Frans -Pruisiese Oorlog - Geskiedenis

Frans -Pruisiese Oorlog - Geskiedenis

Die Duitse oorlog in Frankryk het uitgebreek op aandrang van die Pruisiese minister Bismarck wat geglo het dat die oorlog sou help om Duitsland te verenig. Bismarck het gemanoeuvreer sodat Frankryk oorlog teen Duitsland sou verklaar en sodoende die Duitse nasionalisme kon onderdruk. Op 2 September 1870 is die Franse leër verslaan tydens die slag van Sedan. Die Franse bevelvoerders, asook Napoleon III is gevange geneem. Die Duitsers vorder geleidelik op Parys. Die fort by Metz het tot 28 Oktober gehou. Op 27 Desember is die forte rondom Parys beleër. Op 28 Januarie 1871 val Parys en die Franse gee oor.

Slag van Sedan

Die Slag van Sedan is geveg tydens die Frans-Pruisiese Oorlog van 1 tot 2 September 1870. As gevolg van die gevangenskap van keiser Napoleon III en meer as honderdduisend troepe, het dit die oorlog in werklikheid ten gunste van Pruise en sy bondgenote beslis, hoewel gevegte onder 'n nuwe Fransman voortgegaan het regering.

Noord -Duitse Konfederasie

  • Pruise
  • Sakse
  • Wilhelm I
  • Helmuth von Moltke
  • Friedrich Wilhelm
  • Albert, Prins van Sakse
  • Napoleon III (krygsgevangene)
  • Patrice MacMahon (WIA)
  • Augustue Ducrot
  • Félix Wimpffen
  • Jean Auguste Margueritte (DOW)
  • Derde leër
  • Vierde leër

Die 130 000 sterk Franse Army of Châlons, onder bevel van marskalk Patrice de MacMahon en vergesel van Napoleon III, probeer om die beleg van Metz op te hef, net om deur die Pruisiese Vierde Leër gevang te word en op 30 Augustus by die Slag van Beaumont verslaan te word. Onder bevel van Generalfeldmarschall Helmuth von Moltke en vergesel deur die Pruisiese koning Wilhelm I en die Pruisiese kanselier Otto von Bismarck, het die vierde leër en die Pruisiese derde leër MacMahon se leër omring in Sedan in 'n reuse -uitwissingstryd. Marshal MacMahon is tydens die aanvalle gewond en die bevel is aan generaal Auguste-Alexandre Ducrot oorgedra, totdat dit deur generaal Emmanuel Félix de Wimpffen aanvaar is.

Van alle kante verpulver deur uitstekende Duitse artillerievuurkrag en met alle uitbreekpogings wat verslaan is, het die Franse leër van Châlons op 2 September kapituleer, met 104 000 man wat saam met 558 gewere in die Duitse ballingskap gegaan het. Napoleon III is gevange geneem, terwyl die Franse regering in Parys die oorlog voortsit en op 4 September 'n regering van nasionale verdediging uitgeroep het. Die Duitse leërs beleër Parys op 19 September.


Frans-Pruisiese Oorlog: die konflik wat Europa in 'n nagmerrie gedompel het

Die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog, wat 150 jaar gelede uitgebreek het, het aanleiding gegee tot 'n wrokwedstryd wat 'n kontinent in die rigting van twee wêreldoorloë sou laat jaag. Michael Rowe vertel die verhaal van 'n 19de-eeuse konflik wat katastrofiese gevolge vir die moderne wêreld gehad het

Hierdie kompetisie is nou gesluit

Gepubliseer: 19 November 2020 om 12:26

Op 7 Oktober 1870 het Léon Gambetta, sterkman van die Franse regering, met 'n gasballon uit Parys ontsnap. Die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog het toe byna drie maande lank gewoed, en Duitse magte het die stad beleër. Gambetta het gehoop om nuwe leërs in die provinsies in te samel om die hoofstad te verlig. Dit was 'n daad van wanhoop, wat aandui hoe laag die lotgevalle van Frankryk gesink het.

In die daaropvolgende weke het dinge erger geword, met gewone burgers in die beroemde hoofstad van Frankryk wat katte, honde, rotte en perde wou eet. Herinneringe en briewe is vol debatte oor die relatiewe verdienste van eksotiese vleis uit die dieretuin, soos kameel, bok of olifant. Daar word gesê dat rotte uit brouerye beter smaak as die wat in die riool gevang is. Intussen het gewetenlose entrepreneurs begin om bisarre plaasvervangers vir basiese dinge soos melk in te span.

Keiser Napoleon III was hoofsaaklik verantwoordelik vir hierdie ramp. Napoleon III, 'n neef van die groot Napoleon wat die grootste deel van Europa verower het, het homself as keiser van die Franse gemaak na 'n staatsgreep in 1852. Victor Hugo het hom beroemd as "Napoleon die Klein" afgemaak, maar die Franse mense het groot dinge van hom verwag. Sy prestasies was ook nie onbeduidend nie: hy herbou Parys, skep die stad wat ons vandag ken en hy het die Franse voorrang bevestig deur die Russe (met Britse hulp) in die Krimoorlog van 1853–56 te verslaan, en die Oostenrykers in 1859, wat Italiaans moontlik gemaak het eenwording.

Napoleon III was die grootste ontwrigter in die middel van die 19de eeu. Ongelukkig vir hom en vir Frankryk het 'n nog groter ontwrigting oos van die Ryn, in die groot Duitse deelstaat Pruise, ontstaan. Sy naam was Otto von Bismarck.

Toe Bismarck in 1862 premier word, was Pruise die swakste van die 'groot' moondhede van Europa, slegs een van 'n lappie van state wat nog in die Duitse ryk sou saamkom. Maar sy koning, Willem I, was vasbeslote om dit reg te stel deur middel van verreikende militêre hervormings, en het die maverick Bismarck aangestel om dit deur 'n onwillige Pruisiese parlement te ram. By sy aanstelling maak Bismarck sy standpunte duidelik in een van die beroemdste klankgrepe uit die geskiedenis: "Die groot vrae van die dag word nie deur toesprake en meerderhede beslis nie, maar deur yster en bloed."

Bismarck en Napoleon het baie gemeen. Albei was konserwatiewe populiste, en albei het erken dat die nuwe krag van nasionalisme wat Europa oorheers iets eerder moet uitbuit as bevrees word. Tog het hul pogings om hierdie nasionalistiese ywer te benut hulle op 'n botsingskursus gesit, wat in konflik sou eindig.

Die Frans-Pruisiese Oorlog, soos die konflik nou bekend staan, was binne tien kort maande verby, maar die gevolge daarvan was buitengewoon lankreikend. In 'n seëvierende en nuut verenigde Duitsland het dit gehelp om militarisme die dominante ideologie in 'n verslane en vernederde Frankryk te maak; dit het 'n dringende wraak op wraak gewek. Hierdie giftige bestanddele is die plek vir verdere aanvalle van bloedverlies - op 'n baie groter skaal - in die daaropvolgende eeu. Dit is beslis veilig om te sê dat sonder Napoleon en Bismarck se stryd om oppergesag in 1870, Europa se 20ste eeu inderdaad 'n heel ander baan sou gevolg het.

Napoleon se wekroep

Die aftelling na die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog het begin met nog 'n oorlog: dié van 1866, toe die nuut gereformeerde weermag van Pruise Oostenryk binne sewe weke verpletter het. Dit bevestig Bismarck tuis en was 'n wekroep na Europa. Pruise het die dominante mag in Sentraal -Europa geword en die ander Duitse state kyk nou na Berlyn, nie Wene nie, vir leiding.

Dit het Frankryk verskrik. Napoleon III se aanvanklike paniekreaksie was om die Franse aansien te herstel deur Luxemburg of selfs België te annekseer. Hy het Bismarck se ooreenkoms gesoek, maar is afgewys. Toe, in 1868, begin 'n nuwe Europese krisis met die omverwerping van die koningin Isabella II van Spanje. Spanje het 'n nuwe monarg nodig gehad en, soos dikwels in hierdie tydperk die geval was, 'n lid uit een van die ontelbare prinslike huise in Duitsland gekies. Ongelukkig hou die keuse, prins Leopold van Hohenzollern, verband met William van Pruise. Nie verrassend nie, het Frankryk ballisties geraak toe hierdie kennis in Julie 1870 aan die lig gekom het. Die regering van Napoleon III, wat deur die binnelandse opinie gedompel is, probeer gesig red deur Pruise te dwing om die ooreenkoms te veto. Koning William was bly om die Franse te verplig, want hy het nog nooit daarvan gehou dat 'n nabye familielid 'n onstabiele land soos Spanje sou regeer nie.

Daar het dinge dalk gerus, maar vir die Franse het hulle hand dan oorgespeel. Die Franse ambassadeur in Pruise het William ontmoet in die kuuroord Bad Ems (13 Julie) en probeer om 'n openbare klim af te dwing en hom daarop aangedring om enige toekomstige Hohenzollern -kandidatuur te blokkeer. Dit het teruggekeer toe William die ambassadeur beleefd afwys.

