Jay Lovestone

Jay Lovestone

Jacob Liebstein is gebore in Hrodna, in die huidige Wit -Rusland, op 15 Desember 1897. Die gesin het op 15 September op Ellis -eiland aangekom. Vanaf daardie datum het Jacob die naam Jay Lovestone aangeneem. Sy ouers het in die Lower East Side tuisgegaan, maar later na die Bronx verhuis.

As jong man het hy 'n volgeling van Daniel De Leon geword. In 1915 word hy 'n student aan die City College van New York. Lovestone het vriende geword met Bertram Wolfe en die twee mans het by die Socialist Party of America en die Intercollegiate Socialist Society aangesluit.

Lovestone was ook 'n voorstander van die Russiese rewolusie en het by die Kommunistiese Propaganda League aangesluit. Lovestone studeer in Junie 1918. Die jaar daarna begin hy studeer aan die New York University School of Law. In Februarie 1919 het Lovestone kragte saamgespan met Bertram Wolfe, John Reed en Benjamin Gitlow om 'n linkse faksie in die Socialist Party of America te stig wat die beleid van die Bolsjewiste in Rusland voorstaan.

Op 24 Mei 1919 het die leierskap 20 000 lede verdryf wat hierdie faksie ondersteun het. Die proses het voortgegaan en teen die begin van Julie is twee derdes van die party opgeskort of geskors. Hierdie groep, waaronder Lovestone, Earl Browder, John Reed, James Cannon, Bertram Wolfe, William Bross Lloyd, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Ella Reeve Bloor, Charles Ruthenberg, Rose Pastor Stokes, Claude McKay, Michael Gold en Robert Minor, het besluit om die Kommunistiese Party van die Verenigde State. Teen die einde van 1919 het dit 60 000 lede gehad, terwyl die Socialist Party of America slegs 40 000 lede gehad het.

In 1921 word Lovestone redakteur van die partykoerant, The Communist, en sit hy in die redaksie van The Liberator. Lovestone het hom verbind met die groep onder leiding van Charles A. Ruthenberg wat 'n strategie vir klasoorlogvoering voorgestaan ​​het. 'N Ander groep, onder leiding van William Z. Foster en James Cannon, was van mening dat hul pogings daarop moes konsentreer om 'n geradikaliseerde Amerikaanse Federasie van Arbeid te bou.

Lenin sterf op 21 Januarie 1924. Die groep onder leiding van William Z. Foster was van mening dat Joseph Stalin die nuwe leier in die Sowjetunie moes word. Lovestone se faksie ondersteun Nikolay Bukharin egter. Toe Stalin as oorwinnaar uitkom, verloor Lovestone 'n mate van invloed in die Amerikaanse Kommunistiese Party.

Daar is besluit dat omdat William Z. Foster 'n sterk aanhang in die vakbond gehad het, dat hy die partykandidaat sou wees tydens die presidensiële verkiesing van 1924. Foster het nie goed gevaar nie en het slegs 38 669 stemme (0,1 van die totale stem) gewen. Dit het sleg vergelyk met die ander linkse kandidaat, Robert La Follette, van die Progressive Party, wat 4,831,706 stemme (16,6%) behaal het.

Die Komintern het uiteindelik die leierskap van Lovestone en Charles Ruthenberg aanvaar. Soos Theodore Draper in die Amerikaanse kommunisme en Sowjet -Rusland (1960) opgemerk het: "Na die uitspraak van die Komintern ten gunste van Ruthenberg as partyleier het die faksiestorm geleidelik bedaar. Lidmaatskapsvergaderings in die hele land het die nuwe leierskap en sy beleid 'eenparig' onderskryf. Op die sewende plenum aan die einde van 1926 het die Komintern dit vir die eerste keer in vyf jaar onnodig gevind om 'n Amerikaanse kommissie aan te stel om 'n Amerikaanse faksiestryd te hanteer .... Ruthenberg se masjien werk so glad en doeltreffend dat dit diegene buite sy binnekring al hoe meer rusteloos. Onder die oppervlakte van die faksie-stilte het 'n ander opstand gesmeel, met die nuttige aanmoediging van Cannon, wat die rebellie teen Ruthenberg drie jaar tevore afgeskakel het. "

By die dood van Charles Ruthenberg in 1927 word Lovestone die nasionale sekretaris van die party. Lovestone, James Cannon en Bertram Wolfe het die Sesde Kongres van die Komintern in 1928 bygewoon. Toe Wolfe Lovestone verdedig het teen die kritiek van Joseph Stalin, is hy uit die party geskors en was hy vir ses maande onder virtuele huisarres in Moskou voordat hy 'n uitgang visum.

Terwyl hy in die Sowjetunie was, het James Cannon 'n dokument gegee wat deur Leon Trotsky geskryf is oor die bewind van Joseph Stalin. Hy was oortuig van wat hy gelees het, en toe hy na die Verenigde State terugkeer, kritiseer hy die Sowjet -regering. Lovestone het guns by Stalin gekry deur die suiwering van Cannon en sy volgelinge te lei. Cannon het nou saam met ander Trotskyiste saamgespan om die Communist League of America te vorm.

Teen hierdie tyd het Joseph Stalin sy ondersteuners in die meeste belangrike politieke posisies in die land geplaas. Selfs die gesamentlike magte van al die senior bolsjewiste wat sedert die Russiese rewolusie lewendig oorgebly het, was nie genoeg om 'n ernstige bedreiging vir Stalin te vorm nie.

In 1929 is Nikolay Bukharin van die voorsitterskap van die Komintern ontneem en deur Stalin uit die Politburo geskors. Hy was bekommerd dat Bukharin 'n sterk aanhang in die Amerikaanse Kommunistiese Party het, en op 'n vergadering van die Presidium in Moskou op 14 Mei het hy geëis dat die party onder die beheer van die Komintern kom. Hy het toegegee dat Jay Lovestone '' 'n bekwame en talentvolle kameraad '' was, maar het hom dadelik daarvan beskuldig dat hy sy vermoëns gebruik het 'in faksie-skandering, in faksie-intrige'. Benjamin Gitlow en Ella Reeve Bloor het Lovestone verdedig. Dit het Stalin woedend gemaak en volgens Bertram Wolfe het hy opgestaan ​​en geskreeu: "Wie dink jy is jy? Trotsky het my uitgedaag. Waar is hy? Zinovjev het my uitgedaag. Waar is hy? Boekarin het my getart. Waar is hy? En jy? As jy terugkeer na Amerika, sal niemand by jou bly behalwe jou vrouens nie. " Stalin het toe die Amerikaners gewaarsku dat die Russe weet hoe om moeilikheidmakers te hanteer: "Daar is genoeg ruimte op ons begraafplase."

