiers en Casablanca as die belangrikste doelwitte geïdentifiseer. Ideaal gesproke sou daar ook in Tunis geland word om Tunisië te beveilig en die vinnige interdik van voorrade wat via Tripoli na Rommel se magte in Libië reis, te vergemaklik. Tunis was egter veel te naby aan die Axis -vliegvelde in Sicilië en Sardinië vir enige hoop op sukses. 'N Kompromis sou wees om by Bône (Annaba) in die ooste van Algerië te land, ongeveer 480 myl nader aan Tunis as Algiers. Beperkte hulpbronne het bepaal dat die Geallieerdes slegs drie landings kon doen en Eisenhower - wat geglo het dat enige plan landings by Oran en Algiers moet insluit - het twee hoofopsies: óf die westelike opsie, om te land in Casablanca, Oran en Algiers en dan so vinnig te maak 'n skuif as moontlik na Tunis ongeveer 800 myl (800 km) oos van Algiers sodra die Vichy -opposisie onderdruk is of die oostelike opsie, om by Oran, Algiers en Bône te land en dan oor die land te beweeg na Casablanca, ongeveer 800 km wes van Oran. Hy bevoordeel die oostelike opsie vanweë die voordele wat dit inhou vir 'n vroeë verowering van Tunis en ook omdat die Atlantiese opswel van Casablanca aansienlik groter risiko's inhou vir 'n amfibiese landing daar as wat in die Middellandse See teëgekom sou word.

Die gekombineerde stafhoofde was egter bekommerd dat indien Operasie Torch Spanje laat neerslaan om neutraliteit te laat vaar en by die as aan te sluit, die Straat van Gibraltar gesluit kan word om die hele kommunikasie van die geallieerde mag te sny. Daarom het hulle die Casablanca -opsie as die minder riskante gekies, aangesien die magte in Algerië en Tunisië van Casablanca (hoewel met groot moeite) van die land af voorsien kon word in die geval van die sluiting van die seestraat. [15]

Marshall se opposisie teen Fakkel het die landings met byna 'n maand vertraag, en sy opposisie teen landings in Algerië het Britse leiers laat twyfel oor sy strategiese vermoë wat die koninklike vloot die Straat van Gibraltar beheer, en dit is onwaarskynlik dat Spanje ingryp omdat Franco sy verbintenis afskerm. Die landings in Marokko het die vroeë besetting van Tunisië uitgesluit. Eisenhower het dit aan Patton gesê die afgelope ses weke was die moeilikste in sy lewe. [16] In die aanvaarding van Eisenhower van landings in Algerië en Marokko, het hy daarop gewys dat die besluit die vroeë verowering van Tunis van die waarskynlike tot slegs die afstand moontlik verwyder het vanweë die ekstra tyd wat dit die Axis sou toelaat om kragte na Tunisië te skuif. [17]

Intelligensie -insameling Redigeer

In Julie 1941 het Mieczysław Słowikowski (met die kodenaam "Rygor"—Polish for" Rigor ") stig" Agency Africa ", een van die suksesvolste intelligensie -organisasies van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog. [18] Sy Poolse bondgenote in hierdie pogings was onder andere luitenant -kolonel Gwido Langer en majoor Maksymilian Ciężki. deur die Agentskap is deur die Amerikaners en Britte gebruik vir die beplanning van die amfibiese landing in November 1942, Operation Torch [19] [20] in Noord -Afrika.

Voorlopige kontak met Vichy French Edit

Om die gevoel van die Franse Vichy -magte te bepaal, is Murphy aangestel by die Amerikaanse konsulaat in Algerië. Sy geheime missie was om die stemming van die Franse magte te bepaal en kontak te maak met elemente wat 'n geallieerde inval kan ondersteun. Hy het daarin geslaag om verskeie Franse offisiere te kontak, waaronder generaal Charles Mast, die Franse opperbevelhebber in Algiers.

Hierdie beamptes was bereid om die Geallieerdes te ondersteun, maar het gevra vir 'n klandestiene konferensie met 'n senior geallieerde generaal in Algerië. Generaal -majoor Mark W. Clark - een van Eisenhower se senior bevelvoerders - is aan boord van die Britse duikboot HMS na Cherchell in Algerië gestuur Seraf en het op 21 Oktober 1942 met hierdie Franse offisiere van Vichy vergader.

Met hulp van die verset het die geallieerdes ook daarin geslaag om die Franse generaal Henri Giraud uit Vichy Frankryk op HMS te laat glip Seraf—Homself as 'n Amerikaanse duikboot [21] na Gibraltar, waar Eisenhower sy hoofkwartier gehad het, bedoel om hom ná die inval die pos van opperbevelhebber van die Franse magte in Noord -Afrika aan te bied. Giraud sou egter geen laer posisie inneem as die opperbevelhebber van al die indringermagte nie, 'n werk wat reeds aan Eisenhower gegee is. [22] Toe hy geweier word, het hy besluit om "'n toeskouer in hierdie aangeleentheid" te bly. [23]

Die Geallieerdes het drie amfibiese taakgroepe georganiseer om gelyktydig beslag te lê op die belangrikste hawens en lughawens in Marokko en Algerië, met die doel Casablanca, Oran en Algiers. Die suksesvolle afhandeling van hierdie operasies sou gevolg word deur 'n oostelike opmars na Tunisië.

'N Westerse taakmag (gemik op Casablanca) was saamgestel uit Amerikaanse eenhede, met generaal -majoor George S. Patton in bevel en admiraal Henry Kent Hewitt aan die hoof van die vlootoperasies. Hierdie Western Task Force het bestaan ​​uit die Amerikaanse 3de en 9de Infanteriedivisie en twee bataljons van die Amerikaanse 2de Pantserdivisie - 35 000 troepe in 'n konvooi van meer as 100 skepe. Hulle is direk uit die Verenigde State vervoer in die eerste van 'n nuwe reeks UG -konvooie wat logistieke ondersteuning bied vir die Noord -Afrikaanse veldtog. [24]

Die Center Task Force, gemik op Oran, het die Amerikaanse 2de Bataljon, 509ste Valskerm Infanterieregiment, die Amerikaanse 1ste Infanteriedivisie en die Amerikaanse 1ste Pantserdivisie ingesluit - 'n totaal van 18 500 troepe. Hulle vaar uit die Verenigde Koninkryk en word onder bevel van generaal -majoor Lloyd Fredendall, die vlootmagte onder bevel van kommodoor Thomas Troubridge.

