Johnson tree op as president in 1960

Johnson tree op as president in 1960

Na weke se veldtog kondig senator Lyndon Johnson van Texas sy kandidatuur vir die Demokratiese presidensiële benoeming amptelik aan op 'n perskonferensie op 5 Julie 1960. Maar teen 14 Julie, na 'n swak eerste stemming teen senator John F. Kennedy, Johnson aanvaar 'n tweede plek en word sy voormalige mededinger se hardloopmaat.


Kennedy-Johnson Era

Die presidentsverkiesing van 1960 het plaasgevind in 'n atmosfeer van gespanne internasionale betrekkinge en toenemende rassespanning in die Verenigde State. In 'n uiters noue wedstryd het die demokraat John F. Kennedy en sy hardloopmaat, Lyndon B. Johnson, die Republikeinse kandidate, Richard M. Nixon en Henry Cabot Lodge, verslaan. Kennedy was die eerste Rooms -Katoliek en die jongste man wat tot president verkies is.

Kennedy het 'n beroep op Amerikaners gedoen om die uitdagings van 'n nuwe grens - die grens van die 1960's - die hoof te bied. Presidensie Johnson het belowe om Kennedy se buitelandse en binnelandse beleid voort te sit. In 1964 wen Johnson en sy bestuurder, Hubert H. Humphrey, die verkiesing met 'n groot oorwinning en verslaan die Republikeinse kandidate Barry M. Goldwater en William E. Miller. Johnson het sy administrasie belowe om 'n 'Great Society' te bou

Baie van die wetgewing wat deur presidente Kennedy en Johnson voorgestel is, het voortgegaan in die sosiale welsynstradisie van die New Deal. Tydens die Kennedy-administrasie, 1961-63, is die gang van 'n paar maatreëls deur 'n koalisie van konserwatiewe Republikeine en Suid-Demokrate geblokkeer. Wetgewing wat uitgevaardig is, sluit wette in wat die Alliance for Progress ('n hulpprogram vir Latyns -Amerika) tot stand gebring het, die Peace Corps ('n buitelandse hulpprogram met vrywilligers) gestig het, federale hulp verleen aan depressiewe gebiede, voorsiening gemaak het vir die opleiding van werklose werkers, die vrystelling van sosiale sekerheidsvoordele, die minimum loon verhoog en federale fondse vir onderwys verskaf. Kennedy het ook 'n breë bevoegdheid gekry om tariewe te verlaag. Ten tyde van sy dood het die kongres gedebatteer oor 'n belastingverlagingswetsontwerp en 'n omvattende wetsontwerp op burgerregte, wat albei in 1964 aangeneem is.

Lyndon Johnson se indrukwekkende verkiesingsoorwinning in 1964 het dit moontlik gemaak om voorheen geblokkeerde wetsontwerpe en nuwe 'Great Society' -voorstelle goed te keur. Onder die wette wat gedurende 1965-69 uitgevaardig is, was diegene wat Medicare ingehuldig het, wat twee nuwe uitvoerende afdelings (behuising en stedelike ontwikkeling en vervoer) skep wat waarborg dat stemreg hervorming van immigrasieprosedures beheer van geweerverkope en die toekenning van federale hulp aan verarmde gebiede in die Appalachians, aan stede vir opknapping en vir lae-inkomste gesinne vir behuising.

Die burgerregtebeweging het vroeg in die 1960's begin momentum kry. In die Suide het swartes, of gemengde groepe swartes en blankes, segregasiewette uitgedaag deur "quotsitins" by restaurante en "vryheidsritte" op busse. In 1962 betree James Meredith, 'n swartmens, die tradisioneel geheel-wit Universiteit van Mississippi, hoewel oproer deur kampassegregasiegangers deur federale troepe onderdruk moes word. Burgerregtebetogings het in getal toegeneem en bereik 'n hoogtepunt in 1963 met 'n optog na Washington, DC, deur ongeveer 200 000 mense ter ondersteuning van die wetgewing wat die Wet op Burgerregte van 1964 geword het. In 1965 protesteer teen diskriminasie in kiesersregistrasie in die Suide gelei tot die uitvaardiging van 'n stemregwet.

Alhoewel daar vordering gemaak is met die verkryging van gelyke regte vir swartes, het oproer gereeld in die swart ghetto's in baie stede begin in die somer van 1965. Wydverspreide onluste het gevolg op die sluipmoord op burgerregte -leier Martin Luther King, Jr., in 1968. Kort daarna , Het die kongres 'n wet op oop besetting aangeneem in die hoop om die rassekrisis te verlig. Die burgerregtebeweging het egter reeds begin om militante swartes te verander en het nie 'n beroep op integrasie gedoen nie, maar op swart mag (beheer oor hul eie gemeenskappe).

Die wedloop met die Sowjetunie om die ruimte te verower, versnel. Kort nadat die Verenigde State sy eerste bemande ruimtevlug bereik het, het president Kennedy in 1961 die land daartoe verbind om 'n man teen die einde van die dekade op die maan te sit. In 1962 word John H. Glenn, Jr., in die Friendship 7 die eerste Amerikaner wat om die aarde wentel. Amerikaanse ruimtetuie het in 1964 vir die eerste keer gedetailleerde foto's van die maan oorgedra. Die dood van drie ruimtevaarders tydens 'n oefenongeluk in 1967 het die maanprogram vertraag, maar in 1968 het die bemande Apollo 8 -ruimtetuig om die maan wentel.

Gedurende die tydperk 1961-69 was daar ongekende ekonomiese groei. Werkloosheid het tot ongeveer 4 persent gedaal, maar dit bly 'n chroniese probleem. In 1964 is 'n federale program teen armoede ingestel om die basiese oorsake van armoede aan te val. Teen 1968 het stygende inflasie egter 'n bedreiging vir voorspoed geword en daartoe gelei dat die Kongres 'n inkomstebelastingverhoging kon aanvaar.

Verreikende gevolge in die staatspolitiek was die gevolg van 'n uitspraak oor die herverdeling van die Hooggeregshof in 1964-die sogenaamde & quotone man, een stem & quot besluit. Die hof het beslis dat alle distrikte waaruit lede van die staat se wetgewers verkies word, ongeveer dieselfde bevolking moet wees. In 1968 is die uitspraak uitgebrei tot plaaslike regeringsliggame.

In 1961 het die 23ste wysiging van die Grondwet inwoners van District of Columbia die reg gegee om tydens presidentsverkiesings te stem. Die 24ste wysiging (1964) het die belastingpeil by federale verkiesings afgeskaf. Die 25ste wysiging (1967) maak voorsiening vir kontinuïteit van mag in die geval van presidensiële gestremdheid.

Die Verenigde State was in die 1960's betrokke by verskeie internasionale krisisse ondanks die voortgesette pogings om die spanning in die Koue Oorlog te verlig. In 1961 het Oos -Duitsland, volgens Sowjet -instruksies, 'n muur tussen Oos- en Wes -Berlyn gebou om die stroom Oos -Duitse vlugtelinge na Wes -Duitsland te stuit. Hierdie optrede het 'n krisis veroorsaak tussen die Sowjetunie en die Verenigde State oor Westerse regte in Berlyn, wat sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog deur Sowjet-, Amerikaanse, Britse en Franse magte beset is. Daar was vrees vir 'n groot konfrontasie, maar die krisis is verlig deur diplomatieke maatreëls.

In 1961 val Kubaanse ballinge, opgelei met die hulp van die Verenigde State, hul geboorteland by die Baai van Varke binne in 'n onsuksesvolle poging om die Kommunistiese regime van Fidel Castro omver te werp. Kuba was weer 'n probleem in 1962, toe president Kennedy die Sowjetunie gedwing het om missiele wat dit daarheen gestuur het, te verwyder. Na die krisis-wat so ernstig was dat dit moontlik kon lei tot kernkonflik tussen die twee supermoondhede-het die Sowjet-Amerikaanse betrekkinge verbeter. 'N Beperkte verdrag vir verbod op proefverbod is in 1963 beding en konsulêre en ruimteverdrae in 1967.

Die bande van die Verenigde State met Latyns -Amerika is versterk deur die Alliance for Progress in 1961. Die betrekkinge was egter 'n geruime tyd gespanne nadat president Johnson in 1965 die troepe na die Dominikaanse Republiek gestuur het om te verhoed dat die kommunistiese rewolusionêre die regering in beslag neem.