Jay Lovestone het besef dat hy nou uit die Amerikaanse Kommunistiese Party geskors sou word. Op 15 Mei 1929 stuur hy 'n kabel na Robert Minor en Jacob Stachel en vra hulle om beheer oor die party se eiendom en ander bates te neem. Soos Theodore Draper egter in die Amerikaanse kommunisme en Sowjet -Rusland (1960) opgemerk het: "The Comintern beat him to the punch. Op 17 Mei, nog voordat die Komintern -adres die Verenigde State kon bereik, het die Politieke Sekretariaat in Moskou besluit om te verwyder Lovestone, Gitlow en Wolfe uit al hul leidende posisies, om die politieke komitee te suiwer van alle lede wat geweier het om hulle aan die besluite van die Komintern te onderwerp, en om Lovestone te waarsku dat dit 'n growwe skending van die Komintern -dissipline sou wees om Rusland te probeer verlaat. "

William Z. Foster, wat alreeds op rekord was: "Ek is van die begin tot die einde vir die Komintern. Ek wil saam met die Komintern werk, en as die Komintern in stryd is met my opinies, is daar net een ding om te doen, en dit is om my opinies te verander om aan te pas by die beleid van die Komintern ", het nou die dominante figuur in die party geword.

Lovestone en sy ondersteuners, waaronder Benjamin Gitlow, Bertram Wolfe en Charles Zimmerman, het nou 'n nuwe party gestig, die Kommunistiese Party (meerderheidsgroep). Later het dit sy naam verander na die Kommunistiese Party (Opposisie), die Independent Communist Labor League en uiteindelik, in 1938, die Independent Labor League of America. Sy tydskrif, The Revolutionary Age, is deur Wolfe geredigeer.

Jay Lovestone het by die International Ladies 'Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) gaan werk. Die leier, David Dubinsky, het later gereël dat hy vir Homer Martin, die president van die United Auto Workers, werk wat in konflik was met lede wat hy daarvan beskuldig het dat hy lede van die Amerikaanse Kommunistiese Party was. Hierdie strategie het nie gewerk nie en Martin is uiteindelik van die mag verwyder.

In 1943 word Lovestone die direkteur van die ILGWU se departement van internasionale sake. Die volgende jaar het David Dubinsky gereël dat Lovestone by die AFL se Vrye Vakbondkomitee aansluit. Hy was ook aktief in die American Institute for Free Labor Development, 'n organisasie wat geborg is deur die American Federation of Labor. Later het dit ook geheime betalings van die CIA ontvang. Dit het 'n langdurige vriendskap begin met James Jesus Angleton, direkteur van Operations for Counter-Intelligence.

In 1963 word Lovestone direkteur van die AFL-CIO se departement van internasionale sake (IAD), wat miljoene dollars van die CIA gereël het om internasionaal anti-kommunistiese aktiwiteite te ondersteun, veral in Latyns-Amerika. Die AFL-CIO-president, George Meany, het in 1964 ontdek dat Lovestone betrokke was by die CIA en het hom opdrag gegee om kontak met James Jesus Angleton te verbreek. Lovestone het ingestem om dit te doen, maar toe Meany in 1974 agterkom dat hy nog saam met Angleton werk, het hy hom uit die amp gedwing.

Jay Lovestone is op 7 Maart 1990 oorlede.

Weinstone en Lovestone-twee-en-twintig en een-en-twintig in 1919-kom as kind uit Rusland en omhels sosialisme in hul tienerjare. Lovestone was ook 'n voormalige De Leonite. Anders as byna al die ander vroeë kommunistiese leiers, is hul radikale vakleerlingskap in die studentebeweging bedien. Hulle was saam leiers van die Intercollegiate Socialist Society se hoofstuk by die College of the City of New York. "Dit was nie letterlik waar nie, soos soms vernederend gesê, dat hulle van City College na die leierskap van die Amerikaanse Kommunistiese beweging gegaan het, maar die verklaring was naby genoeg om seer te maak in 'n tyd toe die studentebeweging nie hoog was as 'n voorbereidende skool vir kommunistiese leierskap nie. het rekeningkunde en skoot bestudeer en verskeie korttermynposte beklee, soos statistikus en maatskaplike werker.

Almal het saamgestem om Stalin te onderskryf. Ek was nie net 'n persoonlike vriend van Bukharin nie, maar ek het 'n fundamentele ooreenkoms met hom gehad oor internasionale vrae, hoewel ek Russiese vrae met Stalin gehad het en nie met hom nie. In daardie vergadering het ek beswaar aangeteken dat die Amerikaanse Kommunistiese Party tougestaan ​​het. Ek het gesê: "Ons sal geen Stalin -knoppies dra nie, en ons sal geen Bukharin -knoppies dra nie, en ons sal nie betrokke wees by gangsterisme teen Stalin of Bucharin nie." Ek het gesê dat Stalin my leier was as leier van die Kommunistiese Party; dat ek hom respekteer, groot agting het vir sy mening en denkwyse .... Met 'n kabel is daar na Moskou gestuur. Die kabel is deur die hele Internasionaal gelei, en dit het in my betrekkinge met die Stalin -leierskap amper gedien as die vlek op my politieke doodsertifikaat.

Die voorsitter van die Amerikaanse kommissie, Kuusinen, was die voorsitter. Hy het die vergadering geopen deur die verslag van die kommissie te lees, vergestalt in die voorgestelde "toespraak" van die uitvoerende komitee van die Komintern. Toe lees Gitlow 'n verklaring in die naam van die tien Amerikaanse afgevaardigdes waarin verklaar word dat hulle die adres nie kan aanvaar nie, omdat dit 'demoralisering, verbrokkeling en chaos in die party' sal bevorder. Hierdie verklaring het gewaarsku dat aanvaarding dit 'absoluut onmoontlik sal maak vir ons om as effektiewe werkers in die Kommunistiese beweging voort te gaan'.