Bismarck was nie teenwoordig by Bad Ems nie, maar het in Berlyn gebly, waar 'n verslag van die uitruil hom bereik het in die sogenaamde Ems-telegram. Bismarck, met die volle kennis van die moontlike gevolge, het die telegram geredigeer, die diplomatieke lekkernye uitgevee en dit vir publikasie in die internasionale pers vrygestel. Dit was die beroemde rooi lap van Bismarck, wat vir die Galliese bul gewaai het. Die Franse het behoorlik op die aas gestaan ​​en oorlog verklaar, te midde van koorsagtige jubeling op die strate van Parys.

Ten spyte van die naam van die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog, het Frankryk hom teëgestaan ​​teen 'n koalisie van Duitse state wat hulle by Pruise geskaar het. Hulle inwoners beskou hulleself toenemend as mede -Duitsers en beskou die oorlog teen Frankryk as 'n nasionale kruistog. Pruise verskaf nietemin die oorweldigende meerderheid Duitse magte, sowel as die militêre leierskap.

In tegnologiese terme was daar min tussen die strydlustiges: die Franse het beter infanteriegewere gehad, die Pruise se superieure artillerie. Wat die Pruise 'n beslissende voordeel gegee het, was hul numeriese meerderwaardigheid aan die begin, verkry deur 'n baie vinnige mobilisering, en veral superieure militêre leierskap.

'Geen gevegsplan oorleef ooit kontak met die vyand nie.' So sê Helmuth von Moltke, die Pruisiese bevelvoerder in 1870. Moltke was 'n nuwe soort militêre leier, meer bestuurder as charismatiese krygsheer. Hy was die voorsitter van die Pruisiese algemene staf, 'n instelling wat operasies en gebeurlikhede in vredestyd beplan het. Die gereelde rotasie van personeeloffisiere terug na hul regimente het verseker dat die beste praktyk oor die hele leër versprei is, wat beteken dat die algemene bevelvoerder veilig kan delegeer aan diegene wat die goed geplaas is om geleenthede aan te gryp wat ontstaan ​​het sodra vyandelikhede begin het. Dit was die antwoord op die probleem wat in Moltke se aanhaling hierbo uitgelig is. Nóg die Franse, nóg ander leërs, het op hierdie manier opereer, en dit het in 1870 gewys.

Uitstekende beplanning en getalle het die Pruise toegelaat om langs die oostelike grens van Frankryk te konsentreer. Die Franse het, sonder behoorlike planne, vinnig terugslae beleef en dit het die moreel van Napoleon III vernietig, wat onbewustelik persoonlike bevel oorgeneem het. Die enigste verstandige opsie vir die Franse was om terug te val en te hergroepeer, maar Napoleon kon dit nie bekostig om sy gesig te verloor deur terug te trek nie. Die gevolg was 'n reeks groot Franse nederlae, wat begin het met Gravelotte-St Privat op 18 Augustus. Dit sou die bloedigste betrokkenheid van die oorlog bewys word, met 'n ongevallekoers wat 'n teken was van gruwels in die 20ste eeu. Binne slegs 'n tydperk van 20 minute het die Pruisiese wagkorps alleen 8 000 mans gesterf of gewond, as gevolg van 'n onheilige kombinasie van vinnige, moderne wapens en verouderde aanvalstyle waarby menige geledere manne betrokke was. Ten minste het die wydverspreide bekendstelling in hierdie oorlog van 'hondetikette' - skywe wat deur soldate gedra is en hul basiese besonderhede bevat - die dood geïdentifiseer.

Ondanks gruwelike verliese by Gravelotte-St Privat, het die Pruise gewen, danksy uitstekende artillerie en beter maneuver. Moltke het toe die grootste deel van die Franse leër in die vesting Metz vasgekeer. Politieke druk het weer aan die Franse kant ingegryp en 'n reddingspoging geëis. Dit het gelei tot die slag van Sedan (1–2 September), 'n tweede katastrofiese Franse nederlaag waarin Napoleon III self gevange geneem is. Die nuus oor hierdie debakel het Parys 'n paar dae later bereik en die regime verander. Die nuwe republikeinse regering van nasionale verdediging het die politieke leemte gevul en 'n oorlog van nasionale verset uitgeroep.

Die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog betree nou 'n nuwe fase. Pruisiese magte vorder op Parys, wat hulle vanaf 19 September beleër het. Die Franse hoofstad was te sterk om deur die storm oorval te word, en moes dus onderdanig wees. Terwyl Léon Gambetta na die provinsies ontsnap en nuwe leërs oprig, het onreëlmatige vrywilligers, bekend as Francstireurs, besig met guerrilla -taktiek. Die Pruise herken hulle nie as wettige vegters nie en skiet hulle by gevangenskap, en verbrand dorpe wat vermoedelik hulle huisves.

Hierdie morsige, vuil oorlog het vir die res van 1870 voortgeduur, tot die ongemak van Bismarck, wat bang was dat die internasionale opinie ten gunste van Frankryk was. Die nederlaag van Gambetta se nuwe leërs in Desember het egter beteken dat Parys nie verlig sou word nie, en as die kos opraak, was daar geen ander opsie as om 'n skietstilstand te soek nie (28 Januarie 1871) wat die geveg beëindig het. Dit het die voorwaardes geskep vir die hou van Franse verkiesings, wat 'n regering opgestel het wat 'n voorlopige vrede op 26 Februarie kon sluit. Alhoewel die greep van die nuwe bewind op mag bedreig word deur die sogenaamde Parys-kommune, wat in Maart kortliks die beheer oor die hoofstad oorgeneem het, het dit nietemin die definitiewe Verdrag van Frankfurt op 10 Mei bekragtig.

Militarisme uit die leiband

Min mense wat die Verdrag van Frankfurt bekragtig het, sou die enorme impak kon raai wat die Frans-Pruisiese Oorlog op die vasteland van Europa sou hê-'n impak wat na die raming van die toekomstige Britse premier Benjamin Disraeli groter was as die Franse Revolusie. Geopolities het Europa gegaan van 'n 'sagte' sentrum, bestaande uit baie klein aparte state, tot een met 'n harde kern: onder die indruk van die militêre leierskap van Pruisen en gedryf deur die publieke opinie, het die kleiner state van Duitsland ingestem om hul onafhanklikheid aan Berlyn af te staan. en vorm 'n enkele entiteit, die Duitse ryk. Die groot vraag wat ontstaan ​​het - en voortduur - is hoe so 'n magtige staat binne die breër familie van Europese nasies kan funksioneer.

Aanvanklik het dinge goed genoeg gewerk. Bismarck het sy ongetwyfelde politieke talente gebruik om vrede te bewaar. Toe hy egter in 1890 van die bewind val, kom die meer skadelike nalatenskappe van die oorlog van 1870 sterk na vore, insluitend militarisme. Alle groot moondhede in die laat 19de eeu was militaristies, maar nuut verenigde Duitsland was meer as die meeste. Pruise se leër, wat die kern van die Duitse weermag was, het met groot aansien uit die oorlog van 1870 gekom. Aangesien Bismarck weg was, het geen burgerlike leier die statuur gehad om sy voorrang te betwis nie. In Duitsland en in Europa is die militêre beplanner uit die leiband gelaat.

Vir Frankryk was die nederlaag 'n geweldige skok wat vererger is deur die harde verdrag wat gevolg het, wat die verlies van die streek Elsas en 'n deel van Lorraine veroorsaak het, en die betaling van 'n groot herstelrekening. Hierdie vernedering het 'n begeerte na wraak gekweek. 'N Generasie skoolkinders het grootgeword wat geleer het van die ongeregtighede van die vredeskikking. In die 1890's het Frankryk wyer Europese ongemak by Duitse mag uitgebuit deur 'n alliansie te stig, wat Duitsland weer in 'n hoek laat voel het.

Hierdie kombinasie van militarisme en bitterheid het die perfekte omstandighede geskep vir die volgende ronde Frans-Duitse konflik, die Eerste Wêreldoorlog, wat by hierdie geleentheid die res van die wêreld ingesleep het. Tragies genoeg het die miljoene lewens wat tussen 1914 en 1918 verlore gegaan het niks opgelos nie-en dit was eers nadat talle meer in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog gesterf het dat die argitekte van Frans-Duitse versoening 'n gebou gebou het wat steeds die politieke landskap van Europa oorheers.

Die belangrikste onder hierdie argitekte was die kanselier van Wes -Duitsland, Konrad Adenauer en die Franse president Charles de Gaulle. Albei het vaders gehad wat in die Frans-Pruisiese Oorlog geveg het. Albei is afkomstig uit streke wat aan mekaar se nasies grens, en wat deur die eeue heen betwis is. Daar is moontlik 'n sentimentele dimensie van hul denke.