Fakkel was, vir propaganda doeleindes, 'n landing deur Amerikaanse magte, ondersteun deur Britse oorlogskepe en vliegtuie, onder die oortuiging dat dit meer smaaklik sou wees vir die Franse openbare mening as 'n Anglo-Amerikaanse inval. Om dieselfde rede het Churchill voorgestel dat Britse soldate uniforms van die Amerikaanse weermag mag dra, hoewel daar geen bewyse is dat hierdie taktiek geïmplementeer is nie. [25] (Fleet Air Arm -vliegtuie het wel Amerikaanse "ster" -rondels gedra tydens die operasie, [26] en twee Britse vernietigers het die Stars and Stripes gevlieg. [25]) In werklikheid is die Eastern Task Force - gemik op Algiers - beveel deur luitenant-generaal Kenneth Anderson en bestaan ​​uit 'n brigade van die Britse 78ste en die 34ste infanteriedivisies van die VSA, saam met twee Britse kommando-eenhede (nr. 1 en nommer 6 kommando's), saam met die RAF-regiment wat 5 eskaders infanterie en 5 Ligte vliegtuigvlugte, in totaal 20 000 troepe. Tydens die landingsfase sou grondmagte onder bevel wees van die Amerikaanse generaal-majoor Charles W. Ryder, kommandant-generaal (CG) van die 34ste afdeling en vlootmagte onder bevel van die vise-admiraal van die Royal Navy Sir Harold Burrough.

U-bote, wat in die oostelike Atlantiese gebied bedrywig was deur die invalskonvooie, is weggetrek om die handelskonvooi SL 125 aan te val. [27] Lugoperasies is in twee bevele verdeel, met Britse vliegtuie onder lugmaarskalk Sir William Welsh wat oos van die operasie was. Cape Tenez in Algerië, en alle Amerikaanse vliegtuie onder generaal -majoor Jimmy Doolittle, wat onder die direkte bevel van generaal -majoor Patton was, wat wes van Cape Tenez was. P-40's van die 33rd Fighter Group is van die US Navy se loodsdraers gelanseer en op 10 November by Port Lyautey geland. Die lugdiens USS het ekstra lugondersteuning verskaf Ranger, wie se eskaders Vichy -vliegtuie onderskep en vyandige skepe gebombardeer het.

Casablanca Edit

Die Western Task Force het op 8 November 1942 voor dagbreek geland, op drie punte in Marokko: Safi (operasie Blackstone), Fedala (operasie Brushwood, die grootste landing met 19 000 man), en Mehdiya-Port Lyautey (operasie Goalpost). Omdat die hoop was dat die Franse dit nie sou weerstaan ​​nie, was daar geen voorlopige bombardemente nie. Dit blyk 'n duur fout te wees, aangesien die Franse verdediging die Amerikaanse landmagte sterk geëis het. In die nag van 7 November het pro-geallieerde generaal Antoine Béthouart probeer om staatsgreep teen die Franse bevel in Marokko, sodat hy hom die volgende dag aan die Geallieerdes kon oorgee. Sy magte omring die villa van generaal Charles Noguès, die Vichy-lojale hoë kommissaris. Noguès bel egter lojale magte wat die staatsgreep gestaak het. Boonop het die staatsgreeppoging Noguès gewaarsku oor die dreigende inval van die Geallieerde, en hy het die Franse kusverdediging onmiddellik versterk.

By Safi, met die doel om die hawefasiliteite te vang om die medium tenks van die Western Task Force te laat land, was die landings meestal suksesvol. [28] Die landings is begin sonder om vuur te bedek, in die hoop dat die Franse glad nie sou weerstaan ​​nie. Nadat die Franse kusbatterye egter losgebrand het, het die geallieerde oorlogskepe die vuur teruggeskiet. Teen die tyd dat die 3de Bataljon, 67ste Pantserregiment aangekom het, het Franse skerpskutters die aanvalstroepe (waarvan die meeste vir die eerste keer in die geveg was) op Safi se strande vasgemaak. Die meeste van die landings het agter skedule plaasgevind. Vervoervliegtuie het 'n Franse vragmotor konvooi vernietig wat versterkings na die strandverdediging gebring het. Safi het die middag van 8 November oorgegee. Teen 10 November is die oorblywende verdedigers vasgemaak, en die grootste deel van Harmon se magte jaag om by die beleg van Casablanca aan te sluit.

By Port-Lyautey was die landingstroepe onseker oor hul posisie, en die tweede golf is vertraag. Dit het die Franse verdedigers tyd gegee om weerstand te organiseer, en die oorblywende landings is onder artillerie -bombardement uitgevoer. Met die hulp van lugondersteuning deur die draers, het die troepe vorentoe gestoot en die doelwitte is bereik. By Fedala het die weer die landings ontwrig. Die landingsstrande het ná dagbreek weer onder Franse vuur gekom. Patton het om 08:00 geland, en die strandkoppe is later die dag beveilig. Die Amerikaners het die hawe van Casablanca teen 10 November omring, en die stad het oorgegee 'n uur voordat die laaste aanval sou plaasvind. Casablanca was die belangrikste Franse Atlantiese vlootbasis na die Duitse besetting van die Europese kus. Die Seestryd by Casablanca was die gevolg van 'n verskeidenheid Franse kruisers, vernietigers en duikbote wat die landings teëgestaan ​​het. 'N Kruiser, ses vernietigers en ses duikbote is deur Amerikaanse geweervuur ​​en vliegtuie vernietig. Die onvolledige Franse slagskip Jean Bart-wat vasgemaak en onbeweeglik was-op die landingsmag geskiet met haar een werkende geweertoring totdat dit uitgeskakel is deur die 16-duim-kaliber Amerikaanse vlootgeweer van die USS Massachusetts, die eerste sulke harde kaliber skulpe wat oral in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog deur die Amerikaanse vloot afgevuur is. Twee Amerikaanse vernietigers is beskadig.

Oran Edit

Die Center Task Force is verdeel tussen drie strande, twee wes van Oran en een oos. Landings op die westelikste strand is vertraag weens 'n Franse konvooi wat verskyn het terwyl die myneveërs 'n pad oopmaak. 'N Paar vertragings en verwarring en skade aan landingskepe is veroorsaak deur die onverwagte vlakheid van water en sandbanke, alhoewel periskoopwaarnemings uitgevoer is, het geen verkenningspartye op die strande geland om die plaaslike maritieme toestande te bepaal nie. Dit het gehelp om latere amfibiese aanvalle in te lig-soos Operation Overlord-waarin aansienlike gewig gegee is aan verkenning voor die inval.

Die Amerikaanse 1ste Ranger -bataljon het oos van Oran geland en vinnig die walbattery by Arzew gevang. Daar is gepoog om Amerikaanse infanterie direk by die hawe te laat land om vinnig die vernietiging van die hawe -fasiliteite en die skepping van skepe te voorkom. Operasie Reservis het misluk, soos die twee Banff-klas sloepe is vernietig deur kruisvuur van die Franse vaartuie daar. Die Vichy Franse vloot het uit die hawe gebreek en die geallieerde invlootvloot aangeval, maar sy skepe is almal gesink of aan wal gedryf. [29] Die bevelvoerder van Reservis, kaptein Frederick Thornton Peters, is met die Victoria -kruis bekroon vir dapperheid om die aanval deur die hawe van Oran te stoot ten spyte van 'n blote vuur. [30] [31] Franse batterye en die invalsvloot het gedurende 8–9 November vuur uitgeruil, met Franse troepe wat Oran en die omliggende gebied verdedig het wat hardnekkig gebombardeer is deur die Britse slagskepe wat Oran op 9 November oorgegee het.