Een na die ander het vooraanstaande lede van ander partye 'n beroep op die Amerikaners gedoen om getrou te bly aan die Komintern en hul goedkeuring te gee aan die voorstelle van die kommissie. Al die ander Amerikaners, veral die groot kontingent van die Lenin -skool wat doeltreffend vir die geleentheid gemobiliseer is, het opgestaan ​​en 'n beroep op die afvaardiging gedoen om die wil van die Komintern te gehoorsaam. Namate hierdie lang proses van vyandige sprekers voortduur, het die isolasie van die tien Amerikaners geleidelik toegeneem en die druk op hulle het sigbaar gestyg.

Van al die toesprake wat gehou is voordat die Presidium gestem het, was natuurlik die belangrikste van Stalin. Hy het die grootste deel van sy toespraak gewy aan die euwels van faksionalisme en die deugde van dissipline. Hy het toegegee dat Lovestone '' 'n bekwame en talentvolle kameraad '' was, maar beskuldig Lovestone dadelik daarvan dat hy sy vermoëns 'in faksie-skandering, in faksie-intriges' gebruik het, en hy spot met die idee dat Lovestone so talentvol is dat die Amerikaanse party nie sonder hom klaarkom. Foster, het hy bygevoeg, het die 'verborge Trotskyiste' in sy groep nie betyds verwerp nie, omdat 'hy hom in die eerste plek as 'n faksionalis gedra het ...'

Die laaste Amerikaner wat gepraat het, was Gitlow, en hy het geskei met die ander afgevaardigdes om die teenoorgestelde rede. As die pas aangestelde partysekretaris het Gitlow moontlik meer te verloor as gevolg van die nuwe opset wat die Komintern vereis as enige iemand anders. As 'n onwrikbare man, kon hy nie sy kop buig met die hartseer bedanking van Bedacht of sy woede inhou met die koue berekening van Lovestone nie. Gitlow het in plaas daarvan verklaar dat hy nie net die besluit van die Presidium teëgestaan ​​het nie, maar dat hy terug sou gaan na die Verenigde State om daarteen te veg.

Gitlow se uitbarsting het Stalin op die been gebring. Gewoonlik het Stalin so saggies gepraat dat hy sy luisteraars gedwing het om vorentoe te leun om hom te hoor. Nou skree hy in woede. Die gepubliseerde weergawe van hierdie toespraak is relatief sag en selfbeheersend, maar getuies is dit eens dat dit skaars reg laat geskied aan die woede in sy stem en die geweld van sy taal.

Volgens die amptelike verslag het Stalin hulde gebring aan die 'fermheid en koppigheid' van die agt Amerikaanse houvas, maar het hulle vermaan dat 'ware Bolsjewistiese moed' bestaan ​​in die onderwerping van die wil van die Komintern eerder as om dit te trotseer. Hy het Lovestone, Gitlow en Ella Reeve Bloor op sy naam aangeval omdat hulle soos anargiste, individualiste en stakingbrekers opgetree het, en het afgesluit deur hulle te verseker dat die Amerikaanse kommunistiese party die ondergang van hul faksie sou oorleef.

Maar volgens Wolfe het Stalin ook geskreeu: "Wie dink jy is jy? Trotsky het my uitgedaag. Waar is hy? En jy? As jy terugkeer na Amerika, sal niemand by jou bly behalwe jou vrouens nie."

Volgens Lovestone, wat dit later die 'begraafplaasrede' genoem het, het Stalin die Amerikaners gewaarsku dat die Russe weet hoe om stakings te hanteer: 'Daar is genoeg ruimte op ons begraafplase.'

Stalin stap van die perron af en stap eerste uit. Wagte en sekretarisse het agterna gestroom. Niemand het beweeg totdat hy in die gang geloop het nie. Maar toe hy die Amerikaners bereik, stop hy en steek sy hand uit na die neger -afgevaardigde, Edward Welsh, wat langs Lovestone staan.

Welsh draai na Lovestone en vra hard: "Wat de hel wil hierdie man hê?" en weier om Stalin se hand te skud.

Die Amerikaanse afgevaardigdes, wat heeltemal deur almal vermy is, stap in die grys dagbreek uit en koop lemoene by 'n straathandelaar.

Lovestone het steeds gehoop dat alles nie verlore was nie. Die kabel na die twee versorgers, Minor en Stachel, het op 15 Mei, die dag na die Presidium se vergadering, in New York aangekom. Hy het daarop vertrou dat hulle, veral op Stachel, die plan sou uitvoer om die party se eiendom en ander bates oor te neem, en hy wou vinnig genoeg terugkeer na die Verenigde State om die verhaal van die afvaardiging na die partylidmaatskap te bring voordat die Komintern kon mobiliseer al sy magte teen hom.

Die Komintern het hom met die vuis geslaan. Op 17 Mei, nog voordat die toespraak van die Komintern die Verenigde State kon bereik, het die Politieke Sekretariaat in Moskou besluit om Lovestone, Gitlow en Wolfe uit al hul leidende posisies te verwyder, om die Politieke Komitee te suiwer van alle lede wat geweier het om hulle aan die Komintern te onderwerp. besluite en om Lovestone te waarsku dat dit 'n ernstige oortreding van die Komintern -dissipline sou wees om Rusland te probeer verlaat. Die 'lojale' Amerikaanse kommuniste - Bedacht, Foster en Weinstone - is toegelaat om Rusland onmiddellik te verlaat. 'N Spesiale verteenwoordiger van die Komintern, die sekretaris van die Amerikaanse kommissie, Mikhailov (Williams), is in die geheim gestuur om na die Verenigde State te stuur die stuur van die Amerikaanse party.