Die twee staatsmanne het ook bereken dat vennootskap binne 'n Europese raamwerk hul vermoë om wêreldgebeure te beïnvloed wat nou grotendeels gevorm word deur die twee nuwe supermoondhede, Amerika en die Sowjetunie, sal verbeter. Dit is wat Adenauer bedoel het toe hy aan een van sy Franse gespreksgenote gesê het dat "Europa u wraak sal wees" kort na die Suez -debakel van 1956, toe die VSA Frankryk en Brittanje genoop het.

Sowel de Gaulle as Adenauer erken die nutteloosheid van die siklus van Frans-Duitse oorloë wat 'n eeu tevore begin is, en op 22 Januarie 1963 sluit die Élysée-verdrag 'n nuwe tydperk van Frans-Duitse vriendskap aan. Binne hierdie raamwerk van hierdie verdrag het ander inisiatiewe gevloei om die verhouding van die staat tot die samelewing breër uit te brei deur idees soos uitruil van jongmense, tweeling in die stad en gesamentlike geskiedenisboeke vir skoolkinders. Binne hierdie handboeke word die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog nie vergeet nie, maar eerder behandel as 'n gedeelde historiese ervaring.

Vir Europa in die breër, insluitend Brittanje, roep die Frans-Duitse vennootskap soos dit nou lyk, sy eie vrae op. Ander Europese lande vrees vir marginalisering wanneer Parys en Berlyn in wese vooraf besluite neem oor belangrike besluite. Dieper integrasie word voorgestel as die beste manier om hierdie ander state te bemagtig, en terselfdertyd die probleem op te los wat die eerste keer in 1870 ontstaan ​​het: hoe om 'n kontinent met so 'n harde kern te bestuur. Hierdie integrasieproses het egter sy eie probleme veroorsaak. In hierdie terme gesien, is dit duidelik dat die nalatenskap van die oorlog van 1870 steeds help om die daaglikse politiek van ons kontinent te bepaal en dit sal bly doen in die afsienbare toekoms.

Michael Rowe is leser in Europese geskiedenis aan King's College in Londen


Frans -Pruisiese Oorlog - Geskiedenis

Vergelykings van die leërs

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'N Naaldgeweer, en een van die eerste bout

aksiegewere wat ooit vervaardig is.

Toets Chassepot Needle Rifle Cartouches

1867 Franse Chassepot -geweerbajonet

Die Franse leër bestaan ​​uit ongeveer 400 000 gewone soldate, sommige van hulle veterane van die Krimoorlog, Algerië, Tweede Italiaanse onafhanklikheidsoorlog (1859) en in Mexiko wat die Tweede Mexikaanse Ryk ondersteun. Hierdie sterkte sou toeneem na 662,000 by volledige mobilisering met die herroeping van reserviste, met nog 400,000 in die losweg georganiseerde Garde Mobile , wat tyd verg om te oefen. Anders as die Pruise, wat op universele diensplig gesteun het, het die Franse staatgemaak op 'n jare lange professionele leër. Daar was ook destyds ongeveer 60 000 Franse troepe in Algerië. 'N Soldaat het vir 'n termyn van sewe jaar aangemeld en bonusse is aangebied om weer in te skryf. Die Franse het gedink dat hul veterane beter in die veld sou wees as die groen rekrute van die Pruisiese leër. Die Franse soldate het baie swakhede, soos 'n gebrek aan dissipline en alkoholisme.

'N Animasie van die Reffye Mitrailleuse van 1867. Multi-vat Mitrailleuse (grapeshot shooters) is oorspronklik ontwikkel in België in 1851. Die Reffye Mitrailleuse, ontwikkel vir die Franse leër in 1865, het 25 vate en 13 mm koeëls afgevuur. Die vuurtempo was tussen 75 en 125 rondes per minuut. Die animasie toon die taamlik omslagtige laai- en afvuurproses. Frankryk het 190 Reffye Mitrailleuse tydens die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog (1870-1872) ingespan, maar die taktiese gebruik van hierdie masjiengewere was nie uitgewerk nie, en dit is selde effektief gebruik.

Die mitrailleuse was 'n voorloper van die moderne masjiengeweer, ontwikkel uit die Amerikaanse Gatling. Die begeerte om dit geheim te hou, het beteken dat min Franse soldate die gebruik daarvan onderrig het. Dit weeg ongeveer 1750 pond en het 'n span van ses perde nodig gehad om dit te vervoer.

Die Chassepot geweer en die mitrailleuse

Franse uniforme Geïllustreerde Tydskrif 1870

Franse koloniale soldate uit Noord -Afrika, Ghoums en Spahis

'N Groot geïllustreerde verwysing oor die geskiedenis, organisasie,

uniforms en toerusting van die Franse leër

Waarom het die Franse met hierdie twee wapens nie die Pruise uit die veld gevee soos die Pruise by Koniggratz gehad het nie? Een rede was dat hulle hierdie wapens nie effektief gebruik het nie. Die Franse strydplan was om massas in 'n verdedigende posisie te versamel en 'n verdorende vuurmuur te lewer - die feu de bataillon . Franse bevelvoerders het nie veel ruimte gehad op die slagvelde soos die Pruisiese offisiere nie, wat beter kon improviseer. Die Pruise wemel van kant tot kant met aanvalle van kleiner groepe mans uit verskillende posisies wat die vyand wil oorweldig. Die Pruise het ook die Franse superioriteit van hul gewere ontken met hul superieure krupp-kanonne van staal.

Die Franse spoorwegstelsel was nie so georganiseerd vir oorlog in vergelyking met die Pruise nie. Die Pruise het 'n spesiale personeel om die beweging van troepe te beplan en te sinchroniseer.

Die Pruise het hul kavalleriediens hervorm, nie langer die gebied van die elite nie, maar dit oopgemaak vir vooruitgang deur verdienste en dit gebruik vir skermutseling en skerms. Die Franse het nog steeds van swaar kavallerie gebruik gemaak, terwyl die Charge of the Light Brigade in die Krimoorlog verouderd was met die langer reeks gewere en kanonne.

Aan die begin van die oorlog kon die Franse beweer dat hulle een van die beste vloote ter wêreld het. Dit was 'n pionier in die nuwe ontwikkelings op die gebied van stoom, skulpgewere en wapens. Dit het 49 ysterklere en 9 korvette gewapen met gewere van 16 cm en 19 cm. Die grootste Franse ysterkleed was die Rochambeau , gekoop uit Amerika. Hierteenoor het die Pruise slegs 5 ysterklere gehad. Die Konig Wilhelm , wat tydens die oorlog in die hawe gebly het, was kragtiger as die Franse ysterklere. Toe die oorlog begin, beveel die Franse regering 'n blokkade van die Noord -Duitse kus, waarteen die klein Noord -Duitse vloot (Norddeutsche Bundesmarine) met slegs vyf ysterklokke weinig kon doen. Toe die oorlog uitbreek, is die grootste deel van die Franse vloot gebruik om troepe van Algerië na Frankryk te vervoer. Dit was 'n beplande inval by die Duitse Noordseekus, maar die nuut geïnstalleerde Krupp -kusgewere en garnisoontroepe van ongeveer 90 000 in die Hamburgse Bremen -omgewing het veroorsaak dat hierdie planne uit die weg geruim is.

Die Franse mariniers is na die Franse leër van Chalons gestuur en baie van hulle is by Sedan gevange geneem.

Die Franse Ironclad Rochambeau, voorheen die USS Dunderberg

Franse kanonboot op die Seine, Parys

SMS K & oumlnig Wilhelm, Pruisiese gepantserde fregat, gebou in die VK in 1865.

Illustrasie van The Battle of Havana op 9 November 1870 was 'n enkele skeepsaksie tussen die Duitse kanonboot Meteor en die Franse aviso (stuurboot) Bouvet aan die kus van Havana, Kuba. Die geveg het 'n onomwonde einde bereik toe die Bouvet, wat die baan gesluit het in 'n poging om aan boord van die Meteor te gaan, skade aan 'n stoompyp opgedoen het wat haar aandrywing uitgeskakel het en gedwing is om in neutrale waters onder seil terug te trek, waarna sy onderkom weer die beskerming van Spanje. Nie een van die twee tuie was permanent ongeskik nie, meestal skade aan maste en tuig.

Pruise was nie 'n land met 'n weermag nie, maar 'n weermag met 'n land

Friedrich Freiherr von Schr & oumltte, Pruisiese predikant

Klik op die prentjie vir 'n groter aansig.

Klik op die prentjie vir 'n groter aansig.