Die betrokkenheid van die Verenigde State in Suidoos -Asië het in die 1960's geleidelik uitgebrei. In 1962, om verdere kommunistiese penetrasie van Laos te voorkom, het die Verenigde State deelgeneem aan onderhandelinge wat gelei het tot 'n internasionale ooreenkoms om die neutraliteit van die land te waarborg. Ekonomiese en militêre hulp aan Suid -Viëtnam om die kommunistiese guerrillas te beveg, wat in die vyftigerjare begin is, het uiteindelik daartoe gelei dat president Johnson 'n groot aantal Amerikaanse gevegstroepe in 1965 gestuur het. beweging in die Verenigde State. Ondanks die pogings wat in 1968 begin is om 'n skikking te beding, het die oorlog voortgegaan.

1968 Presidensiële verkiesing

Teen die tyd van die verkiesingsveldtog van 1968 was daar groot verdeeldheid in die land as gevolg van opposisie teen die Viëtnamese Oorlog en die rassestryd wat die burgerregtebeweging veroorsaak het. President Johnson het besluit om nie vir herverkiesing aan te bied nie, want sy gewildheid het skerp afgeneem. Die veldtog is gekenmerk deur die moord op senator Robert F. Kennedy van New York, wat op soek was na die presidensiële benoeming van die Demokratiese party, en deur 'n gewelddadige konfrontasie tydens die Demokratiese byeenkoms in Chicago.

In die verkiesing het die voormalige vise-president Richard M. Nixon, die Republikeinse genomineerde, 'n geringe oorwinning behaal oor die demokraat Hubert H. Humphrey en 'n derdepartykandidaat, George C. Wallace.


Inhoud

Demokratiese Party Redigeer

Demokratiese kandidate Redigeer

Die belangrikste kandidate vir die nominasie van die Demokratiese president in 1960 was die Amerikaanse senator John F. Kennedy uit Massachusetts, goewerneur Pat Brown van Kalifornië, senator Stuart Symington van die Verenigde State van Missouri, senator Lyndon B. Johnson van die Verenigde State van Texas, voormalige goewerneur van Illinois, Adlai Stevenson, [5] Amerikaanse senator Wayne Morse van Oregon, en senator Hubert Humphrey van Minnesota van Minnesota. Verskeie ander kandidate soek ondersteuning in hul vaderland of streek as kandidate as "gunsteling seun" sonder 'n realistiese kans om die benoeming te wen. Symington, Stevenson en Johnson wou almal nie veldtog in die presidensiële voorverkiesings doen nie. Alhoewel dit hul potensiële aantal afgevaardigdes in die Demokratiese Nasionale Konvensie verminder het, het elkeen van hierdie drie kandidate gehoop dat die ander voorste aanspraakmakers in die voorverkiesing sou struikel, waardeur die afgevaardigdes van die konvensie hom sou kies as 'n 'kompromie' kandidaat wat vir alle faksies aanvaarbaar is die partytjie.

Kennedy was aanvanklik gedink deur voorstelle van sommige oudstes van die Demokratiese Party (soos die voormalige president van die Verenigde State, Harry S. Truman, wat Symington ondersteun) dat hy te jonk en onervare was om president te wees, en hierdie kritici stel voor dat hy moet instem om die hardloopmaat te wees vir 'n ander demokraat. In die besef dat dit 'n strategie was wat sy teenstanders voorgehou het om te keer dat die publiek hom ernstig opneem, het Kennedy eerlik gesê: 'Ek wil nie vir vise -president wees nie, maar ek verkies om president te wees.' [6]

Die volgende stap was die voorverkiesings. Kennedy se Rooms -Katolieke godsdiens was 'n probleem. Kennedy het die senator van Minnesota, Hubert Humphrey, eers in die Wisconsin -primêre uitgedaag en hom verslaan. Kennedy se susters, broers en vrou Jacqueline het die staat gefynkam op soek na stemme, wat Humphrey laat kla het dat hy 'n onafhanklike handelaar was wat teen 'n kettingwinkel meeding '. [7] Sommige politieke kenners het egter aangevoer dat Kennedy se oorwinningsmarge byna geheel en al uit Katolieke gebiede gekom het, en daarom het Humphrey besluit om die wedstryd in die swaar protestantse deelstaat Wes -Virginië voort te sit. Die eerste televisiedebat van 1960 is in Wes -Virginia gehou, en Kennedy het beter gevaar as Humphrey. [8] Humphrey se veldtog was laag op fondse en kon nie meeding om advertensies en ander "kry-uit-die-stem" dryf met Kennedy se goed gefinansierde en goed georganiseerde veldtog nie. Uiteindelik het Kennedy Humphrey met meer as 60% van die stemme verslaan, en Humphrey het sy presidensiële veldtog beëindig. Wes -Virginia het getoon dat Kennedy, 'n Katoliek, in 'n sterk protestantse staat kan wen. Alhoewel Kennedy slegs in nege presidentsverkiesings deelgeneem het, het Kennedy se teenstanders, Johnson en Symington, nie daarin geslaag om in 'n voorverkiesing deel te neem nie. Alhoewel Stevenson twee keer die presidentskandidaat van die Demokratiese Party was en 'n lojale gevolg van liberale behou het, het sy twee nederlae teen die Republikeinse president, Dwight D. Eisenhower, die meeste partyleiers en afgevaardigdes laat soek na 'n "vars gesig" wat 'n nasionale verkiesing. Na die voorverkiesings het Kennedy deur die land gereis en met staatsafvaardigings en hul leiers gesels. Met die opening van die Demokratiese Konvensie was Kennedy ver voorop, maar hy word steeds beskou as 'n tekort aan die totaal van die afgevaardigdes wat hy nodig het om te wen.

Demokratiese konvensie Redigeer

Die Demokratiese Nasionale Konvensie van 1960 is in Los Angeles, Kalifornië, gehou. In die week voor die opening van die byeenkoms, het Kennedy twee nuwe uitdagers ontvang toe Lyndon B. Johnson, die magtige leier van die meerderheid in die senaat uit Texas, en Adlai Stevenson, die genomineerde van die party in 1952 en 1956, hul kandidate amptelik aangekondig het (hulle het albei privaat gewerk) vir 'n geruime tyd vir die benoeming). Nie Johnson of Stevenson was egter 'n wedstryd vir die talentvolle en uiters doeltreffende Kennedy -veldtogspan onder leiding van Robert F. Kennedy nie. Johnson daag Kennedy uit op 'n televisiedebat voor 'n gesamentlike vergadering van die afvaardigings van Texas en Massachusetts, waartoe Kennedy aanvaar het. Die meeste waarnemers het geglo dat Kennedy die debat gewen het, en Johnson kon nie sy afgevaardigde -steun verder as die Suide uitbrei nie. Stevenson se versuim om sy kandidatuur tot die week van die byeenkoms in die openbaar bekend te stel, het beteken dat baie liberale afgevaardigdes wat hom moontlik sou ondersteun het, reeds aan Kennedy toegesê is, en Stevenson - ondanks die energieke steun van die voormalige presidentsvrou Eleanor Roosevelt - kon nie hul trou verbreek nie. Kennedy het die nominasie op die eerste stembrief gewen.