Jay Lovestone

Jay Lovestone (gebore 15 Desember 1897 in Molchad, Grodno Governorate, Russiese Ryk, † 7 Maart 1990 in New York) was 'n Amerikaanse politikus, vakbondbeampte en geheime agent ( die hoofbeweging van die CIA van die arbeidersbeweging ). Lovestone behoort aan die Sosialistiese Party van Amerika van 1914 tot 1919, dan na verskillende voorgangersorganisasies van die Kommunistiese Party VSA en uiteindelik - in leidende posisies - tot homself tot 1929. Nadat hy uit die party geskors is, het hy die hoof van die Kommunistiese Party van die VSA (opposisie), 'n groep wat in terme van sy politieke inhoud vergelykbaar is met die Duitse KPD-O. Deur bemiddeling van die anti-kommunistiese vakbondleier David Dubinsky, was Lovestone in 1937 'n werknemer van die president van die motorwerkersvakbond UAW Homer Martin, wat in ernstige argumente betrokke was met vakbondamptenare wat aan die CPUSA behoort of naby was. Hier en in die daaropvolgende jare het Lovestone 'n reputasie gekry as 'n 'spesialis' in die onderdrukking en uitskakeling van kommunistiese invloed in die vakbondbeweging. In hierdie opsig, aanvanklik slegs aktief op nasionale skaal, ontwikkel Lovestone na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog tot die "grys eminensie" van 'n aanvanklik Europese en uiteindelik wêreldwye vertakkingnetwerk van regse sosiaal -demokratiese politici en vakbondlede, wat hy - nou gefinansier het. en opdrag gegee deur die Staatsdepartement en die CIA, amptelik maar gekamoefleer as 'buitelandse beleidsadviseur' vir AFL-CIO-president George Meany-ondersteun in die stryd teen kommunistiese partye en linkse sosiaal-demokrate en gesweer tot 'n pro-Amerikaanse koers. Die omvang, werkswyse en belangrikheid van hierdie "Lovestone Intelligence Service" was eers algemeen bekend in 1995 na die opening van Lovestone se landgoed en is in dele nog in die duister.


Ander boeke onder redaksie van Tim Davenport en Paul Le Blanc

Geselekteerde werke van debs,

Hierdie bundel bevat 'n lang inleiding deur die redakteurs en groot illustrasies, waarvan die meeste vir die eerste keer hier gepubliseer word.

Revolusionêre kollektief

Hierdie belangrike bundel spoor pogings aan om die sosialistiese doel te bevorder deur die organisering van revolusionêre kollektiewe, met 'n pantheon van relevante radikale denkers.

Die geselekteerde werke van Eugene V. Debs Vol. III

Hierdie massiewe reeks bundels versamel die belangrikste gesproke en geskrewe woorde van Debs vir die eerste keer, sodat 'n dieper begrip van radikale politieke opposisie in Amerika gedurende die eerste kwart van die twintigste eeu moontlik is.

Die geselekteerde werke van Eugene V. Debs Deel II

Eugene V. Debs Geselekteerde werke sal aktiviste en geleerdes 'n definitiewe bespreking gee van sy beste werk wat leesbaar, insiggewend en inspirerend bly.

Die lewende vlam

'N Merkwaardige versameling essays wat Rosa Luxemburg se geweldige bydraes tot revolusionêre stryd en blywende relevansie toelig.

Amerikaanse trotskisme 1928–1965 deel I: opkoms

Hierdie bundel is die eerste in 'n dokumentêre trilogie van die Amerikaanse Trotskyisme en strek oor 1928 tot 1940, waarin arbeidsgevegte, bydraes tot die bestudering van die geskiedenis en die marxistiese teorie, en konfrontasies en konvergensies tussen linkerstromings ondersoek word.

Amerikaanse Trotskisme 1928–1965 Deel II: Uithouvermoë

Die tweede deel in 'n dokumentêre trilogie van Amerikaanse Trotskyisme, strek oor hierdie tydperk van 1941 tot 1956 en bevat 'n oorsig van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog, die na-oorlogse stakingsgolf, voortdurende stryd teen rassisme en meer.

Amerikaanse trotskisme 1928–1965 Deel III: herlewing

Die derde deel in 'n dokumentêre trilogie van Amerikaanse Trotskyisme, strek oor hierdie tydperk van 1954 tot 1965, met 'n oorsig van die Koue Oorlog -era, die swart bevrydingstryd, die 'derde golf' van feminisme en meer.

Die geselekteerde werke van Eugene V. Debs, Vol. Ek

'N Uitgebreide samestelling van artikels, toesprake, persverklarings en oop briewe deur die Amerikaanse sosialist Eugene V. Debs.

C. L. R. James en revolusionêre marxisme

Revolusionêre Studies

Oktoberlied

'N Ontspannende en inspirerende weergawe van die gebeure van die Russiese rewolusie in 1917 en die nalatenskap daarvan.


Lovestone se dun rooi lyn

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Sluit aan by die Books & the Arts nuusbrief

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Jay Lovestone is nie net een van die vreemdste karakters in die geskiedenis van die Amerikaanse linkses nie, maar ook maklik die gladste. Vanaf die middel twintigerjare, toe hy as faksieleier van die Amerikaanse kommunistiese beweging 'n reputasie opgedoen het vir genadeloosheid en buitengewone verleidingskragte, het Lovestone sy Rasputin-agtige vaardighede 'n halwe eeu lank gefokus op die manipulasie van instellings en persoonlikhede. Uiteindelik, dekades nadat hy hom aangesluit het as die hoof van die CIA van die arbeidersbeweging, het hy homself waarskynlik uitoorlê. As hy nog tien jaar gelewe het, sou Lovestone sy prot & eacuteg & eacutes met geweld afgetree het van 'n hervormde AFL-CIO en sy Machiavelliaanse globale beleid vervang deur die begin van grensoverschrijdende organisasie en werklik demokratiese internasionalisme. Miskien draai hy in sy graf.

'N Ander weergawe van die Lovestone -verhaal sou konstante intrige as die manifestasie van 'n ontsteld persoonlikheid beskou het 'N Bedekte lewe lees te veel soos die hagiografiese behandelings van die ontstellende burokraat en mede -Viëtnam -valk, George Meany. Selfs hierdie erg gebrekkige boek bied egter insig in die donker kant van die Ou Links en oor die massiewe intelligensie -operasies wat buite die oog van gewone vakbondlede uitgevoer word.