Die Dreyse -naaldgeweer in aksie tydens die Slag van K & oumlniggr & aumlt z (Duits)

Die Pruisiese leër was nie saamgestel uit gewone mense nie, maar dienspligtiges en reserviste. Diens was verpligtend vir alle mans van die militêre ouderdom, en daarom kon Pruise en sy Noord- en Suid -Duitse bondgenote ongeveer 1,2 miljoen soldate mobiliseer en veldtog tydens oorlog, wat dit binne 18 dae na mobilisering gedoen het. Die groot aantal beskikbare soldate het die massa-omsingeling en vernietiging van hele vyandelike formasies moontlik gemaak. Elke bekwame man moes drie jaar in die weermag dien, daarna is hy vir vier jaar in die reservate vrygelaat en daarna was hy nog vyf jaar oproep na die nasionale wag. In vergelyking met die Franse, was die Pruisiese soldate beter opgelei met verpligte primêre onderwys wat eers in Frankryk na die oorlog die wet was. Na raming het 33 100 offisiere en 1 113 000 mans aan die oorlog deelgeneem.

'N Kruip geweer met 'n stuitjie van 1000 pond.

Dit het 'n prys vir Krupp by die Great gewen

Uitstalling van Parys in 1867

'N Duitse ammunisietrein

Albumfoto van 'n Pruisiese soldaat

Die Duitse kavalerie- die uhlan

Uhlans met hul kenmerkende mortelbord Pickelhaube

Klik op foto vir groter beeld.

Die term uhlan kom van die Poolse vir ligte kavallerie gewapen met lansies, sabel en pistole. Die titel is later deur lancerregimente in die Russiese, Pruisiese en Oostenrykse leërs gebruik. Uhlans het die taak gehad om passasiersballonne wat uit die stad gelanseer is, in die skadu te stel: hul vermoë om vinnig te beweeg het gemaak dat Uhlans die enigste troepe was wat by die ballonne kon bly.

Uniforms van Pruisiese soldate.

Regs bo is 'n uniform van die Death Head Hussars.

Klik op fotografie vir groter prentjie.

'N Franse Vivandi & egravere of Cantini & egravere, vroue verbonde aan weermag


Belangrike feite en inligting

ALGEMENE FEITE

  • Die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog het op 19 Julie 1870 begin en op 28 Januarie 1871 geëindig.
  • Dit duur 'n totale tydperk van 6 maande, 1 week en 2 dae.
  • Die oorlog het in Frankryk en Pruise plaasgevind.
  • Die Duitse magte het die Frans-Pruisiese Oorlog gewen.
  • Hier is die groot gevolge van die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog:
    Verdrag van Frankfurt Die Tweede Franse Ryk het geval Die Franse Derde Republiek is gevorm Frans-Duitse vyandskap het Duitsland verenig en die Duitse Ryk is gevorm as Elsas-Lorraine gebied in Frankryk gevorm en geannekseer deur Duitse magte.

OORSAKE VAN DIE OORLOG

  • Pruise het die mag gekry ná die Oostenryk-Pruisiese oorlog van 1816.
  • Pruise het verskeie gebiede geannekseer, en die Noord -Duitse Konfederasie is gestig.
  • As gevolg van die superioriteit van Pruise, is die Europese staatsstelsel, met sy reël dat geen Europese land oor 'n meerderheid van Europa moet heers nie, gedestabiliseer.
  • Napoleon III, die keiser van Frankryk, eis dus vergoeding.
  • Otto von Bismarck van Pruise het egter geweier.
  • Pruise verbonde aan die suid-Duitse koninkryke Beiere, Württemberg, Baden en Hesse-Darmstadt. Teen hierdie tyd is Duitsland oorheers deur Pruise.
  • Frankryk het Pruise se verdere trou met ander Duitse lande ten sterkste gekant.
  • Aangesien Frankryk gekant was teen die nasionalistiese strewe van Pruise om Duitsland te verenig, het Pruisiese amptenare bespiegel dat 'n oorlog tussen Frankryk en Duitsland nodig was.
  • Otto von Bismarck, die premier van Pruise, was van mening dat 'n oorlog teen Frankryk gevoer moet word sodat die Duitse eenwording kon slaag.
  • Bismarck het ook geweet dat, met Frankryk as teenstander, die Franse aggressie slegs Suid -Duitse lande sou laat kantel met Pruise, wat sou lei tot hul meerderwaardigheid in terme van getalle.
  • Duitsers het ook 'n tradisionele opvatting gehad dat Frankryk die destabiliseerder van Europa was.

KRAGTE BETROKKE

  • Strydlustiges
    • Die Duitse Ryk bestaan ​​saam met die Noord -Duitse Konfederasie uit die Duitse lande Baden, Beiere en Württemberg.
    • Die Franse magte het die Franse Ryk en die Franse Republiek betrek.
    • William I
    • Otto von Bismarck
    • Helmuth von Moltke
    • Kroonprins Friedrich
    • Prins Friedrich Karl
    • Karl F. von Steinmetz
    • Albrecht von Roon
    • Napoleon III
    • François A. Bazaine
    • Patrice De MacMahon
    • Louis Jules Trochu
    • León Gambetta
    • Giuseppe Garibaldi
    • Die Duitse Ryk het altesaam 1 494 412 soldate tydens die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog ontplooi.
    • Die ongevalle was 144 462
    • 44 700 dood
    • 89 732 gewondes
    • 10,129 vermis of gevang
    • Die ongevalle was 756 285
    • 138 871 sterf
    • 143 000 gewondes
    • 474,414 gevang

    TYDENS DIE OORLOG

    • Geen ander nasies het in die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog ingegryp nie.
    • Alhoewel Oostenryk-Hongarye en Denemarke onlangs 'n nederlaag van Pruise beleef het en moontlik wraak wou neem, was hulle nie vol vertroue om Frankryk te ondersteun nie.
    • Napoleon kon nie trou met die Russiese Ryk en die Verenigde Koninkryk vorm nie, aangesien Bismarck reeds diplomatieke pogings aan hierdie koninkryke ontplooi het.
    • Een van die redes waarom die Duitse weermag beter was, was vanweë hul gepaste gebruik van Pruisiese spoorweë.
    • Die belangrikste gevegte wat middel Augustus van die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog plaasgevind het, sluit in:
      • Besetting van Saarbrücken
      • Slag van Wissembourg
      • Slag van Spicheren
      • Slag van Wörth
      • Slag van Mars-La-Tour
      • Slag van Gravelotte
      • Belegging van Metz
      • Slag van Sedan

      DIE EINDE VAN FRANCO-PRUSSIAN OORLOG

      • Hongersnood het Parys beheer, en die Franse regering was genoodsaak om vredesgesprekke te begin.
      • Vredesgesprekke het op 24 Januarie 1871 begin.
      • Skietstilstandooreenkomste is bereik.
      • Die Duitsers het 'n verdrag suksesvol voorgestel.
      • Die Duitsers het Elsas-Lorraine, die Duitssprekende streek van Frankryk, gekry.
      • Frankryk moes ook die Duitse Ryk erken.
      • Hierdie verdrag staan ​​bekend as die Verdrag van Frankfurt.
      • Die Franse president Trochu bedank op 25 Januarie 1871. Hy word vervang deur Favre.
      • Op Versailles onderteken die Franse president Favre die oorgawe op 27 Januarie 1871.
      • Die Franse staatsman León Gambetta het die nuus gehoor en geweier om oor te gee. Hy was egter oortuig om op 6 Februarie 1871 op te tree en oor te gee.

      Frans-Pruisiese oorlogswerke

      Dit is 'n fantastiese bundel wat alles bevat wat u moet weet oor die Frans-Pruisiese oorlog op 25 diepgaande bladsye. Hierdie is gereed-vir-gebruik Frans-Pruisiese Oorlog-werkkaarte wat perfek is om studente te leer oor die Frans-Pruisiese Oorlog, ook bekend as die Oorlog van 1870, wat 'n oorlog was tussen die botsende lande Frankryk en Duitsland, veral die Tweede Franse Ryk en die Noord -Duitse Konfederasie aan die spits van die Koninkryk Pruise.

      Volledige lys met ingesluit werkkaarte

      • Frans-Pruisiese oorlogsfeite
      • Opsomming Tydlyn
      • Antwoord Scramble
      • Korrekte keuses
      • Sleutelleiers
      • Troepklassifikasie
      • Battles Collage
      • Frans-Pruisiese sleutelwoorde
      • In my eie woorde
      • Slagnaam dekodering
      • Beeldkommentaar

      Skakel/noem hierdie bladsy

      As u na die inhoud op hierdie bladsy op u eie webwerf verwys, gebruik die onderstaande kode om hierdie bladsy as die oorspronklike bron te noem.

      Gebruik saam met enige kurrikulum

      Hierdie werkkaarte is spesifiek ontwerp vir gebruik met enige internasionale kurrikulum. U kan hierdie werkblaaie gebruik soos dit is, of dit met Google Skyfies wysig om dit meer spesifiek te maak vir u eie studentevaardigheidsvlakke en kurrikulumstandaarde.


      Die Unie

      4 Augustus 1866 nooi Bismarck die state van Noord -Duitsland uit om 'n jaar lank 'n alliansie met Pruise te sluit, waartydens die beginsels van eenwording uitgewerk moet word. Die Berlynse konferensie (13 Desember 1866 – 9 Januarie 1867) keur die hegemonie van Pruise in die Noord -Duitse Unie goed, gebaseer op 'n federatiewe beginsel.