Toe, in 'n stap wat baie verbaas het, vra Kennedy Johnson om sy hardloopmaat te wees. Hy besef dat hy nie verkies kan word sonder die steun van tradisionele Suid -Demokrate nie, waarvan die meeste Johnson gesteun het. Hy het Johnson op 14 Julie 1960 om 10:15 die visepresidensiële benoeming in die Los Angeles Biltmore Hotel aangebied, die oggend nadat hy vir president benoem is. [10] Robert F. Kennedy, wat Johnson gehaat het vir sy aanvalle op die Kennedy -gesin, en wat die arbeidsleier Walter Reuther bevoordeel het, [11] het later gesê dat sy broer Johnson die pos as hoflikheid aangebied het en nie voorspel het dat hy dit sou aanvaar nie Dit. Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., en Seymour Hersh haal Robert Kennedy se weergawe van die gebeure aan deur te skryf dat John Kennedy "Stuart Symington as sy hardloopmaat sou verkies het" en dat Johnson saam met die speaker van die huis, Sam Rayburn, saamgespan het om "druk op Kennedy uit te voer om die nominasie aan te bied" ". Hersh gaan voort met 'n alternatiewe weergawe van die gebeure wat hy skryf dat Kennedy in wese afgepers is om die vise -presidentskap aan Johnson te bied. Dieselfde verhaal is oorspronklik deur Anthony Summers aangebied in sy biografie van FBI -direkteur J. Edgar Hoover. Evelyn Lincoln, die persoonlike sekretaris van Kennedy, het in 'n onderhoud aan Summers gesê dat sy middel 1960 oortuig was dat J. Edgar Hoover en Johnson 'n sameswering gehad het. Dit is bekend dat Hoover gedetailleerde lêers oor die persoonlike lewens van baie politieke figure hou, en Kennedy was geen uitsondering nie. Hoover het inligting uit minstens twee verskillende bronne oor Kennedy se vroulike voorkoms voor die verkiesing verkry. In Januarie 1942, terwyl hy in die Amerikaanse vloot gedien het, het FBI -toesigrekords bevestig dat hy 'n verhouding het met 'n vrou met die naam Inga Arvad, toe in 1958 'n egpaar met die naam Leonard en Florence Kater agterkom dat hul huurder, Pamela Turnure , 'n sekretaris in Kennedy se senaatskantoor, het 'n verhouding gehad met die president wat binnekort sou wees. Die Katers het 'n bandopnemer opgerig om die geluide van die liefde van die egpaar op te neem en 'n foto van Kennedy self gemaak. Die Katers het hierdie inligting aan die koerante gestuur en een onderneming - Stearn Publications - het dit aan Hoover deurgegee. Kort daarna, "het hy stilweg 'n afskrif van die kompromie -seksbande gekry en dit aan Lyndon Johnson aangebied as ammunisie." Lincoln het gesê dat Johnson "al die inligting gebruik het wat Hoover oor Kennedy kon vind - tydens die veldtog, selfs voor die konvensie. En Hoover was besig met die druk op Kennedy tydens die byeenkoms." 'N Paar dae nadat die aanbod gemaak is, het Pierre Salinger, die perssekretaris van die veldtog, vir Kennedy gevra of hy werklik verwag dat Johnson die aanbod sou aanvaar of net 'n beleefde gebaar maak. Kennedy reageer kripties: "Die hele verhaal sal nooit bekend wees nie. En dit is net so goed dat dit nie sal wees nie." 'Die enigste mense wat by die besprekings betrokke was, was Jack en ek,' het Robert Kennedy gesê. 'Ons het albei vir mekaar belowe dat ons nooit sal vertel wat gebeur het nie.' [12] [13]

Biograwe Robert Caro en W. Marvin Watson bied 'n ander perspektief, hulle skryf dat die Kennedy -veldtog desperaat was om 'n baie noue wedloop te wen teen Richard Nixon en Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. stemme uit Texas en die suide van die Verenigde State. Caro se navorsing het getoon dat Kennedy op 14 Julie met die proses begin het terwyl Johnson nog geslaap het. Om 06:30 het Kennedy sy broer gevra om 'n skatting op te stel van die komende verkiesingsstemme, "insluitend Texas." [10] Robert Kennedy het Pierre Salinger en Kenneth O'Donnell gebel om hom by te staan. In die besef van die gevolge van die telling van Texas-stemme as hul eie, het Salinger hom gevra of hy 'n Kennedy-Johnson-kaartjie oorweeg, en Robert het geantwoord: "ja". [10] Tussen 9 en 10 uur het John Kennedy die goewerneur van Pennsylvania, David L. Lawrence, 'n ondersteuner van Johnson, gebel om te vra dat Lawrence Johnson vir vise -president benoem as Johnson die rol sou aanvaar en daarna na Johnson se suite gegaan om 'n onderlinge kaartjie te bespreek om 10:15 keer John Kennedy daarna terug na sy suite om die Kennedy-Johnson-kaartjie aan sy naaste ondersteuners en Noordelike politieke base bekend te maak. Hy het die gelukwensing aanvaar van goewerneur van Ohio, Michael DiSalle, goewerneur van Connecticut, Abraham A. Ribicoff, burgemeester van Chicago, Richard J. Daley, en burgemeester van New York, Robert F. Wagner Jr. Hy het toe vertrek om die nominasie toespraak te begin skryf. [10] O'Donnell onthou dat hy kwaad was oor wat hy beskou het as 'n verraad deur John Kennedy, wat Johnson voorheen as 'n anti-arbeid en anti-liberaal beskou het. Daarna het Robert Kennedy besoek afgelê met arbeidsleiers wat baie ontevrede was met die keuse van Johnson en nadat hy die diepgaande arbeidsopposisie teen Johnson gesien het, het hy boodskappe tussen die hotel -suites van sy broer en Johnson gestuur, blykbaar probeer om die voorgestelde kaartjie sonder John te ondermyn Kennedy se magtiging en om Johnson te laat instem om die voorsitter van die Demokratiese Party te wees eerder as vise -president. Johnson het geweier om 'n verandering in planne te aanvaar, tensy dit direk van John Kennedy kom. Ondanks die inmenging van sy broer, was John Kennedy vas dat Johnson was wat hy as bestuurder wou hê, en het hy met personeellede soos Larry O'Brien, sy nasionale veldtogbestuurder, vergader om te sê dat Johnson ondervoorsitter sou wees. O'Brien onthou later dat die woorde van John Kennedy heeltemal onverwags was, maar dat hy na 'n kort oorweging van die verkiesingsstemsituasie gedink het dat dit 'n genie was '. [10]

Norman Mailer het die byeenkoms bygewoon en 'n profiel geskryf van Kennedy, "Superman Comes to the Supermart", gepubliseer in Besoek. [14]


Johnson, Lyndon Baines (1908 en ndash1973)

Lyndon Baines Johnson, president van die Verenigde State, die oudste van vyf kinders van Samuel Ealy Johnson, Jr., en Rebekah Baines Johnson, is gebore op 27 Augustus 1908 op 'n plaas in die Hill Country naby Stonewall, Texas. Sy pa het in die Texas -wetgewer gedien, en die jong Lyndon het grootgeword in 'n atmosfeer wat politiek en openbare aangeleenthede beklemtoon het. Lyndon se ma moedig haar seun se ambisie en strewe aan. In 1913 verhuis die Johnsons na die nabygeleë Johnson City. Lyndon is opgelei in plaaslike skole in die omgewing en studeer aan die hoërskool in Johnson City in 1924. Gedurende die volgende paar jaar het hy verskeie werk in Kalifornië en Texas probeer sonder sukses. In 1927 betree hy die Southwest Texas State Teachers College (nou Texas State University), waar hy 'n hoofgeskiedenis en sosiale wetenskap was wat aktief was in kampuspolitiek. Hy verwerf sy basiese onderwysersertifikaat in 1928 en was 'n jaar lank skoolhoof en onderwyser in Cotulla. Sy werk met die behoeftige Spaanse studente daar het 'n belangrike uitwerking gehad op sy houding teenoor armoede en die rol van die regering. Johnson ontvang sy B.A. graad in 1930. Hy het reeds aan verskeie politieke veldtogte deelgeneem. Laat in 1931 word hy sekretaris van kongreslid Richard M. Kleberg van Texas. Gedurende die vier jaar wat hy die pos beklee het, het hy waardevolle kontakte in Washington gekry. Op 17 November 1934 ontmoet en trou hy met Claudia Alta "Lady Bird" Taylor, dogter van Thomas Jefferson Taylor II, 'n welvarende planter en winkeleienaar in Marshall. Twee dogters is gedurende die veertigerjare van die Johnsons gebore. Mevrou Johnson was 'n effektiewe politieke vennoot. Haar besigheidsvernuf was 'n belangrike element in die sukses van die radiostasie wat hulle in 1943 in Austin verkry het.

Johnson se eerste belangrike politieke posisie was as direkteur van die National Youth Administration in Texas van 1935 tot 1937. Die bou van sy stelsel van parke langs die pad het jong Texane aan die werk gesit en het stilweg die deelname van Afro -Amerikaners aan sommige NYA -programme bekendgestel. Toe die huidige kongreslid van die Tiende Kongresdistrik in 1937 sterf, het Johnson deelgeneem aan die wedloop as 'n toegewyde ondersteuner van Franklin D. Roosevelt en die New Deal. Hy het elf jaar in die Huis deurgebring en die wetgewende proses intiem vertroud geraak. Hy was 'n voorstander van Roosevelt se programme en beleid en 'n goeie bondgenoot van die meerderheidsleier (later speaker van die Huis) Sam Rayburn. Hy was die voorsitter van die veldtogkomitee van die Demokratiese Kongres in 1940 en het die Demokrate gehelp om beheer oor die Huis te behou. In 1941 het hy uit Texas vir die Senaat gehardloop, maar is in 'n spesiale verkiesing nouliks verslaan.