Landings in die lug Wysig

Fakkel was die eerste groot lugaanval wat deur die Verenigde State uitgevoer is. Die 2de Bataljon, 509ste Parachute Infanterieregiment, aan boord van 39 C-47 Dakotas, het van Cornwall in Engeland, oor Spanje, gevlieg om naby Oran te val en vliegvelde by Tafraoui en La Sénia, onderskeidelik 24 km en 5, te verower. myl (8 km) suid van Oran. [32] Die operasie is gekenmerk deur kommunikasie- en navigasieprobleme as gevolg van die lugweer- en bakensskip HMS Alynbank uitsaai op die verkeerde frekwensie. [33] Swak weer oor Spanje en die uiterste omvang het veroorsaak dat die formasie verstrooi is en 30 van die 37 lugtransporte genoodsaak het om in die droë soutmeer ten weste van die doelwit te land. [34] Van die ander vliegtuie het een vlieënier gedesoriënteerd geraak en sy vliegtuig in Gibraltar geland. Twee ander het in Frans Marokko geland en drie in Spaanse Marokko, waar 'n ander Dakota per ongeluk sy valskermsoldate laat val het. Altesaam 67 Amerikaanse troepe is tot Februarie 1943 deur Franco se magte geïnterneer. Tafraoui en La Sénia is uiteindelik gevange geneem, maar die rol wat die lugmag speel in Operasie Torch was minimaal. [33] [35]

Algiers wysig

Weerstand en staatsgreep Wysig

Soos ooreengekom by Cherchell, het die 400 hoofsaaklik Joodse Franse versetstryders van die Géo Gras -groep in die vroeë oggendure van 8 November 'n staatsgreep in die stad Algiers uitgevoer. [36] Vanaf middernag het die mag onder bevel van Henri d'Astier de la Vigerie en José Aboulker beslag gelê op belangrike teikens, waaronder die telefooncentrale, radiostasie, goewerneurshuis en die hoofkwartier van die 19de Korps.

Robert Murphy het 'n paar mans geneem en toe na die woning van generaal Alphonse Juin, die senior Franse weermagoffisier in Noord -Afrika, gery. Terwyl hulle sy huis omring het (wat Juin as gyselaar maak) het Murphy probeer om hom te oorreed om by die Geallieerdes te staan. Juin is verras: admiraal François Darlan - die bevelvoerder van alle Franse magte - was ook op besoek aan Algiers. Juin dring daarop aan om Darlan te kontak, en Murphy kon nie een van die twee bondgenote oorreed nie. Vroegoggend het die plaaslike Gendarmerie aangekom en Juin en Darlan vrygelaat.

Invasie wysig

Op 8 November 1942 het die inval begin met landings op drie strande - twee wes van Algiers en een oos. Die landingsmagte was onder die algemene bevel van generaal-majoor Charles W. Ryder, bevelvoerende generaal van die Amerikaanse 34ste Infanteriedivisie. Die 11de Brigade Groep van die Britse 78ste Infanteriedivisie het op die regterstrand geland die Amerikaanse 168ste Regimentele Gevegspan, van die 34ste Infanteriedivisie, ondersteun deur 6 Kommando en die meeste van 1 Kommando, geland op die middelste strand en die Amerikaanse 39ste Regimentele Geveg Span, ook van die Amerikaanse 34ste Infanteriedivisie, ondersteun deur die oorblywende 5 troepe van 1 kommando, het op die linker strand geland. Die 36ste Brigade Groep van die Britse 78ste Infanteriedivisie het in 'n drywende reservaat gestaan. [37] Alhoewel sommige landings na die verkeerde strande gegaan het, was dit vanweë die gebrek aan Franse opposisie onbelangrik. Al die kusbatterye is deur die Franse verset geneutraliseer en een Franse bevelvoerder het na die geallieerdes oorgeloop. Die enigste gevegte het plaasgevind in die hawe van Algiers, waar twee operasionele vernietigers in Operation Terminal probeer het om 'n party van die Amerikaanse weermag Rangers direk op die beskuldigdebank te laat beland, om te voorkom dat die Franse die hawe geriewe vernietig en hul skepe afskud. Swaar artillerievuur het die een vernietiger verhinder om te land, maar die ander kon 250 Rangers afklim voordat dit ook terug see toe gery is. [29] Die Amerikaanse troepe het vinnig binnelands ingestoot en generaal Juin het die stad om 18:00 aan die Geallieerdes oorgegee.

Politieke resultate Redigeer

Dit het vinnig duidelik geword dat Giraud nie die gesag gehad het om die bevel oor die Franse magte te neem nie. Hy verkies om in Gibraltar te wag vir die uitslae van die landing. Darlan in Algiers het egter so 'n gesag gehad. Eisenhower het met die steun van Roosevelt en Churchill 'n ooreenkoms met Darlan aangegaan en hom erken as die Franse 'hoë kommissaris' in Noord -Afrika. In ruil daarvoor beveel Darlan alle Franse magte in Noord -Afrika om die weerstand teen die Geallieerdes te staak en eerder saam te werk. Die ooreenkoms is op 10 November aangegaan en die Franse verset het byna onmiddellik opgehou. Die Franse troepe in Noord -Afrika wat nog nie gevang is nie, het hulle by die Geallieerde magte aangesluit en uiteindelik aangesluit. [38] Manne uit Frans -Noord -Afrika sou baie gevegte onder die geallieerde vaandel sien as deel van die Franse ekspedisiekorps (bestaande uit 112 000 troepe in April 1944) in die Italiaanse veldtog, waar Maghrebis (meestal Marokkane) meer as 60% van die eenheid se soldate. [39]

Toe Adolf Hitler verneem van Darlan se ooreenkoms met die Geallieerdes, beveel hy onmiddellik die besetting van Vichy Frankryk en stuur troepe na Tunisië. Die Amerikaanse pers protesteer en noem dit onmiddellik die 'Darlan Deal' en wys daarop dat Roosevelt 'n brutale winskopie met Hitler se marionette in Frankryk gemaak het. As 'n hoofdoel van die fakkel oorspronklik die bevryding van Noord -Afrika was, is dit ure later gestamp ten gunste van 'n veilige deurgang deur Noord -Afrika. Giraud het uiteindelik die pos oorgeneem toe Darlan ses weke later vermoor is. [40]

Die Eisenhower/Darlan -ooreenkoms het beteken dat die amptenare wat deur die Vichy -regime aangestel is, aan bewind sou bly in Noord -Afrika. Geen rol is voorsien aan Free France, wat veronderstel was om die Franse ballingskap te wees en in ander Franse kolonies die leiding geneem het nie. Dit het Charles de Gaulle, die hoof van Vrye Frankryk, ernstig beledig. Dit het ook baie van die Britse en Amerikaanse publiek beledig, wat alle Vichy -Franse as Nazi -medewerkers beskou het en Darlan as een van die ergste. Eisenhower het egter volgehou dat hy geen werklike keuse gehad het as sy magte teen die as in Tunisië sou voortgaan nie, eerder as om die Franse in Algerië en Marokko te beveg.