      Die hoof van die vakbond was die Pruisiese koning, wat ook die opperbevelhebber is van die gewapende magte van al die state waaruit die unie bestaan. Die Pruisiese koning was geregtig om namens die Unie oorlog te verklaar, te onderhandel en vrede te sluit. Onder die gesag van die geallieerde liggame is vervoerkommunikasie, geldsake, strafsake en belasting oorgedra. Al die troepe is herbou volgens die Pruisiese model. Die Unie -parlement (Reichstag) is deur direkte stemming verkies, maar het beperkte bevoegdhede ontvang. Die Unieraad (Bundesrat), wat bestaan ​​uit verteenwoordigers van soewereine, het 'n groot invloed op staatsaangeleenthede. Pruise het, ondanks die heersende aantal onderdane in die vakbond, slegs 17 stemme uit 43 in die raad gehad.


      Oorsprong

      Sukses in laasgenoemde poging sou die Europese magsverhoudinge verander op 'n manier waarop Frankryk kwalik sou kon ignoreer. Die hedendaagse mening het eintlik die hoofverantwoordelikheid vir die gebeure van 1870 gelê by die deur van Napoleon III, wat na bewering 'n konflik gedwing het om sy onstabiele regime te versterk. Vanaf die 1890's word die verantwoordelikheid toenemend verskuif na 'n Bismarck wat beskryf word as 'n oorlog in die belang van die Duitse hegemonie: "bloed en yster" in 'n Europese omgewing. Laat-twintigste-eeuse studie beklemtoon Bismarck se begeerte om soveel moontlik opsies so lank as moontlik oop te hou. Hy was trots op die feit dat hy in 'n situasie kon beland en dinge oproer, in die vertroue dat hy eksponensieel beter kon reageer op verwarring as sy medewerkers en teenstanders. In die lente van 1870 het hy sy kans gehad.

      Bismarck se hoofdoel was om die Duitse vraag in Pruise se guns op te los. The argument that Bismarck's initial approval of Spain's offer of its vacant crown to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (a branch of the ruling house of Prussia) was intended to provoke a war overstates Bismarck's belligerence while underrating his self-confidence. The Hohenzollern candidacy was designed to provoke a crisis with France. But it was so managed that at each stage the final initiative, the final choice, remained with Paris. Bismarck recognized that war was an extremely likely outcome of the situation. At the same time he was testing the intentions of the emperor and of France itself.

      An international incident is what one of the parties involved wishes to define as an international incident. Negotiating room remained in the first days of July, particularly after Leopold withdrew his candidacy in the face of French hostility. But a French government enjoying its triumph overplayed its hand by demanding that Prussia guarantee the candidacy would not be renewed. Bismarck's negative reply was interpreted in Paris as a justification for a war Bismarck by now also believed inevitable. On 15 July the North German Confederation issued its mobilization orders.


      As early as August 1870, the Prussian 3rd Army led by Crown Prince Frederik of Prussia (the future Emperor Frederick III), had been marching towards Paris. [4] A French force accompanied by Napoleon III was deployed to aid the army encircled by Prussians at the Siege of Metz. This force were crushed at the Battle of Sedan, and the road to Paris was left open. Personally leading the Prussian forces, King William I of Prussia, along with his chief of staff Helmuth von Moltke, took the 3rd Army and the new Prussian Army of the Meuse under Crown Prince Albert of Saxony, and marched on Paris virtually unopposed. In Paris, the Governor and commander-in-chief of the city's defenses, General Louis Jules Trochu, assembled a force of 60,000 regular soldiers who had managed to escape from Sedan under Joseph Vinoy or who were gathered from depot troops. Together with 90,000 Mobiles (Territorials), a brigade of 13,000 naval seamen and 350,000 National Guards, the potential defenders of Paris totaled around 513,000. [5] The compulsorily enrolled National Guards were, however, untrained. They had 2,150 cannon plus 350 in reserve, and 8,000,000 kg of gunpowder. [6]

      The Prussian armies quickly reached Paris, and on 15 September Moltke issued orders for the investment of the city. Crown Prince Albert's army closed in on Paris from the north unopposed, while Crown Prince Frederick moved in from the south. On 17 September a force under Vinoy attacked Frederick's army near Villeneuve-Saint-Georges in an effort to save a supply depot there, but it was eventually driven back by artillery fire. [7] The railroad to Orléans was cut, and on the 18th Versailles was taken, and then served as the 3rd Army's and eventually Wilhelm's headquarters. By 19 September the encirclement was complete, and the siege officially began. Responsible for the direction of the siege was General (later Field Marshal) von Blumenthal. [8]

      Prussia's chancellor Otto von Bismarck suggested shelling Paris to ensure the city's quick surrender and render all French efforts to free the city pointless, but the German high command, headed by the king of Prussia, turned down the proposal on the insistence of General von Blumenthal, on the grounds that a bombardment would affect civilians, violate the rules of engagement, and turn the opinion of third parties against the Germans, without speeding up the final victory.

      It was also contended that a quick French surrender would leave the new French armies undefeated and allow France to renew the war shortly after. The new French armies would have to be annihilated first, and Paris would have to be starved into surrender.

      Trochu had little faith in the ability of the National Guards, which made up half the force defending the city. So instead of making any significant attempt to prevent the investment by the Germans, Trochu hoped that Moltke would attempt to take the city by storm, and the French could then rely on the city's defenses. These consisted of the 33 km (21 mi) Thiers wall and a ring of sixteen detached forts, all of which had been built in the 1840s. [9] Moltke never had any intention of attacking the city and this became clear shortly after the siege began. Trochu changed his plan and allowed Vinoy to make a demonstration against the Prussians west of the Seine. On 30 September Vinoy attacked Chevilly with 20,000 soldiers and was soundly repulsed by the 3rd Army. Then on 13 October the II Bavarian Corps was driven from Châtillon but the French were forced to retire in face of Prussian artillery.

      General Carey de Bellemare commanded the strongest fortress north of Paris at Saint Denis. [10]

      On 29 October de Bellemare attacked the Prussian Guard at Le Bourget without orders, and took the town. [11] The Guard actually had little interest in recapturing their positions at Le Bourget, but Crown Prince Albert ordered the city retaken anyway. In the battle of Le Bourget the Prussian Guards succeeded in retaking the city and captured 1,200 French soldiers. Upon hearing of the French surrender at Metz and the defeat at Le Bourget, morale in Paris began to sink. The people of Paris were beginning to suffer from the effects of the German blockade. Hoping to boost morale on 30 November Trochu launched the largest attack from Paris even though he had little hope of achieving a breakthrough. Nevertheless, he sent Auguste-Alexandre Ducrot with 80,000 soldiers against the Prussians at Champigny, Créteil and Villiers. In what became known as the battle of Villiers the French succeeded in capturing and holding a position at Créteil and Champigny. By 2 December the Württemberg Corps had driven Ducrot back into the defenses and the battle was over by 3 December.

      On 19 January a final breakout attempt was aimed at the Château of Buzenval in Rueil-Malmaison near the Prussian Headquarters, west of Paris. The Crown Prince easily repulsed the attack inflicting over 4,000 casualties while suffering just over 600. Trochu resigned as governor and left General Joseph Vinoy with 146,000 defenders.

      During the winter, tensions began to arise in the Prussian high command. Field-Marshal Helmuth von Moltke and General Leonhard, Count von Blumenthal, who commanded the siege, were primarily concerned with a methodical siege that would destroy the detached forts around the city and slowly strangle the defending forces with a minimum of German casualties.

      But as time wore on, there was growing concern that a prolonged war was placing too much strain on the German economy and that an extended siege would convince the French Government of National Defense that Prussia could still be beaten. A prolonged campaign would also allow France time to reconstitute a new army and convince neutral powers to enter the war against Prussia. To Bismarck, Paris was the key to breaking the power of the intransigent republican leaders of France, ending the war in a timely manner, and securing peace terms favourable to Prussia. Moltke was also worried that insufficient winter supplies were reaching the German armies investing the city, as diseases such as tuberculosis were breaking out amongst the besieging soldiers. In addition, the siege operations competed with the demands of the ongoing Loire Campaign against the remaining French field armies.

      In January, on Bismarck's advice, the Germans fired some 12,000 shells into the city over 23 nights in an attempt to break Parisian morale. [12] About 400 perished or were wounded by the bombardment which, "had little effect on the spirit of resistance in Paris." [13] Delescluze declared, "The Frenchmen of 1870 are the sons of those Gauls for whom battles were holidays."