Toe die Verenigde State in Desember 1941 die Tweede Wêreldoorlog binnegaan, het Johnson hom as luitenant -bevelvoerder by die vloot aangesluit. Hy het gevegte gesien tydens 'n inspeksietoer deur die Suidelike Stille Oseaan in 1942. Hy het die vloot verlaat in reaksie op die opdrag van president Roosevelt dat kongreslede in Washington moet bly. Johnson het in 1948 weer 'n wedloop vir die senaat teen die gewilde voormalige goewerneur Coke Stevenson gedoen. Texas het sy vroeëre liefde vir die New Deal verloor, en Johnson beklemtoon sy eie konserwatisme tydens die verkiesing. Die afloop primêre in Augustus 1948 was baie naby. Te midde van aanklagte van stembus en ander bedrieglike praktyke, is Johnson eers ná lang regsgevegte tot die Demokrate benoem. Hy het sy Republikeinse teenstander in die algemene verkiesing maklik verslaan. Hy was 'n effektiewe senator wat die organisasie en reëls van die bo -huis onder die knie het. Sy Demokratiese kollegas het hom in 1951 vir 'n meerderheids sweep verkies, en in 1953 is hy gekies om 'n minderheidsleier te wees - die jongste sodanige leier in die geskiedenis van die Senaat. Johnson het 'n tweede termyn in 1954 gewen. Die Demokrate het dieselfde jaar weer beheer oor die kongres gekry, en in Januarie 1955 het hy die meerderheidsleier geword.

In sy gejaag na bewind het Johnson egter sy gesondheid verwaarloos. Gedurende die vroeë somer van 1955 het hy 'n ernstige hartaanval gehad. Hy het laat daardie jaar teruggekeer na sy pligte in die Senaat. Hy volg 'n strategie van samewerking met die Republikeinse administrasie van Dwight D. Eisenhower. As meerderheidsleier was Johnson meer as tagtig jaar lank 'n belangrike rol in die verloop van die eerste burgerregte-handelinge in 1957 en 1960. Hy dring ook hard aan vir 'n uitgebreide rol in die Verenigde State in die ruimte. Sy presidensiële ambisies gedurende die 1950's het sy houding teenoor die politiek in Texas gedurende die dekade gevorm. In 1956 voer hy 'n hewige stryd teen goewerneur R. Allan Shivers vir die beheer van die Texas -afvaardiging na die Demokratiese nasionale byeenkoms, 'n wedstryd waarin Johnson die oorhand gekry het. Die wetgewer in Texas het ook 'n maatreël aangeneem om Johnson toe te laat om tegelyk vir die presidentskap en herverkiesing in die Senaat in 1960 te staan. Ondanks hierdie maneuvers het sy bod vir die Withuis in 1960 misluk, en hy het besluit om John F. Kennedy se vise -president te wees. Johnson het hard veldtog in die suide beywer, sy vermoë om Texas en ander suidelike state in die Demokratiese kolom te plaas, het Kennedy gehelp om sy oorwinning te behaal. Johnson se verhoging tot die vise -presidentskap het sy senaat in 1961 vakant gelaat, en die Republikein John G. Tower het 'n spesiale verkiesing gewen om hom op te volg.

Gedurende die vise -presidensiële jare, van 1961 tot 1963, het Johnson se nasionale mag vervaag. In Texas het sy voormalige assistent John B. Connally, Jr., die verkiesing as goewerneur gewen in 1962. Vete tussen Connally en die senator van Texas, Ralph W. Yarborough, het die eenheid van die party in die 1964 -verkiesing in gevaar gebring en president Kennedy in November 1963 na Dallas gebring om genees die intraparty wonde. Die moord op Kennedy het Johnson in die Withuis ingedryf.

Aan die binnelandse kant het Johnson se presidentskap beduidende veranderinge aangebring in die werking van die regering, veral die Wet op Burgerregte van 1964, die Stemregwet van 1965 en die Great Society -program. In die verkiesing van 1964 het Johnson Texas met 'n oorweldigende marge gedra, senator Yarborough na herverkiesing geveg teen die Republikeinse kandidaat, George H. W. Bush, en die opkoms van die GOP vertraag as 'n ernstige uitdaging vir die demokratiese oppergesag in Texas. In die buitelandse beleid het Johnson die verbintenis wat Kennedy aangegaan het vir die behoud van Suid -Viëtnam, geërf. Hy het einde 1963 besluit om hom nie uit Suidoos -Asië te onttrek nie. Teen 1965 het sy eskalasie van die oorlog teen Noord -Viëtnam betogings van die Demokrate aan die linkerkant gebring, wat die konflik as misleidend beskou het, terwyl Republikeine die president aangeval het omdat hy die oorlog nie met voldoende krag vervolg het nie. Antiwar-protesoptogte, rasse-onrus en uitgebreide regeringsprogramme het die kiesers van Texas gedurende die middel-sestigerjare teen die Johnson-regering gekeer. Senator Tower het in 1966 herverkiesing gewen toe die politieke lotgevalle van die Johnson White House verskerp het. Teen 1967 het Johnson se politieke basis erodeer. Die president het probleme ondervind om deur die land te reis weens betogers wat hom gevolg het. Sosiale omwenteling in die vorm van stedelike onluste en rassespanning het verband gehou met die Johnson -jare. Binne die Demokratiese party nasionaal is in 1967 pogings aangewend om 'n alternatief vir Johnson te vind. Liberale in Texas, wat lankal ontevrede was met Johnson se leierskap, weerspieël hierdie ongelukkigheid. Deur Connally en ander medewerkers soos die prokureur van Austin, Frank C. Erwin, Jr., het Johnson die staatsdemokratiese party beheer teen hierdie opstandsmagte. Dit lyk asof die oorlog in Viëtnam gestaak is toe 1967 geëindig het. Die Tet -offensief, wat op 30 Januarie 1968 begin het, was 'n nederlaag vir Noord -Viëtnam militêr, maar 'n knou vir Johnson se verswakte status tuis. Gekonfronteer met politieke uitdagings van Eugene McCarthy en Robert Kennedy in sy eie party, was Johnson ook bekommerd oor wat met sy eie gesondheid sou gebeur as hy weer sou hardloop. Op 31 Maart 1968 kondig hy aan dat hy die bombardement van Noord -Viëtnam beperk en dat hy onderhandelinge soek. In 'n politieke verrassing kondig hy ook aan dat hy nie 'n kandidaat vir herverkiesing sal wees nie.

Nadat hy op die Johnson Ranch teruggetrek het, skryf Johnson sy memoires, The Vantage Point: Perspective of the Presidence, 1963–1969, wat in 1971 gepubliseer is. Hy het ook toesig gehou oor die bou van die Lyndon Baines Johnson -biblioteek en -museum aan die Universiteit van Texas in Austin. Ondanks sy onttrekking aan die nasionale politiek het Johnson voortgesette invloed op Texas -aangeleenthede uitgeoefen. Sy vriende het vise -president Hubert H. Humphrey gehelp om Texas in die herfs van 1968 te dra teen die voormalige vise -president Richard Nixon en die goewerneur van Alabama, George Wallace. Johnson ondersteun ook Lloyd M. Bentsen, Jr., in 1970 in 'n wedloop teen George Bush vir die Amerikaanse senaat. Die siek voormalige president het die Demokratiese presidentskandidaat in 1972, senator George S. McGovern, wat Texas verloor het in die Nixon -grondstorting van daardie jaar, minder aanmoediging gebied.

Lyndon Johnson was amper vier dekades lank 'n belangrike mag in Texas. Sy senaatwedloop teen Coke Stevenson in 1948 bly een van die mees omstrede episodes in die geskiedenis van Amerikaanse verkiesings. Johnson se verhoudings met mans soos Sam Rayburn, John Connally en Lloyd Bentsen het 'n generasie lank die rigting van staatspolitiek beïnvloed. Aan die ander kant was Johnson se vete met Ralph Yarborough 'n belangrike faktor in die relatiewe swakheid van die Texas -liberalisme gedurende die 1950's en 1960's. Johnson het ook tydens sy politieke loopbaan 'n groot uitwerking op die ekonomie van Texas gehad, aangesien hy kongres se krediete na die staat gestuur het in die vorm van militêre basisse, oesubsidies vir boere, regeringsfasiliteite en werk vir federale werkers. Die Lyndon B. Johnson Space Center, hoofkwartier van die NASA -ruimteprogram in Houston, is 'n groot simbool van die impak van Johnson se liberale nasionalisme op die ontwikkeling van Texas en die Sunbelt in die naoorlogse jare.