Soos soveel ander verhale, van showbiz tot serebrale politiek, begin hierdie een na die begin van die eeu in die Joodse New York. Jacob Liebstein, 'n immigrant -radikaal wat in 1915 die City College van New York betree het, het homself president van die Intercollegiate Socialist Society ('n verre voorouer van Students for a Democratic Society) geword en terselfdertyd hard geval vir die nuwe Russiese Revolusie. 'N Hernoemde Jay Lovestone was een van die “City College Boys ” wat in 1919 daarna streef om die Amerikaanse Bolsjewiste tot oorwinning te lei.

Dit was 'n onmoontlike taak, want die land betree 'n era van relatiewe voorspoed en Moskou het dikwels die ergste sake in die gesig gestaar. Lovestone self het duidelik die verkeerde lesse by die Vanguard Party geleer. (Die wankelrige aforisme van latere dekades stel dit al te akkuraat: “ Die probleem met Leniniste is dat hulle almal Lenin wil wees. ”) Dit lyk asof hy nooit 'n idee sou kry van die uitheemse gebied wes van die Hudson nie, en miskien om hierdie rede bestee hy minder van sy energie aan die stryd teen kapitalisme as aan die bestryding van faksie -teenstanders.

Morgan poog om sy onderwerp uit te beeld as 'n heldhaftige stryd teen die Russiese oorheersing, asof die opkomende leier nie dringend steun van Comintern vir sy eie kant gesoek het nie. Lovestone en die voormalige klasgenoot Bertram Wolfe het nietemin 'n goeie idee gehad in die Amerikaanse uitsondering en die teorie dat kapitalisme hier 'n sekere stabiliteit verkry het, en gevolglik moes kommuniste hul naby-opstandige mentaliteit laat vaar vir 'n genuanseerde program van taktiek. alliansies. Die party sou dit inderdaad in die gewilde front -era doen. Die probleem was dat Stalin in die laat twintigerjare na 'n ultrarevolusionêre strategie oorgegaan het terwyl hy sy mag teen Trotsky konsolideer, en outydse marxistiese voorspellings van 'n finale kapitalistiese ineenstorting het 'n hernieude geloofwaardigheid gekry met die ineenstorting op die aandelemark.

Lovestone, wat die party uit sy eie Star Chamber beveel het, het ernstig gefouteer deur te dink dat hy óf die Komintern óf die lidmaatskap in New York, Chicago of Los Angeles kan beïnvloed. Rang-en-lêer-kommuniste het op hul beurt almal wat die Sowjetunie lei, onskuldig bewonder, terwyl hulle hul Amerikaanse leiers, insluitend Lovestone, privaat beskou as opgeblase stote. Boonop het sy gretigheid om die opposisie (Amerikaanse volgelinge van Trotsky) te verdryf voordat Stalin se ondersteuners op hom geval het, getoon dat Lovestone nie te gretig was oor die demokratiese prosedures waaroor hy later, akkuraat, gekla het nie, stelselmatig oortree is. .

Vir die daaropvolgende dekade het Lovestone 'n organisasie bestuur met name wat verander het en slegs 'n paar honderd lede, maar twee belangrike prestasies. Sy koerant, 'n swak verspreide weekblad (eers getiteld Revolusionêre era, later Werker se ouderdom), was in sommige opsigte die mees geletterde tydskrif aan die linkerkant, en die organisasie was 'n politieke basis vir die leiding van Local 22 van die International Ladies Garment Workers Union, die grootste plaaslike in die Verenigde State gedurende die vroeë dertigerjare. Onder leiding van die talentvolle en menswaardige Charles Zimmerman het Local 22 nie net met groot doeltreffendheid opgetree nie, maar ook baie van die amateur-akteurs vir die produksie van Harold Rome van die veelgespeelde vakbondmusiek Naalde en spelde.

Ongelukkig het Lovestone altyd groter aspirasies gehad. Toe John L. Lewis die nuwe kongres van nywerheidsorganisasies open vir die kommunistiese organiseerders wat broodnodig is vir die moeilike en dikwels gevaarlike werk om ongeskoolde werkers te bereik, was die tsaar van die ILGWU David Dubinsky vasbeslote om die hegemonie van die AFL te herstel deur die dinamiese sentrum van die CIO te onderdruk. . Op bevel van Dubinsky het Lovestone personeel verskaf en persoonlik toesig gehou oor 'n poging tot 'n paleisgreep en die uitwissing van die United Auto Workers toe dit misluk, ondersteun hy die ontevrede oudleier Homer Martin in 'n afgebreekte poging om 'n maatskappyvriendelike (en leliewit, volgens sommige volgelinge) vakbond vir getrou anti-CIO motorwerkers. Die planne het gefaal, en in die weegskaal het Lovestone 'n lewenslange nie-kommunistiese aartsvyand, Victor Reuther, verkry. Toe die oorlog nader kom, sien Lovestone dat sy horisonne so heeltemal vernou dat hy eintlik sy klein politieke groepie ontbind, 'n byna ongekende daad aan die linkerkant.

Maar 'n ander loopbaan het reeds begin, een met meer potensiaal as wat Lovestone gedink het sedert sy dae as 'n Bolsjewistiese seuntjie: intelligensie -agent. Meer korrek, daar was slegs 'n leemte in hierdie loopbaan. Soos dokumente uit die Moskou-argief onthul het, werk Lovestone tot 1936 rustig met Russiese intelligensie-agente, selfs terwyl hy die beleid van Moskou openlik aanval, natuurlik in die hoop om die lojaliteit te demonstreer wat nodig was om sy vorige posisie te herstel. In 1941 stel Dubinsky Lovestone aan AFL se tweede opperbevelhebber George Meany bekend, en hy word bekeer. ” Drie jaar later maak Meany Lovestone hoof van die AFL se semi-geheime koue oorlogsafdeling. Deur van kant te verander, het Lovestone by homself tuisgekom.