      Due to a severe shortage of food, Parisians were forced to slaughter whatever animals were at hand. Rats, dogs, cats, and horses were the first to be slaughtered and became regular fare on restaurant menus. Once the supply of those animals ran low, the citizens of Paris turned on the zoo animals residing at Jardin des plantes. Even Castor and Pollux, the only pair of elephants in Paris, were slaughtered for their meat. [14]

      A Latin Quarter menu contemporary with the siege reads in part:

      * Consommé de cheval au millet. (horse) * Brochettes de foie de chien à la maître d'hôtel. (dog) * Emincé de rable de chat. Sauce mayonnaise. (cat) * Epaules et filets de chien braisés. Sauce aux tomates. (dog) * Civet de chat aux champignons. (cat) * Côtelettes de chien aux petits pois. (dog) * Salamis de rats. Sauce Robert. (rats) * Gigots de chien flanqués de ratons. Sauce poivrade. (dog, rats) * Begonias au jus. (flowers) * Plum-pudding au rhum et à la Moelle de Cheval. (horse)

      Air medical transport is often stated to have first occurred in 1870 during the siege of Paris when 160 wounded French soldiers were evacuated from the city by hot-air balloon, but this myth has been definitively disproven by full review of the crew and passenger records of each balloon which left Paris during the siege. [15]

      During the siege, the only head of diplomatic mission from a major power who remained in Paris was United States Minister to France, Elihu B. Washburne. As a representative of a neutral country, Washburne was able to play a unique role in the conflict, becoming one of the few channels of communication into and out of the city for much of the siege. He also led the way in providing humanitarian relief to foreign nationals, including ethnic Germans. [16]

      On 25 January 1871, Wilhelm I overruled Moltke and ordered the field-marshal to consult with Bismarck for all future operations. Bismarck immediately ordered the city to be bombarded with large-caliber Krupp siege guns. This prompted the city's surrender on 28 January 1871. Paris sustained more damage in the 1870–1871 siege than in any other conflict.

      Secret armistice discussions began on January 23, 1871 and continued at Versailles between Jules Favre and Bismarck until the 27th. On the French side there was concern that the National Guard would rebel when news of the capitulation became public. Bismarck's advice was "provoke an uprising, then, while you still have an army with which to suppress it". The final terms agreed on were that the French regular troops (less one division) would be disarmed, Paris would pay an indemnity of two hundred million francs, and the fortifications around the perimeter of the city would be surrendered. In return the armistice was extended until February 19. [17]

      Food supplies from the provinces, as well as shiploads from Britain and the United States, began to enter the starving city almost immediately. [18] Thirty thousand Prussian, Bavarian and Saxon troops held a brief victory parade in Paris on March 1, 1871 and Bismarck honored the armistice by sending trainloads of food into the city. The German troops departed after two days to take up temporary encampments to the east of the city, to be withdrawn from there when France paid the agreed war indemnity. While Parisians scrubbed the streets "polluted" by the triumphal entry, no serious incidents occurred during the short and symbolic occupation of the city. This was in part because the Germans had avoided areas such as Belleville, where hostility was reportedly high. [19]

      Balloon mail was the only means by which communications from the besieged city could reach the rest of France. The use of balloons to carry mail was first proposed by the photographer and balloonist Felix Nadar, who had established the grandiosely titled No. 1 Compagnie des Aérostatiers, with a single balloon, the Neptunus, at its disposal, to perform tethered ascents for observation purposes. However the Prussian encirclement of the city made this pointless, and on 17 September Nadar wrote to the Council for the Defence of Paris proposing the use of balloons for communication with the outside world: a similar proposal had also been made by the balloonist Eugène Godard.

      The first balloon launch was carried out on 23 September, using the Neptunus, and carried 125 kg (276 lb) of mail in addition to the pilot. After a three-hour flight it landed at Craconville 83 km (52 mi) from Paris. [20] Following this success a regular mail service was established, with a rate of 20 centimes per letter. Two workshops to manufacture balloons were set up, one under the direction of Nadar in the Elysềe-Montmartre dance-hall (later moved to the Gare du Nord), [21] and the other under the direction of Godard in the Gare d'Orleans. Around 66 balloon flights were made, including one that accidentally set a world distance record by ending up in Norway. [22] The vast majority of these succeeded: only five were captured by the Prussians, and three went missing, presumably coming down in the Atlantic or Irish Sea. The number of letters carried has been estimated at around 2.5 million. [23]

      Some balloons also carried passengers in addition to the cargo of mail, most notably Léon Gambetta, the minister for War in the new government, who was flown out of Paris on 7 October. The balloons also carried homing pigeons out of Paris to be used for a pigeon post. This was the only means by which communications from the rest of France could reach the besieged city. A specially laid telegraph cable on the bed of the Seine had been discovered and cut by the Prussians on 27 September, [24] couriers attempting to make their way through the German lines were almost all intercepted and although other methods were tried including attempts to use balloons, dogs and message canisters floated down the Seine, these were all unsuccessful. The pigeons were taken to their base, first at Tours and later at Poitiers, and when they had been fed and rested were ready for the return journey. Tours lies some 200 km (120 mi) from Paris and Poitiers some 300 km (190 mi) distant. Before release, they were loaded with their dispatches. Initially the pigeon post was only used for official communications but on 4 November the government announced that members of the public could send messages, these being limited to twenty words at a charge of 50 centimes per word. [25]

      These were then copied onto sheets of cardboard and photographed by a M. Barreswille, a photographer based in Tours. Each sheet contained 150 messages and was reproduced as a print about 40 by 55 mm (1.6 by 2.2 in) in size: each pigeon could carry nine of these. The photographic process was further refined by René Dagron to allow more to be carried: Dagron, with his equipment, was flown out of Paris on 12 November in the aptly named Niépce, narrowly escaping capture by the Prussians. The photographic process allowed multiple copies of the messages to be sent, so that although only 57 of the 360 pigeons released reached Paris more than 60,000 of the 95,000 messages sent were delivered. [26] [27] (some sources give a considerably higher figure of around 150,000 official and 1 million private communications, [28] but this figure is arrived at by counting all copies of each message.)

      Late in the siege, Wilhelm I was proclaimed German Emperor on 18 January 1871 at the Palace of Versailles. The kingdoms of Bavaria, Württemberg, and Saxony, the states of Baden and Hesse, and the free cities of Hamburg and Bremen were unified with the North German Confederation to create the German Empire. The preliminary peace treaty was signed at Versailles, and the final peace treaty, the Treaty of Frankfurt, was signed on 10 May 1871. Otto von Bismarck was able to secure Alsace-Lorraine as part of the German Empire.

      The continued presence of German troops outside the city angered Parisians. Further resentment arose against the French government, and in March 1871 Parisian workers and members of the National Guard rebelled and established the Paris Commune, a radical socialist government, which lasted through late May of that year.

      Empires of Sand by David W. Ball (Bantam Dell, 1999) is a novel in two parts, the first of which is set during the Franco-Prussian war, more particularly the Siege of Paris during the winter of 1870-71. Key elements of the siege, including the hot-air balloons used for reconnaissance and messages, the tunnels beneath the city, the starvation and the cold, combine to render a vivid impression of war-time Paris before its surrender.

      The Old Wives' Tale by Arnold Bennett is a novel which follows the fortunes of two sisters, Constance and Sophia Baines. The latter runs away to make a disastrous marriage in France, where after being abandoned by her husband, she lives through the Siege of Paris and the Commune.

      Elusive Liberty is a novel by Glen Davies. It follows the sculptor of the Statue of Liberty, Major Auguste Bartholdi, who fought against the German invaders as an aide-de-camp to General Garibaldi and is in Paris during the siege. [29]

      The King in Yellow, a short story collection by Robert W. Chambers, published in 1895, includes a story titled "The Street of the First Shell" which takes place over a few days of the siege. [30]

      Woman of the Commune (1895, AKA A Girl of the Commune) by G. A. Henty, also published in 1895, spans the Prussian siege and the ensuing events of the Paris Commune. [31]

      The Master, a 2012 film by Paul Thomas Anderson, alludes to the Siege when Lancaster Dodd (Philip Seymour Hoffman) tells Freddie Quell (Joaquin Phoenix) that they both were part of the pigeon post.


      La débâcle! The aftermath of the Franco-Prussian War

      As an Emile Zola masterpiece makes tragically clear, defeat in the Franco-Prussian War was among the greatest calamities in French history – one that, says Misha Glenny, was to have grave consequences for the wider world in the 20th century.

      Hierdie kompetisie is nou gesluit

      Published: December 2, 2015 at 3:35 pm

      Exhausted and disoriented, Jean Macquart climbed over a ridge with his new friend, Maurice, and the other men in his company. In front of them they saw “through the evening mists a ribbon of pale silver in the immense panorama of meadows and cultivated land. It was the Meuse, the longed-for Meuse…”

      Maurice, the student who had so recently been leading a dissolute life in Paris, was finding his new career as a soldier a shattering experience. The familiarity of the landscape gave him renewed strength.

      “Pointing to little distant lights twinkling merrily through the trees in this rich valley, making a charming picture in the tints of twilight, [he] said to Jean, with the joyful relief of a man finding himself back in his beloved homeland: ‘Oh, look down there… that’s Sedan!’”