Onvriendelike biograwe het Johnson uitgebeeld as slegs gedryf deur 'n magsug. Sy persoonlikheid kan skraal wees, en sy metodes was dikwels onbeskof. Die impuls wat hy getoon het om die lewens van Texans en alle Amerikaners te verbeter, weerspieël egter ware oortuiging van hom. Ondanks sy mislukking in die buitelandse beleid in Viëtnam, was Johnson een van die belangrikste presidente gedurende die tydperk na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog. Sy ambisieuse Great Society -program verpersoonlik die uitgestrekte beleid van die Amerikaanse liberalisme. Die reaksie op hierdie program het die basis gelê vir die konserwatiewe neiging wat hom gevolg het. Die oorlog in Viëtnam het die vermoë van die Verenigde State in twyfel getrek om sy invloed uit te oefen waar dit in die wêreld gekies het. Johnson se breë konsep van presidensiële mag is onder kritiek weens die buitensporige jare van sy Withuis. Hy het probeer om 'n uitstekende president te wees en het indrukwekkende resultate behaal. Hy het ook die grense van die regering en die presidensie gedemonstreer om sosiale verandering teweeg te bring en om te slaag in 'n aktivistiese buitelandse beleid. Geen Texaan het 'n groter merk in die geskiedenis van die Verenigde State gelaat nie. Johnson is op 22 Januarie 1973 oorlede en is naby Johnson City begrawe. Sien ook ander artikeltitels wat begin met LYNDON.


George Wallace presidensiële verkiesing in 1968: ' Mees invloedryke verloorder ' in die politieke geskiedenis

Vyftig jaar gelede het George Wallace - die goewerneur van Alabama, wie se segregasiebeleid die staat in die 60's en 70's gevorm het - 'n historiese kandidaat vir president gemaak. Hier is 'n terugblik op een van Wallace se interessantste politieke veldtogte:

Goewerneur in 1962 Lurleen in 1966

Wallace, 'n voormalige staatsverteenwoordiger, het die regeringsverkiesing in Alabama in 1958 verloor voordat hy sy streng segregasie-standpunt aangeneem het en die pos in 1962 verower het. Termynbeperkings het hom beperk tot 'n termyn van vier jaar as goewerneur van Alabama, so sy vrou, Lurleen, het in 1966 die pos gehaal en maklik gewen. Met sy vrou as goewerneur het Wallace se gedagtes na die Withuis gegaan.

Dokters het reeds in 1961 kanker in Lurleen Wallace geïdentifiseer, maar het haar man ingelig en nie haar nie. Gedurende haar wedloop om goewerneur het die egpaar haar verslegtende gesondheid geheim gehou. George Wallace handhaaf sy veldtogrooster, selfs terwyl die kanker versprei en Lurleen baie siek word. Her last public appearance as governor was at a 1967 football game and campaign appearance for George Wallace's presidential bid. Wallace continued to make campaign appearances during the final weeks of her life until he canceled a Michigan stop, on her request, on May 5. Lurleen Wallace died May 7, 1968 at age 41.

Lyndon Johnson took office in 1963 following the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Johnson won his own complete term in 1964 but, weighed down by controversy involving the Vietnam War, said he would not seek the office in 1968. Johnson's exit - along with the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy in June 1968 - set the stage for the presidential showdown between Republican Richard Nixon, Democrat Hubert Humphrey and Wallace, who ran under the American Independent banner.

American Independent Party

The American Independent Party, founded in 1967, was a far-right response to the growing unrest in both the Republican and Democratic parties. Early on, its main purpose was supporting Wallace and his segregationist views. Wallace had ran as a Democrat in 1964 and would again in 1972 but formed AIP as Democrats moved towards desegregation.


Johnson Runs for President in 1960 - HISTORY

Lyndon Baines Johnson became the 36th president of the United States on the assassination of John F. Kennedy in November 1963. A skilled promoter of liberal domestic legislation, he was also a staunch believer in the use of military force to help achieve the country's foreign policy objectives. His escalation of American involvement in the Vietnam War eroded his popular standing and led to his decision not to run for reelection to the presidency in 1968.

Johnson was born on Aug. 27, 1908, near Johnson City , Tex., the eldest son of Sam Ealy Johnson, Jr., and Rebekah Baines Johnson. His father, a struggling farmer and cattle speculator in the hill country of Texas, provided only an uncertain income for his family. Politically active, Sam Johnson served five terms in the Texas legislature. Lyndon's mother had varied cultural interests and placed high value on education she was fiercely ambitious for her children.

Johnson attended public schools in Johnson City and received a B.S. degree from Southwest Texas State Teachers College in San Marcos. He then taught grade school for a year in Cotulla before going to Washington in 1931 as secretary to a Democratic Texas congressman, Richard M. Kleberg.

During the next four years Johnson developed a wide network of political contacts in Washington, D.C. On Nov. 17, 1934, he married Claudia Alta Taylor, known as "Lady Bird." A warm, intelligent, ambitious woman, she was a great asset to Johnson's career. They had two daughters, Lynda Bird, born in 1944, and Luci Baines, born in 1947. In 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt entered the White House. Johnson greatly admired the president, who named him, at age 27, to head the National Youth Administration in Texas. This job, which Johnson held from 1935 to 1937, entailed helping young people obtain employment and schooling. It confirmed Johnson's faith in the positive potential of government and won for him a coterie of supporters in Texas.

In 1937, Johnson sought and won a Texas seat in Congress, where he championed public works, reclamation, and public power programs. When war came to Europe he backed Roosevelt's efforts to aid the Allies. During World War II he served a brief tour of active duty with the U.S. Navy in the Pacific (1941-42) but returned to Capitol Hill when Roosevelt recalled members of Congress from active duty. Johnson continued to support Roosevelt's military and foreign-policy programs.

During the 1940s, Johnson and his wife developed profitable business ventures, including a radio station, in Texas. In 1948 he ran for the U.S. Senate, winning the Democratic party primary by only 87 votes. (This was his second try in 1941 he had run for the Senate and lost to a conservative opponent.) The opposition accused him of fraud and derisively tagged him "Landslide Lyndon." Although challenged, unsuccessfully, in the courts, he took office in 1949.

Senator and Vice-President

Johnson moved quickly into the Senate hierarchy. In 1953 he won the job of Senate Democratic leader. The next year he was easily reelected as senator and returned to Washington as majority leader, a post he held for the next six years despite a serious heart attack in 1955.

The Texan proved to be a shrewd, skillful Senate leader. A consistent opponent of civil rights legislation until 1957, he developed excellent personal relationships with powerful conservative Southerners. A hard worker, he impressed colleagues with his attention to the details of legislation and his willingness to compromise.

In the late 1950s, Johnson began to think seriously of running for the presidency in 1960. His record had been fairly conservative, however. Many Democratic liberals resented his friendly association with the Republican president, Dwight D. Eisenhower others considered him a tool of wealthy Southwestern gas and oil interests. Either to soften this image as a conservative or in response to inner conviction, Johnson moved slightly to the left on some domestic issues, especially on civil rights laws, which he supported in 1957 and 1960. Although these laws proved ineffective, Johnson had demonstrated that he was a very resourceful Senate leader.

To many northern Democrats, however, Johnson remained a sectional candidate. The presidential nomination of 1960 went to Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts. Kennedy, a northern Roman Catholic, then selected Johnson as his running mate to balance the Democratic ticket. In November 1960 the Democrats defeated the Republican candidates, Richard M. Nixon and Henry Cabot Lodge, by a narrow margin.

Johnson was appointed by Kennedy to head the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunities, a post that enabled him to work on behalf of blacks and other minorities. As vice-president, he also undertook some missions abroad, which offered him some limited insights into international problems.

The assassination of President Kennedy on November 22, 1963, elevated Johnson to the White House, where he quickly proved a masterly, reassuring leader in the realm of domestic affairs. In 1964, Congress passed a tax-reduction law that promised to promote economic growth and the Economic Opportunity Act, which launched the program called the WAR ON POVERTY. Johnson was especially skillful in securing a strong CIVIL RIGHTS ACT in 1964. In the years to come it proved to be a vital source of legal authority against racial and sexual discrimination.

In 1964 the Republicans nominated Senator Barry M. Goldwater of Arizona as their presidential nominee. Goldwater was an extreme conservative in domestic policy and an advocate of strong military action to protect American interests in Vietnam. Johnson had increased the number of U.S. military personnel there from 16,000 at the time of Kennedy's assassination to nearly 25,000 a year later. Contrasted to Goldwater, however, he seemed a model of restraint. Johnson, with Hubert H. Humphry as his running mate, ran a low-key campaign and overwhelmed Goldwater in the election. The Arizonan won only his home state and five others in the Deep South.