Alhoewel de Gaulle geen amptelike mag in Vichy in Noord -Afrika gehad het nie, verklaar 'n groot deel van die bevolking nou in die openbaar die vrye trou van Frankryk en plaas dit druk op Darlan. Op 24 Desember vermoor Fernand Bonnier de La Chapelle, 'n Franse versetstryder en anti-fascistiese monargis, Darlan. (Bonnier de La Chapelle is ter plaatse gearresteer en twee dae later tereggestel.)

Giraud het Darlan opgevolg, maar het net soos hy 'n paar van die Vichy -amptenare vervang. Hy het selfs beveel dat die leiers van die staatsgreep van Algiers van 8 November gearresteer word, sonder die teenkanting van Murphy.

Die Franse Noord -Afrikaanse regering het geleidelik aktief geword in die Geallieerde oorlogspoging. Die beperkte Franse troepe in Tunisië het nie weerstaan ​​dat Duitse troepe wat deur die lug kom, admiraal Esteva, die bevelvoerder, die bevele van Vichy gehoorsaam het nie. Die Duitsers het die vliegvelde daarheen geneem en meer troepe ingebring. Die Franse troepe het na die weste teruggetrek en binne 'n paar dae teen die Duitsers begin skermuts, aangemoedig deur klein Amerikaanse en Britse afdelings wat die gebied bereik het. Alhoewel dit 'n minimale militêre effek gehad het, het dit die Franse aan die geallieerde kant verbind. Later is alle Franse magte uit aksie onttrek en behoorlik toegerus deur die Geallieerdes.

Giraud ondersteun dit, maar verkies ook om die ou Vichy -administrasie in Noord -Afrika in stand te hou. Onder druk van die Geallieerdes en die ondersteuners van de Gaulle, het die Franse regime verander, met Vichy -amptenare wat geleidelik vervang is en die meer offensiewe bevele daarvan herroep is. In Junie 1943 het Giraud en de Gaulle ooreengekom om saam met lede van die Noord -Afrikaanse regering en die Franse nasionale komitee van die Gaulle die Franse komitee vir nasionale bevryding (CFLN) te vorm. In November 1943 word de Gaulle hoof van die CFLN en de jure regeringshoof van Frankryk en is erken deur die VSA en Brittanje.

In 'n ander politieke uitkoms van Torch (en op bevel van Darlan) het die voorheen-Vichyitiese regering van Frans-Wes-Afrika by die Geallieerdes aangesluit.

Militêre gevolge Redigeer

Toulon Edit

Een van die bepalings van die Tweede wapenstilstand in Compiègne waarop die Duitsers ooreengekom het, was dat Suid -Frankryk vry sou bly van die Duitse besetting en deur Vichy beheer word. Die gebrek aan vasberade weerstand van die Vichy -Franse teen die Geallieerde invalle van Noord -Afrika en die nuwe beleid van de Gaulle in Noord -Afrika het die Duitsers oortuig dat Frankryk nie vertrou kan word nie. Boonop het die Anglo-Amerikaanse teenwoordigheid in Frans-Noord-Afrika die enigste werklike rede waarom die hele Frankryk nie beset is nie, ongeldig gemaak, aangesien dit die enigste praktiese manier was om die Geallieerdes die gebruik van die Franse kolonies te ontken. Die Duitsers en die Italianers het Suid -Frankryk onmiddellik beset, en Duitse troepe het vanaf 10 November die Franse vloot in die hawe van Toulon in beslag geneem. Die vlootsterkte van die as in die Middellandse See sou aansienlik groter gewees het as die Duitsers daarin geslaag het om die Franse skepe in beslag te neem, maar elke belangrike skip is deur die Franse vloot by die hawe neergestort voordat die Duitsers dit kon neem.

Tunisië Redigeer

Na die Duitse en Italiaanse besetting van Vichy Frankryk en hul mislukte poging om die Franse vloot by Toulon (Operasie Lila) te vang, het die Franse Armée d'Afrique aan die kant van die Geallieerdes, wat 'n derde korps (XIX Corps) vir Anderson verskaf. Elders, Franse oorlogskepe, soos die slagskip Richelieu, het weer by die Geallieerdes aangesluit.

Op 9 November het die as -magte begin opbou in Frans -Tunisië, onbestrede deur die plaaslike Franse magte onder generaal Barré. Barré, wat besluiteloos was, het sy troepe die heuwels ingeskuif en 'n verdedigingslinie van Teboursouk deur Medjez el Bab gevorm en beveel dat enigiemand wat deur die lyn wou gaan, geskiet sou word. Op 19 November het die Duitse bevelvoerder, Walter Nehring, deurgang vir sy troepe oor die brug by Medjez geëis en is geweier. The Germans attacked the poorly-equipped French units twice and were driven back. The French had suffered many casualties and lacking artillery and armour, Barré was forced to withdraw. [41]

After consolidating in Algeria, the Allies began the Tunisia Campaign. Elements of the First Army (Lieutenant-General Kenneth Anderson), came to within 40 mi (64 km) of Tunis before a counterattack at Djedeida thrust them back. In January 1943, German and Italian troops under Generalfeldmarschall Erwin Rommel, retreating westward from Libya, reached Tunisia.

The Eighth Army (Lieutenant-General Bernard Montgomery) advancing from the east, stopped around Tripoli while the port was repaired to disembark reinforcements and build up the Allied advantage. In the west, the forces of the First Army came under attack at the end of January, were forced back from the Faïd Pass and suffered a reversal at the Battle of Sidi Bou Zid on 14–15 February. Axis forces pushed on to Sbeitla and then fought the Battle of Kasserine Pass on 19 February, where the US II Corps retreated in disarray until Allied reinforcements halted the Axis advance on 22 February. Fredendall was sacked and replaced by George Patton.

General Sir Harold Alexander arrived in Tunisia in late February to take charge of the new 18th Army Group headquarters, which had been created to command the Eighth Army and the Allied forces already fighting in Tunisia. The Axis forces attacked eastward at the Battle of Medenine on 6 March but were easily repulsed by the Eighth Army. Rommel advised Hitler to allow a full retreat to a defensible line but was denied and on 9 March, Rommel left Tunisia to be replaced by Jürgen von Arnim, who had to spread his forces over 100 mi (160 km) of northern Tunisia.