      The date was 31 August 1870, the very eve of the battle of Sedan, a catastrophic reversal for the French army that all-but condemned it to defeat in the Franco-Prussian War. This was a seismic moment in modern history, for not only did it bring Emperor Napoleon III’s reign crashing down in ignominy and lead to the establishment of the Paris Commune (a radical socialist government that ruled the city for two months), it would also fashion a historical dynamic of enmity between France and Germany that would wreck Europe and the wider world in the 20th century.

      Macquart’s arrival at the Meuse is arguably the most poignant scene in Emile Zola’s novel La Débâcle, a true masterpiece which has been largely forgotten outside the author’s native France. And even there it has receded since its rapturous reception when it was first published 21 years after the traumatic events.

      Although the penultimate novel in a 20-book family saga, known collectively after the main protagonists Rougon-Macquart, La Débâcle is as much a piece of reportage as it is a novel. As such it sits as a slight oddity in the highly literary sequence. But far from diminishing its impact, this style heightens the importance and authenticity of the work. Above all, Zola’s novel offers illuminating insights into the psychological mood of the French as they attempted to process the disintegration of their nation at the end of the Franco-Prussian War.

      Napoleon Bonaparte’s nephew, Louis Napoleon, or Emperor Napoleon III, has shouldered much of the blame for the French defeat. The diplomatic events leading up to the conflict demonstrated that, whatever qualities the emperor may have possessed, these were no match for Otto von Bismarck. The Prussian chancellor knew exactly how to play Napoleon’s ego, provoking the emperor through his presentation of the famous Ems telegram, which misleadingly implied that the Prussian king, William I, and the French ambassador, Count Vincent Benedetti, had insulted each other at a recent conversation over the future of the Spanish throne. Within days, Napoleon – alarmed at the rise of Prussian power throughout the 1860s – had taken the bait and declared war.

      Bismarck’s genius

      Despite his neurotic personality, Bismarck was a political genius whose ability to persuade friends, opponents and neutrals alike to act as he wished, raises him, to my mind, high above his 19th-century peers. Equally, his use of warfare to achieve carefully designed political goals, most of them domestic, was remarkable.

      This is demonstrated by a series of triumphs on the battlefield, beginning with victory over the Danes at Schleswig-Holstein in 1864 and then moving on to the audacious defeat of Austria at Hradec Kralové (Königgrätz) in 1866. By making it a hat-trick with victory in Sedan, Bismarck achieved his primary aim – the absorption of the central and southern German states, minus Austria, into a new country, with the centre of power in Berlin.

      Zola believed that blame lay squarely on Napoleon III’s shoulders. And he wasn’t alone in this. Victor Hugo passed the most withering judgment on the emperor using just three words: Napoleon, le Petit.

      Sedan was the horrifying symptom of a disease that had coursed through the entire economic and political body – a metaphor that Zola deployed repeatedly in his descriptions of the aftermath of the battle. He believed that restoring France would involve chopping off many of its putrid limbs.

      More recently, French historians have sought to rehabilitate Napoleon III in recognition of his role as a moderniser. Under his rule, the French started to industrialise, rationalise the banking system and, of course, Baron Haussmann redesigned Paris. It is worth remembering that it is Haussmann’s Paris that today makes the French capital the world’s top tourist destination.

      But from his vantage point just two decades later, Zola was oblivious to these achievements, because the consequences of 1870–71 shook France to its core.

      And yet, great writer that he is, Zola also sympathises with Napoleon’s personal tragedy. He and his ludicrous entourage, which was like a petit Versailles in permanent transit, trailed around behind the army as it suffered defeat after defeat. By this time, Napoleon himself was ridden with disease and suffering chronic pain while his wife, influential politicians and generals were conspiring against him.

      There is something profoundly moving about Zola’s descriptions of Napoleon’s pathetic attempts to revive his uncle’s charisma on the battlefield, as observed by Maurice’s cousin: “[His] moustache was so waxed and his cheeks were so rouged that he at once thought he looked much younger, and made up like an actor. Surely he must have had himself made up so as not to go round displaying to the army the horror of his colourless face all twisted with pain, his fleshless nose and muddy eyes. Having been warned at five in the morning that there was fighting at Bazeilles, he had come like a silent, gloomy ghost with its flesh all brightened up with vermilion.”

      Zola believed the rottenness had spread through most of the country’s institutions. He was unsurprisingly contemptuous of the general staff, which had assumed that the French army would reach Berlin within a matter of two weeks after the declaration of war. While equipped with detailed maps of the German states, the French military astonishingly possessed no maps of eastern France.

      It never occurred to them that Prussian and Bavarian troops would cross swiftly and efficiently into Alsace before the French had even completed their mobilisation.

      Equally, the military was slipping behind the Prussians in technology. The decisive weapon at Sedan was not the mitrailleuse – the machine-gun had been slowly developing for two years – but the Prussian breech-loading cannons manufactured by Krupp, which almost completely outgunned the French muzzle loaders.

      After the Franco-Prussian War, France was compelled to cede Alsace-Lorraine to the new German empire. It was also liable to pay reparations of 5bn gold francs within five years, a circumstance that directly influenced France’s uncompromising stance on reparations at the end of the First World War, with all the economic consequences of that peace.

      Out of the Franco-Prussian War emerged the original revanchisme, a powerful movement of French nationalism dedicated to the restoration of sovereignty over Alsace-Lorraine and to avenge the defeat in 1870. The seeds of the First World War were sown and they started germinating almost immediately.

      Sedan and the later French capitulation at the Prussian siege of Metz were much more significant in their implications than the victory of the British and Prussians at Waterloo. Yet in this country, their significance is barely recognised. A pity. Zola certainly understood their gravity.

      The fall of France, 1864–71

      1864–66 French alarm at Berlin’s growing power soars following Prussian victories over Austria and Denmark

      June 1870 Tensions intensify when a Prussian-endorsed candidate accepts the Spanish throne

      14 July Bismarck publishes the Ems telegram, with the aim of provoking the French

      19 July Napoleon III declares war on Prussia

      2 August After rapid Prussian mobilisation, 380,000 troops are massed on the French border

      16–18 August The French fail to break through the advancing Germans at Mars-la-Tour and Gravelotte. They are forced into retreat

      1 September Napoleon III surrenders following defeat at the battle of Sedan, but French forces fight on

      4 September A new government of National Defence takes power in Paris, proclaiming the birth of the Third Republic

      27 October Following a two-month siege, 140,000 French troops surrender at Metz

      28 January 1871 Paris surrenders to Prussian forces and France signs an armistice

      18 March Radicals establish a revolutionary government in Paris – known as the Paris Commune. It is defeated by French government forces on 28 May

      10 May France signs the Treaty of Frankfurt. It will pay Prussia 5bn francs. Germany annexes Alsace and half of Lorraine

      Misha Glenny is a journalist and former central European correspondent for Die voog and the BBC. Sy boeke sluit in The Balkans: 1804–2012 (Granta Books, 2012)


      The Siege of Paris during the Franco-Prussian War

      Through the first half of 1870 a confrontational fever with Germany spread throughout France. On July 15 Emperor Napoleon III led his nation "into one of the most disastrous wars in her history." (1) The Franco-Prussian conflict did not officially commence until July 19, 1870. In the course of its first weeks it produced a series of demoralizing defeats for the French. The army of Napoleon III "went to war ill-equipped, badly led, trained and organized, and with inferior numbers." (2) On August 19, one French army was trapped in the fortress of Metz and on September 1, the Empire of Napoleon III came crushing down when a second army was captured at Sedan with the Emperor himself. Three days later the news reached Paris and the fall of the Empire was proclaimed. The Empress left for England and a provisional government took power. (3) For the next five months, the "city of lights," as Parisians had proudly proclaimed "the center of the universe," was transformed. It became an army camp--French soldiers, National Guardsmen, volunteers-within, Prussian forces without. Luxuries, and then basic necessities slowly disappeared. Food became scarce, and the inhabitants resorted to edibles normally associated with other species. The government under General Trochu and leaders like Victor Hugo, Jules Favre, and Adolphe Thiers, tried to govern internal as well as external pressures. Finally, on January 27, an armistice was signed. It brought temporary calm to the capital, before the storm of the Paris commune and the second siege arrived.