Johnson's triumph in 1964 gave him a mandate for the Great Society, as he called his domestic program. Congress responded by passing the Medicare program, which provided health services to the elderly, approving federal aid to elementary and secondary education, supplementing the War on Poverty, and creating the Department of Housing and Urban Development. It also passed another important civil rights law--the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

At this point Johnson began the rapid deepening of U.S. involvement in Vietnam as early as February 1965, U.S. planes began to bomb North Vietnam. American troop strength in Vietnam increased to more than 180,000 by the end of the year and to 500,000 by 1968. Many influences led Johnson to such a policy. Among them were personal factors such as his temperamental activism, faith in U.S. military power, and staunch anticommunism. These qualities also led him to intervene militarily in the Dominican Republic--allegedly to stop a Communist takeover--in April 1965. Like many Americans who recalled the "appeasement" of Nazi Germany in the 1930s, Johnson thought the United States must be firm or incur a loss of credibility.

While the nation became deeply involved in Vietnam, racial tension sharpened at home, culminating in widespread urban race riots between 1965 and 1968. The breakdown of the interracial civil rights movement, together with the imperfections of some of Johnson's Great Society programs, resulted in Republican gains in the 1966 elections and effectively thwarted Johnson's hopes for further congressional cooperation.

It was the policy of military escalation in Vietnam, however, that proved to be Johnson's undoing as president. It deflected attention from domestic concerns, resulted in sharp inflation, and prompted rising criticism, especially among young, draft-aged people. Escalation also failed to win the war. The drawn-out struggle made Johnson even more secretive, dogmatic, and hypersensitive to criticism. His usually sure political instincts were failing.

The New Hampshire presidential primary of 1968, in which the antiwar candidate Eugene McCarthy made a strong showing, revealed the dwindling of Johnson's support. Some of Johnson's closest advisors now began to counsel a de-escalation policy in Vietnam. Confronted by mounting opposition, Johnson made two surprise announcements on Mar. 31, 1968: he would stop the bombing in most of North Vietnam and seek a negotiated end to the war, and he would not run for reelection.

Johnson's influence thereafter remained strong enough to dictate the nomination of Vice-President Humphrey, who had supported the war, as the Democratic presidential candidate for the 1968 election. Although Johnson stopped all bombing of the North on November 1, he failed to make real concessions at the peace table, and the war dragged on. Humphrey lost in a close race with the Republican candidate, Richard M. Nixon.

After stepping down from the presidency in January 1969, Johnson returned to his ranch in Texas. There he and his aides prepared his memoirs, which were published in 1971 as The Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency, 1963-1969. He also supervised construction of the Johnson presidential library in Austin. Johnson died on Jan. 22, 1973, five days before the conclusion of the treaty by which the United States withdrew from Vietnam.


Vote rigging and hanging chads: A brief history of contested elections

President Trump set a pretty high bar Thursday when he said expanding mail-in voting during coronavirus pandemic would lead to the most inaccurate and fraudulent election in history.

There have been 58 presidential elections held so far and for the most part they’ve been remarkably free of fraud complaints at a level that could have shifted the outcome. But that doesn’t mean there haven’t been some doozies along the way.

When election fraud is raised, this is the contest that most often raises its hand.

John F. Kennedy won Illinois by 8,858 votes, but backers of Richard Nixon, then the sitting vice president, saw signs of vote-rigging in Democratic-dominated Cook County, home of Chicago. Analysts have debated the matter over the ensuing 20 years without reaching a consensus on whether the rigging, if it did occur, was the margin of victory.

The results in Texas, home of Kennedy’s running mate, Lyndon B. Johnson, were also questioned, with elections regularly being swung by political operatives able to deliver votes.

If Nixon carried both states he would have won the Electoral College.

“That was probably the most disputed election in American history when it comes to the voting,” said Marc Schulman, editor of HistoryCentral.com and author of the History of American Presidential Elections.

Some of Nixon’s backers wanted him to pursue a recount, but he accepted the results.

Mr. Trump complains that mail-in voting will lead to an “inaccurate” election. It’ll be tough to top the George W. Bush vs. Al Gore battle that kicked off this century.

Much of America spent Thanksgiving with one eye on football games and the other watching as elections officials in Florida, with magnifying glass in hand, studying ballots for divots, hanging chads and other markings, trying to devise what voters really intended.

Because of the way ballots were printed in Palm Beach County, thousands of people who intended to cast ballots for Mr. Gore may have actually cast them for Reform Party nominee Patrick J. Buchanan.

A legal battle went to the Supreme Court, which halted the recount, effectively giving the state — and a national electoral majority — to Mr. Bush.

Larry J. Sabato, director of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia, later bought one of the voting machines responsible for the possible mismarked ballots.

He said that one machine alone accounted for enough ballots to make up the difference between Mr. Bush and Mr. Gore, which was 537 votes in a state that saw 6 million ballots cast.

“It’s seen as a corrupt election even though it really came down to one of the most poorly designed ballots,” Mr. Sabato said.

America’s most contested presidential elections are often not about fraud, but about the role of the Electoral College. Five times the popular vote winner has failed to win the Electoral College, including that 2000 election and Mr. Trump’s 2016 victory.

But the most striking instance was 1876, when Samuel Tilden, the Democrat, won the popular vote and appeared to be leading in the Electoral College, though 20 electoral votes from four states, including Florida, were contested.

Congress created a commission to hear the dispute and the panel, despite evidence suggesting Tilden won Florida, delivered that state’s votes to Republican Rutherford B. Hayes. The three other states were also awarded to Hayes.

Democrats in Congress protested but ultimately accepted the outcome as part of an understood deal that Hayes would remove remaining federal troops from the recently defeated Confederacy, effectively ending Reconstruction.

“The Southern states decided they would much rather have troops withdrawn from their states than have Tilden as president,” said Mr. Sabato.

Some Tilden supporters urged him to mount an army, march on Washington and seize the government, but he reaffirmed the importance of abiding by the system.

“It’s a good precedent,” Mr. Sabato said.

It wasn’t a presidential contest, but the most notorious fraud in a national election is likely a Democratic Senate primary race in Texas between then-Rep. Lyndon B. Johnson and former Gov. Coke Stevenson.

As recounted by super-biographer Robert A. Caro, Johnson appeared to be losing as the votes came in, and only one region of the state was still outstanding — an area where, in a previous head-to-head, Stevenson had swamped Johnson.

Yet this time, Johnson cleaned up. In one county, he outdistanced Stevenson 4,195 to 38. Another county went 2,908 to 166 in favor of Johnson.

Johnson was still down as election night ended, but the next day officials in one of those counties discovered another 427 votes they said they missed the previous day. Johnson won all but two of those votes.

Johnson would win the primary by fewer than 90 votes out of nearly 1 million cast. The race earned him the nickname “Landslide Lyndon.”

‘America’s greatest strength’

Mr. Schulman said the relative lack of fraud claims in presidential elections speaks to the endurance of the system.

“History has shown that we’ve had a remarkable history of elections that have taken place on time, without any large degree of fraud,” he said. “That has been America’s great strength over the years — almost all of the politicians over the centuries have believed in the system.”

He said in the modern world there are dangers to elections that arise from dependence on electronic voting systems. But he said ballot fraud isn’t really a danger.

“The amount of fraud we would need to change the outcome of an election, and assume it’s not going to be caught, it’s almost science fiction,” Mr. Schulman said.


2 Answers 2

As per your original question:

The Wikipedia section does not claim that Joseph P Kennedy bought John F Kennedy's victory. Such claims would be rather outlandish as it would mean that he was the only or the major contributor to the primary election campaign. As JFK would not have been able to win the democratic primary election unless he had widespread support within the Democratic party, it is unlikely that he couldn't find campaign funds from many other sources.

As per your updated question:

There was several investigations and recounts in this election. The only of them that changed the outcome actually changed the 3 electoral votes of Hawaii from Nixon to Kennedy.

Claims like these often show up in countries where the politics is highly polarized into blocks, as people are unable to accept defeat in something that they feel very strongly. They feel cheated after having put down a lot of emotions (and often hard work), and they decide that they feel cheated because they really were cheated.

The Republican party gave up their attempts to change the outcome of the election once JFK was in office, but as you notice, some republicans still haven't given up.

About Joe Kennedy's influence on making JFK president:

Joseph P Kennedy was involved in politics, and knew a lot about politics, and helped out his son in his political career in many ways. I don't see how this is strange or controversial in any way. And it doesn't mean he paid for the presidency.