The setbacks at Kasserine forced the Allies to consolidate their forces, develop their lines of communication and administration before another offensive. The First and Eighth Armies attacked again in April. Hard fighting followed but the Allies cut off the Germans and Italians from support by naval and air forces between Tunisia and Sicily. On 6 May, as the culmination of Operation Vulcan, the British took Tunis and American forces reached Bizerte. By 13 May, the Axis forces in Tunisia had surrendered, opening the way for the Allied invasion of Sicily in July.

Despite Operation Torch's role in the war and logistical success, it has been largely overlooked in many popular histories of the war and in general cultural influence. [42] Die ekonoom speculated that to be because French forces were the initial enemies of the landing, making for a difficult fit into the war's overall narrative in general histories. [42]

The operation was America's first armed deployment in the Arab world since the Barbary Wars and, according to Die ekonoom, laid the foundations for America's postwar Middle East policy. [42]


Barbary Pirates and English Slaves

For over 300 years, the coastlines of the south west of England were at the mercy of Barbary pirates (corsairs) from the coast of North Africa, based mainly in the ports of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli. Their number included not only North Africans but also English and Dutch privateers. Their aim was to capture slaves for the Arab slave markets in North Africa.

The Barbary pirates attacked and plundered not only those countries bordering the Mediterranean but as far north as the English Channel, Ireland, Scotland and Iceland, with the western coast of England almost being raided at will.

Partly as a result of an inadequate naval deterrent, by the early 17th century the situation was so bad that an entry in the Calendar of State Papers in May 1625 stated, ‘The Turks are upon our coasts. They take ships only to take the men to make slaves of them.’

Barbary pirates raided on land as well as at sea. In August 1625 corsairs raided Mount’s Bay, Cornwall, capturing 60 men, women and children and taking them into slavery. In 1626 St Keverne was repeatedly attacked, and boats out of Looe, Penzance, Mousehole and other Cornish ports were boarded, their crews taken captive and the empty ships left to drift. It was feared that there were around 60 Barbary men-of-war prowling the Devon and Cornish coasts and attacks were now occurring almost daily.

Sir John Eliot, Vice Admiral of Devon, declared that the seas around England “seem’d theirs.”

The situation was so bad that in December 1640 a Committee for Algiers was set up by Parliament to oversee the ransoming of captives. At that time it was reported that there were some 3,000 to 5,000 English people in captivity in Algiers. Charities were also set up to help ransom the captives and local fishing communities clubbed together to raise money to liberate their own.

In 1645, another raid by Barbary pirates on the Cornish coast saw 240 men, women and children kidnapped. The following year Parliament sent Edmund Cason to Algiers to negotiate the ransom and release of English captives. He paid on average £30 per man (women were more expensive to ransom) and managed to free some 250 people before he ran out of money. Cason spent the last 8 years of his life trying to arrange the release of a further 400.

By the 1650s the attacks were so frequent that they threatened England’s fishing industry with fishermen reluctant to put to sea, leaving their families unprotected ashore.

Oliver Cromwell decided to take action and decreed that any captured corsairs should be taken to Bristol and slowly drowned. Lundy Island, where pirates from the Republic of Salé had made their base, was attacked and bombarded, but despite this, the corsairs continued to mount raids on the coastal towns and villages in Cornwall, Devon and Dorset.

Those kidnapped would be sent to the slave markets of the Ottoman Empire to be bought as labourers or concubines, or pressed into the galleys where they would man the oars. The Spanish novelist Miguel de Cervantes, author of ‘Don Quixote’, was a captive in Algiers between 1575 and 1580, when he was ransomed by his parents and the Trinitarians, a Catholic religious order.

The Barbary slave trade even features in Samuel Pepys’ diary, in an entry from 8th February 1661:

‘…went to the Fleece Tavern to drink and there we spent till four o’clock, telling stories of Algiers, and the manner of the life of slaves there! And truly Captn. Mootham and Mr. Dawes (who have been both slaves there) did make me fully acquainted with their condition there: as, how they eat nothing but bread and water. … How they are beat upon the soles of their feet and bellies at the liberty of their padron. How they are all, at night, called into their master’s Bagnard and there they lie. How the poorest men do use their slaves best. How some rogues do live well, if they do invent to bring their masters in so much a week by their industry or theft and then they are put to no other work at all. And theft there is counted no great crime at all…’

Something had to be done. In 1675 Sir John Narborough, backed by a Royal Navy squadron, managed to negotiate a peace with Tunis. A heavy naval bombardment by the British then brought about a similar peace with Tripoli.

Algiers was also attacked from the sea, not only by British warships but also by the French and Spanish. The United States fought two wars against the Barbary States of North Africa: the First Barbary War of 1801–1805 and the Second Barbary War, 1815 – 1816. Finally after an attack by the British and Dutch in 1816 more than 4,000 Christian slaves were liberated and the power of the Barbary pirates was broken.


Offer of Charles V

Seeing his extraordinary skills in capturing and conquering regions after regions, Emperor Charles V offered fascinating positions to Barbarossa including the ruler of Spanish territories in North Africa and Chief admiral of the Spanish fleet. Barbarossa declined the offer.

This enraged the emperor and he laid siege to the corsair state of Algiers to end the constant threat to Spanish territories and Christian ships in the Mediterranean. However, because of terrible weather and incompatible season for the naval battles, the fleets led by Andrea Doria and Hernán Cortés failed to influence the emperor to change his decision of battle.

Thus Andrea Doria and his forces couldn’t bear the violent storms of the Mediterranean and took his fleet to open water to avoid any unfortunate events. However, much of the Charles forces fought on the ground with Barbarossa’s forces but failed to conquer them. Thus, Charles’s forces were evacuated, and the decision of ending Barbarossa’s rule backfired with a shame of withdrawing and supposedly defeat.


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Setting the Record Straight: White Europeans Were Captured and Traded as Slaves for Centuries

The Barbary Coast increased in influence in the 15th century, when the Ottoman Empire took over as rulers of the area. Coupled with this was an influx of Sephardi Jews and Moorish refugees, newly expelled from Spain after the Reconquista. These markets prospered while the states were nominally under Ottoman suzerainty, but in reality they were mostly autonomous.

Many Muslim ship captains who raided Spanish coastal cities were Jewish. The most important of these was Sinan, called “The Great Jew,” who would later be called the Muslim name of Kaptan Pasha. He was the leader of Barbarossa’s Muslim fleet. He captured Tunis from Spain in 1534. Much of the Spanish fleet was destroyed by Sinan in 1538. Meanwhile, Portuguese Jews (Morranos) were rearming Turkish Muslims. One of Sinan’s biggest operations was ravaging coastal Catholic districts of South Italy and Sicily in 1553 and hauling off tens of thousands of slaves.