Hier is die ur-teks van 'N Bedekte lewe maak oop. Dikwels word lukraak nagevors (Morgan verskaf geen presiese voetnote nie, slegs bronne ” vir teksblaaie, en bied ou kastaiings soos die bewering dat die sosialistiese leier Daniel DeLeon homself as afstammelinge van Ponce de Le & oacuten beskou het), behandel vroeë koue oorlogse intrige as die narratiewe hoogtepunt. Versigtige lesers sal sulke lekker besonderhede soos Lovestone wat die personeellêers van die Truman Administration vir Comsymps nagaan, op die swartlys plaas en die rubriekskrywer Walter Winchell gebruik om nuttige gerugte en skandale teen werklike en denkbeeldige vyande te lug. Maar die meeste van die grond op die internasionale bedrywighede van Lovestone ’ is gedek in ander geskiedenis. Dit is gedetailleerd, met behulp van onderhoude met voormalige intelligensie-amptenare in Ben Rathbun se eulogistiese Britse biografie van die hoofveldoffisier van Lovestone, The Point Man: Irving Brown and the Deadly Post-1945 Struggle for Europe and America, 'n werk wat vreemd genoeg hier ontplooi is.

Deur die aannames en optrede van Lovestone op sy nominale waarde te aanvaar, mis Morgan die werklike belangrikheid van arbeidspioenwerk. Met die Marshall -plan wat in Wes -Europa en die Ooste funksioneer, het dit in Stalin gevries cordon sanitaire, herstabilisering was onvermydelik, ten spyte van die teenstrydige hoop en vrese. Maar watter soort Europa? Lovestone beskou die strewe van nie-kommunistiese leiers soos L & eacuteon Jouhaux en Britse Labourites vir 'n “Third Way ” – leidende arbeid en sosialistiese regerings op 'n kursus onafhanklik van óf supermoondheid – soos 'n kettery slegs deur die kommunisme oortref word. Morgan gee nie 'n uiteensetting van die wydverspreide aankoop van stemme en vakbondbeamptes nie (teen 'n lae tarief in die moeilike tye). Lovestone en Irving Brown was ook nie lus om voormalige Nazi -medewerkers (in Griekeland) op te skort of om die maffia in diens te neem om sekere vakbonde te breek nie. Al hierdie taktieke, met die uitsondering van die fascistiese konneksie, was inderdaad dekades lank standaard in klere -distriksoorloë. Lovestone was in wese geïnternasionaliseerde sake -vakbond.

'N Bedekte lewe vererger in die behandeling van Lovestone en die arbeidswêreld na 1950. Selfs terwyl Europa dreun, het die Derde Wêreld 'n strategiese belang in die hand gedoen, en Lovestone was duidelik uit sy diepte. Sy CIA -hanteerder, die paranoïese maar magtige James Jesus Angleton, het 'n vinnige toename in geheime finansiering verseker. Maar dit is onwaarskynlik dat Morgan nie die moeite doen om die brandpunte van Latyns -Amerika te behandel nie, waar die kantoor van Lovestone dramaties bygestaan ​​het in 'n reeks staatsgrepe gedurende die vyftiger- en sestigerjare, wat tot gevolg gehad het (en uiteindelik honderde) duisende slagoffers danksy Amerikaanse steun van die streek se sake- en militêre elite. Morgan se behandeling van Afrika word ook geknip en hy dring daarop aan dat Lovestone die gematigde nasionalisme ondersteun, 'n maklike vermomming vir beleid wat opgestel is om betroubare postkoloniale vriende van die Amerikaanse onderneming te skep. Dieselfde geld nog meer in Suidoos-Asië, waar antikommunisme vinnig sinoniem geword het met massiewe sluipmoord (“neutralisasie ”) veldtogte en tapytbomaanvalle.

Morgan voer aan dat teen die sestigerjare die groot omwenteling van wêreldwye aktiwiteite verby was.#8221 Nie waar nie. Die Kennedy -administrasie het formele internasionale arbeidsagentskappe ingestel wat konserwatief geraam word teen 'n koste van $ 100 miljoen per jaar, 'n syfer wat vinnig gegroei het gedurende die tagtigerjare. Dekades van finansiële en politieke hulp kan gereël word vir Angola Jonas Savimbi, terroriste van wêreldgehalte en belangrike militêre bondgenoot van die apartheidsregering in Suid-Afrika. Groot programme kan van stapel gestuur word in belangrike hoeke van die Amerikaanse invloed, soos die Filippyne, waar die AFL-CIO en#8217s-filiaal die Marcos-regime lojaal ondersteun totdat dit val. En so aan op die kaart. Lovestone self, wat tot die einde van sy lewe oortuig was dat d & eacutetente slegs 'n Sowjetunie was, het meer en meer 'n anachronisme geword, behalwe natuurlik in die hawkish-bevelhoofkwartier van die AFL-CIO.

Die bekendmaking van die CIA -befondsing, wat vurig ontken is totdat blootstelling die bekende leuens oorweldig het, was ontstellend en woedend vir George Meany's. Dors na wraak teen vakbondvriende, het Lovestone hom gewerp in die mislukte presidensiële veldtogte van Henry “Scoop ” Jackson, die “Senator van Boeing. ” Hy het ook gesoek na die geselskap van Henry Kissinger, wat begin skryf het vir die AFL se pers deur CIA geborg deur Harvard in 1960. Lovestone woed in Nixon om China te erken. Hy het naby Angleton gebly toe dekades lange CIA-aktiwiteite teen Amerikaanse burgers ook uiteindelik onthul is en die spioenasiehoof gedreig is om af te tree. Nooit vir persoonlike lojaliteit nie, Meany het Lovestone in 1974 bloot weggegooi en hom (op tipiese AFL-manier) vervang met 'n skoonseun wat 'n loopbaanverhoging nodig het.

Maar die wêreld het natuurlik nie soveel verander nie. Lovestone kept up contact with his good friends Alexander Haig and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, whose triumph over Bella Abzug in the 1976 senatorial primary was celebrated as the quashing of McGovernite-pacifist “New Politics.” And he helped collect his papers in the Reagan Revolution homeland of the Hoover Institution, where his old friend Bert Wolfe held a sinecure. Morgan suggests that after 1979–that is, after Lovestone and Meany–the AFL-CIO built a new foreign policy independent of the CIA. Nothing could be less true, as the growing scholarship on the labor movement’s abysmal Central America adventures conclusively demonstrates.