LBJ’s 1964 attack ad ‘Daisy’ leaves a legacy for modern campaigns

Fifty years ago, on Sept. 7, 1964, a political ad called “Daisy” aired on behalf of President Lyndon Johnson. The commercial opened with a little girl in a meadow, then a horrific nuclear blast filled the screen. We’ve been feeling the fallout ever since.

It was only a minute long. The paid ad ran on national television only once, and only on one network, NBC. But that’s all it took.

Here’s what you would have heard that early fall evening during “Monday Night at the Movies”:

This image made from video made available by the Democratic National Committee via the LBJ Library shows a mushroom cloud from a nuclear explosion in a 1964 presidential campaign television commercial titled "Peace, Little Girl" and known as the "Daisy Spot" made by the DNC for Lyndon B. Johnson in his race against former Sen. Barry Goldwater. (AP Photo/Democratic National Committee) (AP/AP)

LITTLE GIRL (plucking daisy petals): One, two, three, four, five, seven, six, six, eight, nine . . .

“MISSION CONTROL”: Ten, nine, eight, seven, six, five, four, three, two, one, zero . . .

SOUND EFFECTS: Huge atomic bomb blast.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON: These are the stakes: to make a world in which all of God’s children can live, or to go into the dark. We must either love each other. Or we must die.

ANNOUNCER: Vote for President Johnson on Nov. 3. The stakes are too high for you to stay home.

The takeaway? Johnson’s Republican opponent, Barry Goldwater, was a crazed, trigger-happy cowboy. If his finger were ever on the nuclear button, the world would blow up. We’d all die.

You can love “Daisy” for its power or hate it for its excess — I both love it and hate it — but it changed political advertising forever. Here’s how:

●It gave politicians a license to kill. Earlier political commercials were overwhelmingly upbeat. In 1960, Frank Sinatra sang a rewrite of “High Hopes” for John F. Kennedy, with this jolly lyric: “Everyone is voting for Jack, ’cause he’s got what all the rest lack.”

But “Daisy” was a full-throated, gloves-off, take-no-prisoners negative message. Arguably, and for better or worse, it’s the Mother of All Attack Ads.

To execute the spot, the creative types didn’t just run still photos with a crawl of type. They used every weapon in their arsenal. They grabbed for viewers’ hearts with an adorable little girl (commercial actress Monique Corzilius). They tapped into viewers’ greatest nightmare with footage of a huge mushroom-shaped cloud. (Remember, this was less than two years after the Cuban missile crisis.) They reinforced the visuals with intrusive sound effects (provided by the genius sound engineer Tony Schwartz). They had Johnson read a snippet of spiritual poetry (by W.H. Auden). And they hired a voice-of-God baritone (sports announcer Chris Schenkel) to wrap things up.

●By all means, trash the tropes. Nowhere in “Daisy” does an image appear of either candidate. Barry Goldwater is not mentioned. There are no American flags, bunting, stirring music or other cliches of the genre. Johnson’s ad agency, Doyle Dane Bernbach, deployed every bit of the imagery and verbal power typically used with nonpolitical clients such as Volkswagen, Avis Car Rental and Levy’s Rye Bread. DDB wasn’t going to pussyfoot around for the LBJ brand just because this was politics. The agency had its share of gentlemen and ladies, but when it came to gaining market share for its clients, they were New York street brawlers.

●Overreacting can boomerang. Before there was something called “earned media,” “Daisy” did just that. The Republican campaign erupted in outrage. The Johnson campaign, which anticipated the heat, quietly and quickly pulled the ad, and it never ran again. But the networks (only three of ’em, remember?) duly registered the GOP ire and — to show people what all the fuss was about — ran “Daisy” ad nauseam. Result: The one-time- only spot was shown over and over. And under the aegis of newscasts, it undoubtedly picked up credibility along the way.

So who crafted and produced this message? Who’s responsible for it?

Tony Schwartz is often given sole credit. But commercials are like little movies. They’re collaborative. The collaborators include Bill Bernbach, DDB’s creative director Sid Myers and Stanley Lee, art director and copywriter, respectively and producer Aaron Ehrlich. On the account management side, Jim Graham was the point person.

But a creative agency always needs a creative client, so you have to give a nod to the White House, too. Steve Smith was the “matchmaker” who had recommended the upstart agency to his brother-in-law John F. Kennedy. Bill Moyers, Jack Valenti and Richard Goodwin seem to have been on the receiving end of the pitch. Lyndon Johnson, ultimately, approved the ad.

We’re on the cusp of another expensive, nasty election. Gird up your loins, everyone.

Many of 2014’s candidates and their brilliant operatives weren’t alive when “Daisy” aired. But what they do and what they’ll produce will be influenced by those 60 seconds that ran 50 years ago.


Moonshine Runners, History, and Their Cars: Looking Back at Junior Johnson

Forever immortalized by Tom Wolfe's short story "The Last American Hero is Junior Johnson. Yes!" published in his book "The Kandy-Kolored Tangerine Flake Streamline Baby," Junior Johnson, 19312019, was the prototypical NASCAR hero. We're all aware NASCAR started as a place for the illegal liquor (moonshine) runners in the Southeast to compete against each other on racetracks instead of windy, dirt mountain roads. Junior began as a legit 'shine runner until "Big Bill" France convinced him to drive his 1940 Fords and other liquor cars at his events.

Junior was instantly one of the initial stars of the series, winning 50 NASCAR races in the 1950s and 1960s, and going on to run his own team with drivers including Darel Dieringer, LeeRoy Yarbrough, Cale Yarbrough, Bobby Allison, Darrell Waltrip, Neil Bonnet, Terry Labonte, Geoff Bodine, Sterling Marlin, Jimmy Spencer, and Bill Elliott, all of whom are household names today. Junior was a gentle giant that you didn't want to mess with on the track or off, and was so popular that President Ronald Reagan pardoned him for his 1956 moonshining conviction (for which he did a year in prison).

Back in 2005, HOT ROD did a story on the 'shine-running cars of Junior and his lifelong friend Willie Clay Call, and we thought it was a good time to post it again. RIP, Junior, you were truly one of a kind. —Rob Kinnan

From the October 2005 issue of HOT ROD:Like old thoroughbreds in their stalls at a racing stable, the aging moonshine-hauling cars of Willie Clay Call sit at the ready in the garage next to his home in the Appalachian foothills of Wilkes County, North Carolina. Their rear suspensions are still ultra-stiff and ready to conceal the weight of more than 100 gallons of white lightning that the cars would haul out of the foothills to Winston-Salem, Lexington, or other points east.

They wait for loads that will never come from creek-side stills that no longer exist. The customers are gone, too. The moonshine culture is dead—killed not so much by the persistence of law enforcement as by the spread of legal liquor and ABC stores into previously dry Southern states and counties. The backwoods still, an American tradition that predates the founding of the United States, has all but disappeared from the ravines and hollows of the southern Appalachians.

On the brink of its demise, after flourishing since colonial times, the moonshine business went out in a blaze of iconic glory and real-life drama born of its integration into another uniquely American custom—the hot rod. Big loads, fast cars, and tough law all came together in the 1950s and 1960s in a pageant of high-speed chases, roadblocks, wild escapes, crashes—and on rare occasions, gunplay.

Most of the old moonshiners are now up there in years. Call is 65. His lifelong friend Junior Johnson is 74. They could still stir the mash if push came to shove, but making bootleg liquor is some of the hardest work a man can do. Even if the market still existed, they have long since lost the need to bother. But they did quite well for themselves in the underground business, despite the cars that were confiscated, the stills that were blown sky-high, and the pieces of their lives lost to prison terms.

Like any good businessmen, the moonshiners diversified. As the liquor culture died, another prosperous livelihood, chicken farming, arrived in the nick of time to replace it. Most of the former moonshiners now raise chickens for the local Tyson processing plant in North Wilkesboro, a linchpin of the area economy. No one wants or needs white lightning anymore.

The large garage behind Call's house in rural Wilkes County, the self-described moonshine capital of America, contains six 1940 Fords with flathead V-8s, a 1966 Dodge Coronet 440 with a 426 Hemi, and a 1961 Chrysler New Yorker.

These are not replicas. "I used all these cars for a-haulin'," Call says. Call has 14 more 1940 Fords in another garage, as well as other assorted vehicles. These cars were the tools of his distribution trade, and when those trading days were over, he kept the cars.