The second major Jewish pirate was Samuel Palache and his brother (aka the “Pirate Merchants”), who left Spain and settled in Fez Morroco. He operated out of Tetuan, a pirate port infestation astride the Strait of Gibraltar.

With Ottoman protection and a host of destitute immigrants, the coastline soon became reputed for piracy. Crews from the seized ships were either enslaved or ransomed. Between 1580 and 1680, Barbary had around 15,000 active renegados or slave raiders.

The power and influence of these pirates during this time was such that nations, including the United States, paid tribute in order to stave off their attacks.

The white slave trade actually pre-dates the Reconquista. The Black Moors were Muslim inhabitants of the Maghreb, the Iberian Peninsula, Sicily and Malta during the Middle Ages. The Moors were initially of Berber and Arab descent.

In 711, the Muslim Moors invaded the Iberian Peninsula from North Africa and called the territory Al-Andalus, which at its peak included most of modern-day Spain, Portugal and Septimania. The Moors occupied Mazara on Sicily in 827, developing it as a port, and they eventually consolidated the rest of the island and some of southern Italy.

Differences in religion and culture led to a centuries-long conflict with the Christian kingdoms of Europe, which tried to reclaim control of Muslim areas. This conflict was referred to as the Reconquista. Spain was reunited under Christian rule in 1492.

The original indigenous Barbary Berbers were dark-brown peoples of the Sahara and the Sahel, mainly those called Fulani, Tugareg, Zenagha of Southern Morocco, Kunta and Tebbu of the Sahel countries, as well as other dark-brown Arabs now living in Mauretania and throughout the Sahel, including the Trarza of Mauretania and Senegal, the Mogharba as well as dozens of other Sudanese tribes, the Chaamba of Chad and Algeria.

These dark skinned peoples were also integral as slavers in the black slave trade to the Americas. They captured and brought the slaves to coastal trading outposts.

Anthropologist Dana Reynolds traced the African roots of the original North African peoples through a dozen Greek and Byzantine (neo-Roman writers) from the first to the sixth century A.D.

“They describe the Berber population of Northern Africa as dark-skinned and woolly-haired,” she said.

Among these writers who wrote about the Berbers were Martial, Silius Italicus, Corippus and Procopius.

In 1544, the island of Ischia off Naples was ransacked by Africans, taking 4,000 inhabitants prisoners, while some 9,000 inhabitants of Lipari Island off the north coast of Sicily were enslaved.

Turgut Reis, a Turkish pirate chief, ransacked the coastal settlements of Granada (Spain) in 1663 and carried away 4,000 people as slaves.

Paul Baepler’s “White Slaves, African Masters: An Anthology of American Barbary Captivity Narratives” lists a collection of essays by nine American captives held in North Africa.

According to Baepler, there were more than 20,000 white Christian slaves by 1620 in Algiers alone. Their number swelled to more than 30,000 men and 2,000 women by the 1630s.

There were a minimum of 25,000 white slaves at any time in Sultan Moulay Ismail’s palace, records Ahmed ez-Zayyani.

Algiers maintained a population of 25,000 white slaves between 1550 and 1730, and their numbers could double at certain times.

During the same period, Tunis and Tripoli each maintained a white slave population of about 7,500.

The Barbary pirates enslaved some 5,000 Europeans annually over a period of nearly three centuries.

In the first years of the 19th century, the United States, allied with European nations, fought and won the first and the second Barbary Wars against the Barbary pirates. The wars were a direct response of the American, British, French and the Dutch states to the raids and the slave trade by the Barbary pirates against them.

The Barbary pirates refused to cease their slaving operations, resulting in another bombardment by a Royal Navy fleet against Algiers in 1824. France invaded Algiers in 1830, placing it under colonial rule and finally ending the trade.

Slavic Slave Trade

The white slavery in the East was even larger and even more hidden or unknown than the Barbary slavery.

For more than three centuries, the military of the Crimean Khanate and the Nogai Horde conducted slave raids into eastern Europe.

Sixteenth- and 17th-century customs statistics suggest that Istanbul’s additional slave imports from the Black Sea may have totaled around 2.5 million from 1450 to 1700.

These raids began after Crimea became independent in 1441 and lasted until the peninsula came under Russian control in 1774. The isthmus topography of the Crimea peninsula allowed for natural fortification and it’s far southern location stretched out the Russian/Ukrainian/Polish supply lines required to take it. In contrast the open prairies of the Ukraine allowed for the rapid deployment of mounted slave raiders.

The figures of white Slavic enslavement must be considered in context. The population of Tatar Khanate was only about 400,000 at the time. A considerable part of the male population of Crimea took part in these campaigns. In later years, slaves and freedmen formed approximately 75 percent of the Crimean population.

The main slave market was in Caffa. After 1475, it was part of the coastal strip of Crimea that belonged to the Ottomans. In the 1570s, at its peak, close to 20,000 enslaved Slavs were auctioned each year in Caffa. The town had artillery and a strong garrison of Janissaries (originally Slavic slaves).

Besides Caffa, slaves were sold in Karasubazar, Tuzleri, Bakhchysarai and Khazleve. For the right to trade, they paid tax to the Crimean Khan and Turkish Pasha.

Michalo Lituanus described Caffa as “an insatiable and lawless abyss, drinking our blood.” Besides the bad food, water, clothing and shelter, they were subjected to exhausting labor and abuse.

According to Litvin, “The stronger slaves were castrated, others had their noses and ears slit and were branded on the forehead or cheek. By day they were tormented with forced labor and at night kept in dungeons.”

Muslim, Armenian, Jewish and Greek traders all purchased Slavic slaves in Caffa often transporting them to the slave market in Istanbul.

The main economic goal of the raids was booty, some of it material, but most of it human. These human-trade goods were mostly sold to the Ottoman Empire, although some remained in Crimea.

A compilation of partial statistics and estimates indicates that almost two million Russians, Ukrainians and Poles were seized between 1468 and 1694. Additionally, there were slaves from the Caucasus obtained by a mixture of raiding and trading.

Most of the raids fell on territory of today’s Russia and Ukraine, lands previously divided between Muscovy and Lithuania, although some fell on Moldavia and Circassia (North Caucasus).

The Russian population of the borderland suffered annual Tatar invasions and tens of thousands of soldiers were required to protect the southern boundaries. This was a heavy burden for the state, and slowed its social and economic development. Since Crimean Tatars did not permit settlement of Russians to southern regions where the soil is better and the season is long enough, Muscovy had to depend on poorer regions and labour-intensive agriculture.

In 1683 alone, the Ottoman army, although defeated, returned from the Gates of Vienna with 80,000 white European captives from the Balkans.