A Covert Life winds down with Lovestone in his coffin, at a memorial service in which (quoting a friendly former Carter official) “there were more CIA men…than labor men.” Eight years later Meany successor Lane Kirkland, who offered heartfelt praise at Lovestone’s bier, was cashiered by a labor movement that had nearly lost itself after practically abandoning domestic matters in search of one last, great international victory of business unionism. That strategy had already failed miserably, and we can even now wonder that a Jay Lovestone could wield so much power for so long, with so little support or even knowledge of those who paid the dues to keep the gold-plated offices shiny for their masters.

Paul Buhle Paul Buhle, who published the one-shot Radical America Komiks in 1969, is researching Yiddish and Jewish culture in America. Monthly Review will publish his next book, Insurgent Images: The Labor Murals of Mike Alewitz, in February 2001. His biography of blacklisted writer-director Abraham Lincoln Polansky, A Very Dangerous Citizen, written with Dave Wagner, will be published in April 2001 by California University Press.


How Joseph Stalin Invented 'American Exceptionalism'

Rick Santorum and the rest of GOP presidential gang all have a man-crush. Considering he was an outright intellectual elitist, a shaggy-haired liberal, and -- horror of horrors -- French, the object of their adoration seems a bit surprising, but the French aristocrat Alexis de Tocqueville and his 1835 United States travelogue, Democracy in America, have surged into national politics this campaign cycle -- often linked to the nascent expression "American exceptionalism."

Across the nation, from Plano, Texas, to Keene, N.H., Santorum has brandished Tocqueville, lecturing on how America got revolution right while France didn't. Last year Gingrich published A Country Like No Other: Why American Exceptionalism Matters, a book overflowing with praise for the Parisian writer. Going further still, the former speaker narrated a 2011 documentary called City Upon a Hill, which is produced by Citizens United (yes, that Citizens United). If you guessed that it leads with Tocqueville, you're right.

The trailer opens like something out of Heer van die ringe: inspirational music, horses galloping through verdant terrain, and the soothing voice of the biggest hobbit of them all -- Gingrich. "During his travels in 1831, French writer Alexis de Tocqueville observed that America was an exceptional nation with a special role to play in human history," he intones. "American exceptionalism has been at the center of our nation's experience for nearly 400 years."

There's only one problem with that: It's not strictly true. Although a superiority complex has long pervaded the national psyche, the expression "American exceptionalism" only became big a few years ago. (In the Federalist Papers, Alexander Hamilton called on Americans to "vindicate the honor of the human race.") What's more, Tocqueville didn't invent the term. Who did? Joseph Stalin.

In the 1920s, the lingering specter of World War I and austere German reparations battered Europe's market-based economy, giving rise to class tension and stark inequality. For worn-down workers, socialism and communism started sounding like pretty good ideas. A world revolution -- indeed, the rise of the proletariat -- seemed possible, and the Communist International was stoked.

But the Americans just wouldn't fall into line. The United States had long since passed the United Kingdom as the world's largest industrial power, but hadn't yet plunged into the Great Depression. To members of the U.S. Communist Party, it was a paradox. Why, in the what appeared to be the purest capitalist Western economy wasn't there any desire for egalitarianism? Had Marx been wrong when he wrote socialism would, inexorably and universally, emerge from the ruins of capitalism?

America's radical left considered the national condition, contrasted it with Europe, and concluded leftism would be a hard sell stateside thanks to characteristics forged along the frontier. Americans were different: individualistic, profit-crazed, broadly middle class, and as tolerant of inequality as they were reverent of economic freedom. The nation had "unlimited reserves of American imperialism," lamented Communist propaganda at the time.

In 1929, Communist leader Jay Lovestone informed Stalin in Moscow that the American proletariat wasn't interested in revolution. Stalin responded by demanding that he end this "heresy of American exceptionalism." And just like that, this expression was born. What Lovestone meant, and how Stalin understood it, however, isn't how Gingrich and Romney (or even Obama) frame it. Neither Lovestone or Stalin felt that the United States was superior to other nations -- actually, the opposite. Stalin "ridiculed" America for its abnormalities, which he cast under the banner of "exceptionalism," Daniel Rodgers, a professor of history at Princeton, said in an interview.

Stalin, to say the least, wasn't happy with Lovestone's news. "Who do you think you are?" he shouted, according to Ted Morgan's biography of Lovestone. "(Leon) Trotsky defied me. Where is he? (Grigory) Zinoviev defied me. Where is he? (Nikolai) Bukharin defied me. Where is he? And you! Who are you? Yes, you will go back to America. But when you get back there, nobody will know you except your wives."

As the Great Depression enveloped the United States, Stalin's argument -- if not his bluster -- seemed well grounded. "Exceptionalism was a disease, a chronic disease," wrote communist S. Milgrom of Chicago in 1930. "The storm of the economic crisis in the United States blew down the house of cards of American exceptionalism," the American Communist Party declared at its convention in April 1930.

Of course, the predictions failed: with the help of war, and despite Franklin Roosevelt's new welfare state, the U.S. economy stayed on the capitalist track. As American communism receded, so did talk of exceptionalism in leftist circles. Dismissive references appeared in academic research now and again, but usually in relation to communism's failure in America. Not until the 1980s did it suddenly reemerge, charged with a new connotation of national superiority. According to a Factiva survey, Die New York Times was the first mainstream outlet to revive "American exceptionalism," when in 1980 Richard J. Tofel implored Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan to defend this distinctive cultural aesthetic: "As our unquestioned supremacy recedes, we need to decide what "America" means to us, and what it means to the world."

Klink dit bekend? Over the following 20 years, there was a lot more talk like this exceptionalism appeared in national publications 457 times. The next decade had it 2,558 times. But since 2010, it's gone viral, leaping into print and online publications roughly 4,172 times.

How did a phrase intended as derision become a rallying cry of American awesomeness? As significant portions of the electorate -- think Southern Democrats -- shifted toward the GOP in the 1960s and 1970s, conservative thinkers charted a new Republican identity emboldened by triumphalism and uncompromising patriotism. Doubting exceptionalism became "un-American." Looking to history for more evidence, conservative intellectuals stumbled across Tocqueville, who in Democracy in America had described a nation as "exceptional" for its devotion to practicality over art or science. He lent enough oomph to credibly define America as categorically transcendent, Rodgers said.