      The new government in Paris, after the defeat at Sedan, was composed in part by publicists, politicians, lawyers, and teachers who had opposed Louis Napoleon's coup d'etat in 1851. "The Government of National Defense" was the official title, and nearly all kinds of political opinions were included, with the exception of the Bonapartists. The actual power rested with the Legitimists, Orleanists, and other conservatives. General Trochu, military governor of Paris and an Orleanist, held the presidency. Others included Leon Gambetta-minister of the Interior, General Le Flo- Minister for War, Jules Favre-Minister of Foreign Affairs and vice-president, Victor Hugo, Count Henri Rochefort-journalist and political enemy of Napoleon III who spent many years in prison, and Adolphe Thiers-the old minister of Louis Phillipe who went on diplomatic missions for the new republic. (4) Besides the day-to-day operation of the government, the three main objectives of the Government of National Defense were the procurement of a favorable peace treaty, enlistment of the aid of foreign powers, and the military preparation of Paris. The first objective got off to a bad start on September 6 when Jules Favre announced, "France would not give up an inch of her territory nor a stone of her fortresses." (5) This attitude went counter to that of Otto Von Bismarck, Chancellor of Germany, who saw the cession of territory as being as indispensable to the Prussians as it was inadmissible to the French. Bismarck demanded the immediate turnover of Alsace-Lorraine as well as Metz, Strasbourg, and Mont-Valerien (the fortress commanding Paris). Bismarck's proposals were rejected and the government was forced to defend the city and continue the war. Negotiations continued however, nothing concrete came out of them until the end of January when Jules Favre was sent to Versailles to discuss the terms of armistice. By this time Paris had been bombarded, food and other essential stores were nearly exhausted, and Prussian victories throughout the rest of France were a daily occurrence.

      The armistice was to set up the preliminary conditions for a peace treaty to be signed. Its terms included the surrender of all French fortifications, except those serving as prisons laying down their weapons with the exception of the Army which was to act independently for the maintenance of order, the immediate exchange of prisoners, and Paris was to pay 200,000,000 francs for war reparations within a fortnight. Also, anyone leaving the city needed a French military pass. (6) Back in September, the French government began pursuing the second objective, acquiring foreign aid, when Thiers was sent to England, Austria, and Russia to enlist help. He was sympathetically welcomed, but was unable to shore up any support. Only America showed enthusiasm for the new French Republic, however they were not yet ready to intervene on their behalf. Thiers tried again in October with the same results. From that point on he was used solely as the representative of the French government in the ongoing negotiations with Bismarck. Prior to the investment of Paris, the provisional government made efforts to prepare the military forces of the city. These efforts included: manpower allocations, defensive fortification and supplies. Troops were brought back from the surrounding provinces. General Vinoy's forces, which escaped capture at Sedan, were later consolidated with those of the provinces. Together they became the Provincial Mobile Guard. Meanwhile the National Guard furnished sufficient manpower to increase its size from 90,000 to more than 300,000 men. (7) Another aspect of the military preparation was the establishment of strong defensive fortifications. The forts in the vicinity of Paris were abandoned because it would have required too much work and time to get them ready, and the decision was made to move the defensive lines closer to the city's environs. All forests and wooded areas deemed favorable to enemy advantage were cut. Thus were the forests of Montmorency, Bundy, Boulogne, and Vincennes treated. The allocation of supplies was vital to the defense of Paris. Barracks, hospitals and factories for the manufacture of military hardware were established all over the city. Railway shops became cannon foundries, while tobacco factories became arsenals. The Louvre was transformed into an armament shop after the art gallery was moved for safekeeping. Balloons were constructed at the Orleans railway stations. (8) Hotels, department stores, theaters, and public buildings served as hospitals. The Tuileries and the Napoleon and Empress Circuses became barracks. (9) When in action, all the forces were under the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and subject to military law. Most of these actions centered on small sorties, unassumingly called "reconnaissances." In late September 1870, the objects of the sorties were to test the tenacity of the troops and probe the Prussian circle to determine its vulnerability. As for the Prussians, once the city was surrounded and more troops made available for the siege, the question was whether to bombard the capital or starve it into surrender. In his diary entry for October 8, Crown Prince Frederick states, "we shall certainly have to make up our minds to a bombardment of Paris. but to postpone as long as possible their actual accomplishment, for I count definitely on starving out the city." (10) The bombardment did not begin until January 4. The arrival of the shelling did not panic the Parisians. They had been expecting it since October.

      Precautions were taken to protect all works of art. Sandbags were placed in the windows of the Louvre, the School of Fine Arts and other important buildings, while outside monuments were taken underground. The bombardment lasted twenty-three days, usually from two to five hours each night. In the end, the Parisians refused to be intimidated and the psychological advantage of this tactic was lost. The siege of Paris slowly made its impact in an area critical to survival: the economy. According to a correspondent for The Times of London, "Business for France is everywhere broken up, and one-third of the country is devastated and ruined." (11) The first segment to directly feel the enclosure was the import and export activity. In order to survive, Paris needed a self-supporting economy, while also channeling most of its resources for the defense. Factories were now employed in making military necessities, instead of consumer goods. When the siege dragged on, the prospects for a speedy recovery evaporated and finally gave out completely when the bombardment began as some of those factories, in conjunction with other businesses, were damaged. The Prussians might not have been purposely inclined to destroy the French economy, except in one particular area: food consumption. The government's failure to establish a census system early during the siege caused it to miscalculate on its supply of comestibles, playing into the hands of the invaders. The census did not take place until December 30 and it was discovered that Paris contained a population of 2,005,709 residents excluding the armed forces. (12) The government however, did ask foreigners to leave, but the number who did was offset by the arrival of refugees from the provinces. This number of inhabitants and the Prussian encirclement had disastrous consequences. Early in 1870, the price of food had increased and by the start of the Franco-Prussian conflict it was 25 percent higher. (13) Prices did not go much higher because the government announced the number of cattle, sheep, and hogs within Paris to be adequate. However, everyone, even the government, believed the siege would last a very short time, perhaps a maximum of two months. The situation did not change until the early days of October. A few days before October 15, butchers suddenly refused to sell more than a day's ration. On October 15, the official rationing of meat began and continued throughout the entire siege, each portion becoming smaller and smaller. Eventually, nothing was left and Parisians resorted to other types of meat. The first substitute for the regular meat diet was horse. Parisians disdained it, at first, and it took the Horse-Eating Society to inform the public of the advantages to eating horse. When it finally came down to eating them, all breeds were included, from thoroughbred to mules. With time even this type of nourishment became rare, so other meats were introduced into the diet. Dogs, cats, and rats (14) were frequently eaten. The animals of the zoo were added to this diet, including Castor and Pollux, the two elephants that were the pride of Paris. Only the lions, tigers, and monkeys were spared the big cats for the difficulty of approaching them, the monkeys because of "some vague Darwinian notion that they were the relatives of the people of Paris and eating them would be tantamount to cannibalism." (15)

      During the middle of January, the government placed bread on the ration list, setting the daily quota at 300 grams for adults and half that amount for children. Parisians then realized that they were on the verge of starvation. As for the Prussians, this meant a quick solution to the conflict as Frederick III writes on his diary entry for January 7, "There is news from Bordeaux that provisions in Paris would be exhausted about the end of January, and at best could only last until early in February. I trust this may be true." (16) The terrible ordeal suffered by Paris between 1870-1871 was not their first, according to a German newspaper story reprinted in The Times. In 1590, Henry IV stood before Paris much like Bismarck was doing, and the city knew nothing worse. According to the story, the people of Paris forgot what meat was and they had to subsist on leaves or roots dug up from under stones. Terrible diseases broke out and in three months 12,000 people died. Bread no longer existed while all the dogs were captured and eaten. (17) The maledictions associated with siege warfare were no strangers to Parisians however, the peace treaty with Germany brought needed relief before the arrival of the Paris Commune with its own set of trials and tribulations.

      1. "The French Army and Politics 1870-1970"- pg. 7

      3. "The War Against Paris"- pg. 1

      4. "The Siege of Paris 1870-1871"- pg. 6

      6. "The War Diary of the Emperor Frederick III"- pg. 283

      7. "The Siege of Paris 1870-1871"- pg. 22

      8. Balloons served to carry the mail and diplomats outside the city safely from Prussian attack. Pigeons were used to carry messages. For more on this aspect of the siege read "Airlift 1870" by John Fisher.

      9. "The Siege of Paris 1870-1871"- pg. 24

      10. "The War Diary of the Emperor Frederick III"- pg. 150

      11. The Times of London, 1870 edition

      12. "The Siege of Paris 1870-1871"- pg. 43

      14. The price of rats became so high that not everyone could afford this delicacy, which was considered of the highest quality since rats fed on cheese and grains.

      15. "The Siege of Paris 1870-1871"- pg. 63

      16. "The War Diary of Emperor Frederick III"- pg. 253

      17. The Times of London, 1870 edition Bibliography Kranzberg, Melvin. The Siege of Paris, 1870-1871. A Political and Social History. Greenwood Press Publishers. Connecticut. 1950 Tombs, Robert. The War Against Paris- 1871. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. 1981 Allinson, A. R. (translator and editor)- The War Diary of the Emperor Frederick III- 1870-1871. Greenwood Press Publishers. Connecticut. 1926 Horne, Alistair. The French Army and Politics- 1870 to 1970. Peter Bedrick Books. New York. 1984


      Kyk die video: Over 911 wordt iedereen voorgelogen de mainstream media doet mee. Column Sven Hulleman