Records indicate Tatar slave-raiding Khans returned with

  • 18,000 slaves from Poland (1463)
  • 100,000 from Lvov, present day western Ukraine- (1498)
  • 60,000 from South Russia (1515)
  • 50,000–100,000 from Galicia (1516, during the “harvesting of the steppe”)
  • 800,000 from Moscovy (1521)
  • 200,000 from South Russia (1555)
  • 100,000 from Moscovy (1571)
  • 50,000 from Poland (1612)
  • 60,000 from South Russia (1646)
  • 100,000 from Poland (1648)
  • 300,000 from Ukraine (1654)
  • 20,000 from Putivl (1662)
  • 400,000 from Valynia (1676)
  • Thousands from Poland (1694)

Sources suggest that in the few years between 1436 and 1442, before the Crimea operation embarked, some 500,000 people were seized in the Balkans. Many of the captives died in forced marches towards Anatolia, Turkey.

Contemporary chronicles note that the Ottomans reduced masses of inhabitants of Greece, Romania and the Balkans to slavery by 1460.

  • 70,000 in Transylvania (1438)
  • 300,000-600,000 from Hungary
  • 10,000 from Mytilene/Mitilini on Lesbos island (1462)

An immense number of slaves flowed from the Crimea, the Balkans and the steppes of West Asia to Islamic markets.

Brian Davies in “Warfare, State and Society on the Black Sea Steppe” (2007) laments that the “Tartars and other Black Sea peoples had sold millions of Ukrainians, Georgians, Circassians, Greeks, Armenians, Bulgarians, Slavs and Turks.”

Polish historian Bohdan Baranowski assumed that in the 17th century, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (present-day Poland, Ukraine and Belarus) lost an average of 20,000 yearly and as many as one million in all years combined from 1474 to 1694.

According to Ukrainian-Canadian historian Orest Subtelny, from 1450 to 1586, 86 raids were recorded, and from 1600 to 1647 there were 70.

“Although estimates of the number of captives taken in a single raid reached as high as 30,000, the average figure was closer to 3,000,” Subtelny wrote. “In Podilia alone, about one-third of all the villages were devastated or abandoned between 1578 and 1583.”

While sources are incomplete, conservative tabulation of the slave raids against the eastern European population indicate that at least seven million European people — men, women and children — were enslaved or exterminated by Muslims.

According to the Encyclopedia Britannica, “It is known that for every slave the Crimean Tatars sold in the market, they killed outright several other people during their raids, and a couple more died on the way to the slave market.”

Habsburg diplomat and the ambassador of the Holy Roman Empire to Muscovy, Sigismund von Herberstein, wrote that “old and infirmed men, who will not fetch much at a sale, are given up to the Tatar youths, either to be stoned, or to be thrown into the sea, or to be killed by any sort of death they might please.”

The raids were a drain of the human and economic resources of eastern Europe. They largely inhabited the “Wild Fields” – the steppe and forest-steppe land that extends from 100 or so miles south of Moscow to the Black Sea, and which now contains most of the Russian and Ukrainian populations. The campaigns also played an important role in the development of the Cossacks as a counter-force.

As described in the “Book to the Great Chart of Muscovy” (1627), the raid routes took place along the Muravsky Trail or Murava Route. The route went north from the Tatar fortress of Or Qapı (Perekop), the gateway of the Crimean peninsula, and proceeded east of the Dnieper to the Russian fortress of Tula, 193 km south of Moscow.

The Tatars sent out two wings of up to 10,000 men each from the main body to sweep the country, taking women, children, horses, sheep and cattle, and those men who chose not to resist. When the wings returned to the main corps, other wings were sent out in the same manner.

Having “harvested” an area, they withdrew by a different route. They did not waste time by attacking fortified towns, and they avoided fighting organized opposition unless they were forced to defend themselves.

To avoid major river crossings, the route followed the high ground between the basins of the Dnieper and Don, making an almost straight line from the Dnieper bend to Tula. It ran mostly through thinly populated tall grass steppe country (“Muravá” is an old Slavic word for prairie or grassland), avoiding forests, marshes and river crossings. Apart from the main route, there were number of branches and bypaths.

Between 1500 and 1550, there were 43 Tatar raids using this trail. In the wake of the Russo-Crimean War (1571), it became increasingly clear that only a defense line south of the main zasechnaya cherta (Great Abatis Border) would put an end to annual incursions.

A chain of 11 forts and obstruction — the “Belgorod Defense Line” — was constructed, including (among other fortified settlements) the towns of Livny (1586), Voronezh (1586), Kursk (1587, rebuilt), Yelets (1592, rebuilt), Stary Oskol (1593), Valuyki (1593) and Belgorod (1596, rebuilt). These cities were founded in response to the white-slave raids.

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20 Comments on Setting the Record Straight: White Europeans Were Captured and Traded as Slaves for Centuries

A further anecdote re the Slavic Slave Trade …

“Year after year, Tatar horsemen rode north out of their Crimean stronghold across the grazing lands of the Ukrainian steppe and, in small bands or large armies, swopped down on Cossack settlements or Russian towns to ravage and plunder. In 1662 Tatars captured the town of Putivl and carried off all the 20,000 inhabitants into slavery. By the end of the seventeenth century Russian slaves thronged Ottoman slave markets. Russian men were seen chained to oars of galleys in every harbor in the eastern Mediterranean young Russian boys made a welcome gift from the Crimean Khan to the Sultan. So numerous, in fact, were the Russian slaves in the East that it was asked mockingly whether any inhabitants still remained in Russia.”

Van i“Peter the Great: His Life and World” by Robert K Massie

• The Secret Relationship between Jews and Blacks – Louis Farrakhan (Nation of Islam)

Thank you so much Karen– a much better full copy. I have noted that in some recent videos Louis Farrakhan has been sidestepping somewhat (I hope he can resist being controlled and coerced) but this is priceless work and many of his videos/speeches are worth downloading. I will share some of his best later.

“The story of the slaves in America begins with Christopher Columbus. His voyage to America was not financed by Queen Isabella, but by Luis de Santangelo, who advanced the sum of 17,000 ducats (about 5,000 pounds today equal to 50,000 pounds) to finance the voyage, which began on August 3, 1492.

Columbus [Colon] was accompanied by five ‘maranos’ (Jews who had foresworn their religion and supposedly became Catholics), Luis de Torres, interpreter, Marco, the surgeon, Bemal, the physician, Alonzo de la Calle and Gabriel Sanchez.”

“Who Brought the Slaves to America – Walter White Jr”

That is some good additional material. And, here is some more.

An excellent hard to find video with many vintage advertisements of Jews buying/selling blacks. Why don’t we know about these historical truths? Because the perpetrators are in control of the media!

Dankie! Always wanted a copy but AmaZOG stopped offering it under ADL pressure. Now I can have the book and NOI will not make a dime. Win-win!