The 1966 Dodge was one of three he ordered when they were introduced. In the 1960s, the cars coming out of Detroit kept getting more powerful and faster, as if they were being custom-made for the moonshiners. "They didn't make but 40 with this engine," Call says. "I bought three of 'em. I got one-and-a-half now."

He sold one. The other he lost in a chase soon after he bought it. One of his drivers "drove it into a pond down there in Concord when the revenuers was a-runnin' him," he says. "I ended up getting the motor back. It took several years, but I got it. They'd pulled the engine out of the car and kept it in storage. I had a guy who worked down there and he got it for me." How did he get it? "I don't know," Call says. "Reckon he bought it or stole it, one."

The big-finned, baby blue New Yorker is hardly the stuff of HOT ROD. It was the type of car a doctor or a lawyer drove, and it was his most effective, best-driving moonshine car. This is the car he'll talk about first and most often. "That Chrysler would go on," Call says. "I've been run many a time in it. But there warn't no race to it. It'd run 180 mile an hour loaded or unloaded, uphill or downhill—it didn't matter. It's probably hauled more liquor than any car that's ever hit the highway."

The New Yorker has logged more than 300,000 miles, either under Call's foot or that of another driver, and taken several bullet holes in its body. "I had it painted about seven or eight years ago," Call says, "and the boy called me and said, 'You know there's a couple of bullet holes in your car?' I said, no, I sure didn't. I figured out where they came from, though. It was back in the '80s."

"Junior [Johnson] had a reputation for being a guy who had a hot rod with a one-brake wheel. He could go down the road and hit that brake and turn around in one lane of a highway and head back the other way at great speed." —ATU Agent Joe Carter

The dashboard is production, except for one minor modification. Junior attached a pair of toggle switches just left of the steering column that, when flipped, cut off the brake lights, or the taillights, or both. More than one pursuing lawman ended up in a roadside ditch after overdriving a curve while on Call's tail.

"You never did see that car on the road unless it was loaded," Call says. "I didn't keep it around the house or nothin'. I kept it hid."

Call's cars may not be the sleekest hot rods you'll ever see, but their legacy in American car culture is secure. Not only did the moonshiners' livelihood rest on their skill and imagination as car builders and drivers, their very freedom depended on it.

"On the race track, you're a-runnin' to beat someone," Johnson drawls. "Out on the highway, you're a-runnin' for your life."

No trophy in Junior Johnson's palatial country home, and no victory in his 50 triumphs in NASCAR racing means more to him than his pride in the statement, "They never caught me a-haulin."

Johnson will tell you with a straight-on, dead-level look that Stock Car racing was a comedown compared to running moonshine, and not only because of the legal threat. "I had some purty fast race cars, but I never run anything as fast as the fastest cars I had on the highway," Johnson says. "The cars we ran on the road, you could modify 'em to the tip. Plus, they were supercharged and turbocharged. We could just do anything we wanted to 'em. There was never a time we could do anything we wanted to the race cars, even the Modifieds. NASCAR wouldn't let 'em run turbochargers or superchargers or anything like that. A supercharger or turbocharger just packs so much power in that motor, it's unbelievable. And we had no limitations on cubic inches. We could bore and stroke 'em all we wanted. We'd run 500 cubic inches a lot of the time."

Clay Call never competed in the first Stock Car race, but one day in the early 1960s, he took his supercharged 1955 Ford out onto the track at North Wilkesboro Speedway, where Fred Lorenzen, the Golden Boy of NASCAR's early years, was practicing. Call says he outran Lorenzen lap after lap.

"We didn't back down in doing whatever we could do to make 'em faster," Johnson says. "You didn't have no top end on 'em with a supercharger. That thing would just keep gettin' up. It had the power to take it where the road was so narrow, you couldn't imagine how fast that thing was a-runnin'."

The cars driven by treasury agents and other law enforcement officers were no match for the moonshiners' cars. "I called the cars the government gave us 'mechanical miscarriages,'" says former federal Alcohol Tax Unit (ATU) agent Joe Carter, the guy who captured Johnson on foot at his father's still in 1956. "But then, we lacked another component they had—the drivers. Those guys could drive a car like you wouldn't believe. By the time they got to be 14 years old, they could outrun any officer I knew of. They learned how to drive and they knew every curve, though some of 'em got killed doin' it."

Despite his fame as a Stock Car racer and team owner, Johnson never considered himself better than the other moonshine drivers. "Most all the guys who hauled whiskey were good drivers," Johnson says. "A lot of guys were as good as I was on the highway. But when it got to racing, and the car is set up to just go left, you can almost double your speed going off into the corner." That took a special skill that Johnson excelled at.

Fellow moonshiner Thurmond Brown explained some years back about how terrifying it was to ride with Junior when he was going full song on the highways of North Carolina. "Junior and me was comin' back through Winston-Salem once at about 3 o'clock in the morning after unloading a load, and hell, he was just drivin' sideways. And them little old mailboxes and newspaper boxes, well, Junior was just a clippin' by those things right beside my face. I said, Junior, you're gonna have the law on you. And it made him about half-mad, I believe. He said, 'If we can't outrun 'em empty, what the hell are we a-doin' down here loaded?'

"I knew we could outrun 'em, loaded or empty, but I was dreadin' that ride. Junior whipped a car. The car was scared of him. He manhandled it. But settin' over there on the other side—it was hard on me. He'd pass another car on the right side of the road, and the air would be full of dirt and grass, and that ol' rear quarter-panel would be way up there in the damn woods and honeysuckle and such. Junior would say, 'Ah, c'mon. It'll be there when we get there. '"

The old 1940 Fords, with their flathead V-8 engines, dominated the moonshine scene until the 1950s. The most frequent modification the moonshiners made was to replace the flathead V-8 with the biggest Cadillac engine they could find, which happened to be in the carmaker's ambulances. Johnson and Call would haunt auctions for Cadillac ambulances, yank the engine, bore and stroke it to get all possible cubic inches, and slap a supercharger on it. As they say in Wilkes County, that old Ford would go on.

As younger men in the 1940s and 1950s, the moonshiners also tapped into the burgeoning hot rod scene in Southern California.

"We did to start with," Johnson says. "We'd buy stuff like Offenhauser and Edelbrock cylinder heads, and cranks and pistons and rods and all kinda stuff. But soon we was doin' all that ourselves. Then, when we got real strong into it [in the 1960s], California didn't have as gooda stuff as we did."

Though never caught on the road, Johnson, Call, and many other moonshiners did feel the sting of the law. In the mid-20th century, moonshining was so open in Wilkes County that the federal government built a small courthouse in North Wilkesboro to handle all the criminal cases. It became something of a factory, turning bootleggers into federal prisoners by the score for failing to pay the required federal levies on liquor.

The moonshiners usually pled guilty to the charges against them local lore claims they were so honest, they'd be told after sentencing when to report for the prison bus and then sent on home. Invariably, when the bus arrived a few days later, the moonshiners would be there waiting for it to take them to prison.

Johnson himself spent 11 months and 3 days in a federal penitentiary in 1956 to 1957 near his peak as a Stock Car racer after his arrest at his daddy's still. He pled guilty to that one. In 1959, however, Junior was found not guilty in another case after NASCAR officials took the stand to help him prove he was racing at the time it was alleged he was making liquor. In 1960, nine months after his acquittal, Johnson won the biggest race of his career—the Daytona 500. That same year, doing well in racing and tired of being hounded, Johnson quit the moonshining business.

Call, meanwhile, lost several automobiles to the feds, as well as seven months of his life. He was convicted on a conspiracy charge in 1960. Unlike Johnson, who was sent to the federal penitentiary in Chillicothe, Ohio, Call spent his time in a prison set up at Donaldson Air Force Base in Greensville, South Carolina.

"I hated to leave down there," he says. "I'd a stayed if I'd had a payin' job. I really liked it. Hell, it was an Air Force Base. They fed good in there. I had a vehicle and drove anywhere I wanted to on the base. And I picked me up two or three good customers."

"My daddy was a moonshiner, and my grandpa was in it, too." —Willie Clay Call

Call admitted for the first time during HOT ROD's visit that he'd continued making and hauling illegal liquor well into the 1980s. Today, he's a one-man archive of the culture, including the fleet of moonshine cars he owns, the 40-plus homemade copper cookers he's collected, and the well- hidden "mock" still he has on land he owns back in Wilkes County woods.

Both Johnson and Call have donated cars and other moonshine and racing memorabilia to a new museum scheduled to open this year in the Old Courthouse building in North Wilkesboro. "They're getting along with it pretty good," Johnson says. "It'll have the history of Wilkes County and racin' and bootlegging' and fightin' and everything else."


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