I am seeing more and more wrongthink sites going dark.

The anti-white world does not care what their own ancestors did.
They seek to eliminate the white race from the face of the earth.

The white European Christian ethnic group put an end to slavery after centuries of battle as you describe in the article and when this group is destroyed (and it will be) hardcore slavery will return again. Most dimwitted and brainwashed people, white or otherwise, don’t seem to understand this.

Its always been free men vs the slavers. No different than Jesus vs the Pharisees and Moneychangers.

I am sick and tired of American whites giving in to the brainwashing of “white privilege,” “white guilt,” and “white fragility.” So much so that I have posted a new post explaining to “guilty” whites why they need to get over it before they get attacked by black supremacists, whose number seems to be growing just because… and the link to this article is featured, along with videos featuring the lecture series called “White Trash” about the history of most whites that came here in the 17th through 20th centuries, especially from England, Scotland, Ireland, Scots-Irish that make up today’s Appalachia where most whites are poor.

Just two very small thoughts.

1. Although indentured servitude in Northern Ireland, under the English aristocracy, is often differentiated from slavery based on overall work conditions, physical abuse and remote freedom conveyed at a future date I would opine that these three factors did not always prove out. Conditions of work varied, physical abuse was often a cherished punishment by the English aristocracy (just think about what they did to their own children in the Victorian era, never mind being Irish) and freedom could become a future dream, where death arrives first on the scene.

If we consider that indentured servitude is a contractual agreement. As with all contractual agreements (think credit cards), terms and conditions could be modified, and often were. Individuals could find themselves being contractually released when they were either too sick or too old to work. With their best years behind them, often in poor health, they could end up poor, destitute, in prison, or simply dead in very short order.

2. A publicly traded prison (prison corporation with registered equities that are tradable on a market) is an interesting “end run” around certain freedoms, and (in some cases) may have a likeness to slavery. Now this is a huge topic, so I will not even try to get more detailed than this suggestion however, one thing that has occurred to me:

How hard would it be to invite people, from CIA wrecked nations, to relocate in America, promise them the world (money, votes, freedom, free stuff and the like), wait a period of time (maybe a decade, so the lull sets in), and then develop a program (not a new idea here) to imprison them in publicly traded, corporate, prisons at a future date?

One last thing popped into my head:

If you buy American (“MADE IN THE USA” on the package), and care about where your goods may be coming from, then you may wish to ask if your purchase is as a result of prison labor, from a publicly traded corporation. In my case, I did so and found out that New Balance sneakers are manufactured through very fair labor practices (as are Gitman shirts). On the other hand, I will never purchase CISCO hardware, as it used to be made in the very institutions that I am referring to.

Thanks for bringing up Indentured Servitude, SC, as I am likely (being Scots-Irish as well as Irish) descended from indentured servants (esp. on my father’s mother’s side), and the notion of the contract called an indent. This and the possibility (as told by a British woman I knew from southwest England) that indenture still might exist in England (she mentioned Cornwall which is the poorest county in England and much of it is a Duchy owned by the royals) got me to make one of my prodigal band characters the son of one indentured. For more on indenture in the US, I posted this on my book site here:
https://omegabooksnet.com/2021/02/02/snippets-of-the-prodigal-band-trilogy-controversial-topics-series-episode-six-the-consequences-of-poverty-and-debt-part-one/

Wow, really neat on the character I will give it a look this afternoon / evening. Dankie.

(and yes, I just thought the contract was relative as it could end up in slavery as well however, I knew nothing of Cornwall, so thanks again)

I did enjoy your thread on your website. It was similar to your response here, but extended your thoughts out nicely. In particular I liked this bit:

“And yet, the article states only 40 percent of indentured servants lived to receive this benefit, and, because each landowner ‘master’ was given land for each ‘servant’ brought over, the ‘servants’ who lived out their terms were forced to get land in the western, mountainous parts of Virginia…you know, Appalachia?”

Good reference to the article and very true even today regarding of decedents in Virginia and now West Virginia (all very nice folks, at least the ones I have met).

Some more information on White Slavery and worse.

A half to two thirds of the original Colonists of North America were Slaves.
57% of Children in working class Manchester died before their fifth birthday in 1840.
A relative of mine started work at 4 years and 9 months old as a block printers boy, 12 hour days walk a mile to work , 6 days a week Sunday school one day , only enjoyment playing marbles on the way home.
They were not called Dark Satanic Mills for nothing, children died there and down pits alone in the dark working air pumps.
⁣Ulrich B. Phillips, Life and Labor in the Old South explains that white enslavement was crucial to the development of the Negro slave system. The system set up for the white slaves governed, organized and controlled the system for the black slaves. Black slaves were “late comers fitted into a system already developed.” Pp 25-26. John Pory declared in 1619, “white slaves are our principle wealth.”


Algiers Captured - History

Most of France's actions in Algeria, not least the invasion of Algiers, were propelled by contradictory impulses. In the period between Napoleon's downfall in 1815 and the revolution of 1830, the restored French monarchy was in crisis, and the dey was weak politically, economically, and militarily. The French monarch sought to reverse his domestic unpopularity. As a result of what the French considered an insult to the French consul in Algiers by the dey in 1827, France blockaded Algiers for three years. France used the failure of the blockade as a reason for a military expedition against Algiers in 1830.

Invasion of Algiers

Using Napoleon's 1808 contingency plan for the invasion of Algeria, 34,000 French soldiers landed twenty-seven kilometers west of Algiers, at Sidi Ferruch, on June 12, 1830. To face the French, the dey sent 7,000 janissaries, 19,000 troops from the beys of Constantine and Oran, and about 17,000 Kabyles. The French established a strong beachhead and pushed toward Algiers, thanks in part to superior artillery and better organization. Algiers was captured after a three-week campaign, and Hussein Dey fled into exile. French troops raped, looted (taking 50 million francs from the treasury in the Casbah), desecrated mosques, and destroyed cemeteries. It was an inauspicious beginning to France's self-described "civilizing mission," whose character on the whole was cynical, arrogant, and cruel.

Hardly had the news of the capture of Algiers reached Paris than Charles X was deposed, and his cousin Louis Philippe, the "citizen king," was named to preside over a constitutional monarchy. The new government, composed of liberal opponents of the Algiers expedition, was reluctant to pursue the conquest ordered by the old regime, but withdrawing from Algeria proved more difficult than conquering it. A parliamentary commission that examined the Algerian situation concluded that although French policy, behavior, and organization were failures, the occupation should continue for the sake of national prestige. In 1834 France annexed the occupied areas, which had an estimated Muslim population of about 3 million, as a colony. Colonial administration in the occupied areas--the so-called r gime du sabre (government of the sword)--was placed under a governor general, a high-ranking army officer invested with civil and military jurisdiction, who was responsible to the minister of war.


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