It worked. In a 2010 Gallup Poll, 80 percent of Americans agreed that based on history and the Constitution, the United States was the "greatest country in the world." American exceptionalism, along with flag pins shining from one's lapel, is one of the rare issues where Republicans and Democrats agree. In 2009, President Obama said in Strasbourg, France, that he subscribed to American exceptionalism (just as other nations, he stressed, should feel the same about their own country). Gingrich used the phrase 44 times in his recent book. For whatever reason, its author, Stalin, didn't even get a cameo.

Then last year during a debate in early September -- with dissatisfaction toward the economy as high as late 2008 -- Republican presidential candidates harped on American exceptionalism time and again. Before that, not a single incumbent or candidate had employed the expression in a presidential debate, transcripts at the American Presidency Project's website show.

It's hardly surprising such talk has accelerated recently. Everywhere you look, headlines, pundits, and academics prophesy the demise of Pax Americana and the "rise of the rest," as Fareed Zakaria termed it. We're gripped by concern we'll soon be a nation of austerity and dependency, not opportunity, that America's spiraling into insolvency with Greece. It's the same context in which Tofel revived the term 32 years ago.

In 2008, candidate Obama said fear makes people cling to religion, guns, and xenophobia. He was flayed for it in the media -- and, in some respects, rightly so. But there was an element of truth to his remarks, and there's a powerful parallel to the nation overall. In our secular state, the Constitution and Declaration of Independence are as close to sacred relics of an established religion as it gets. Just look at how their air-tight casings in Washington, D.C. mimic saints' reliquaries.

Belief in America has taken on the desperate certitude of zealotry, as if the more we express it and the firmer our conviction, the more we might somehow succeed at wishing it true. And that it will stay true forever. Peel a few layers back and the rise of faith in American exceptionalism doesn't evince superiority. It indicates fear.


Jay Lovestone, Communist Leader Who Turned Against Party, Dies

Jay Lovestone, who briefly headed the Communist Party in the United States in the 1920's before becoming a staunch anti-Communist, died in his sleep Wednesday at his home in Manhattan. He was 91 years old.

Mr. Lovestone, who once called Stalin a murderer and lived to tell about it, became a colorful and often controversial figure in the American labor movement. He served as the international affairs director of the A.F.L.-C.I.O. before his retirement in 1974.

His confrontation with Stalin occurred in Moscow in 1929 after Stalin had deposed Mr. Lovestone from the leadership of the party in the United States, a post he had held for two years. The taunted Stalin was said to have become livid and promptly terminated the interview. Mr. Lovestone managed to escape from the Soviet Union by way of Danzig with the help of false identity papers.

The incident, which occurred when Mr. Lovestone was 29 years old, ended his comparatively short but spectacular career as a Communist.

However, he remained vastly knowledgable about Communist affairs throughout the world. His friends said he had an extraordinary network of contacts, with whom he kept in close touch, and a remarkable sensitivity for developments in Communist world before they became apparent to others.

Involement Began in College

Born on Dec. 24, 1898, in Lithuania, then a part of Russia, he was brought to the United States when he was 9, by his father, who had obtained a job as cantor of a New York synagogue. By the time he graduated from City College in 1918 the son was deeply involved in the Socialist and communist movements, which were then largely subterranean in this country.

In 1921 he got his first full-time Communist Party post, as editor of the party's official underground organ, The Communist. He made an enemy of Stalin early on. In 1923, when Stalin, the eventual Soviet ruler, split with Nicolai Bukharin, the powerful head of the Comintern, the Communist International, Mr. Lovestone was a leader in defending Bukharin.

As he moved higher in the American Communist hierarchy, Mr. Lovestone continued to pursue a line basically opposed to Stalin's.

The Lovestone argument was that because of special circumstances in the United States, the struggle against capitalism could not be conducted along traditional Marxist-Leninist lines.

Stalin called the leaders of the splintered American communist movement to a meeting in Moscow in July, 1929, where he ordered them '⟞tained'' for a year if necessary to work out their differences. Mr. Lovestone, who was then called ''the American Stalin'' by his followers, cabled to his friends that he was being 'ɿorcibly detained'' and asked that if word was not had form him in 10 days they should begin to 'ɺgitate for his release.'' However, he managed to flee and return to New York City.

An angry Stalin called Mr. Lovestone 'ɺ renegade to the cause of communism'' and ordered him expelled from Communist ranks. Stalin called Mr. Lovestone's theories 'ɾxceptionalism.''

Mr. Lovestone and his followers formed what they called the Communist Party of the United States, later becoming the Independent Labor League of America and acquiring the sobriquet ''Lovestonites.''

The group disbanded in 1940, but not before the artist Diego Rivera included a portrait of Mr. Lovestone in one of his murals of the revolutionary spirit in American history. The mural also included Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin and an American soldier, black man, farmer and laborer.

By that time Mr. Lovestone had concluded that the Communist movement, which he once considered the salvation of the working class, was a monstrous totalitarian conspiracy engineered by the Kremlin with the goal of world conquest.

In the early days of World War II, when the Stalin-Hitler pact had given Axis forces free rein in Europe and led orthodox American Communists to espouse strict neutrality, Mr. Lovestone became a leader of the Committee to Defend America, a group that sought to mobilize support for Britain and the other Allies.

In 1943 he was named international affairs director for the International Ladies Garment Workers Union. The following year he became executive secretary of a new group that after the war's end, formed the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, which was organized to oppose the Communist-dominated World Federation of Trade Unions.

In the Congress of Industrial Organizations, and later in the merged A.F.L.-C.I.O., Mr. Lovestone rose in influence and ran the international operation almost as a personal fiefdom granted to him by George Meany, the labor movement's head.

The union's International Affairs Department carried on programs to train unionists abroad, particularly in Latin America, through the Institute for Free Labor Development. It also participated in the work of the International Labor Organization, an arm of the United Nations.

He retained his post over the years despite opposition from many labor leaders who regarded him as a doctrinaire anti-Communist. They conceded that he had a valuable network of informers who enabled him to be remarkably prescient about developments in the Communist world.

After his retirement he stayed on as a consultant to the labor federation and to the garment workers' union.


Pages from Party History (Feb. 1929)

"Page from Party History"
by Jay Lovestone
Published by Workers Library Publishers, New York, n.d. [February 1929].

This pamphlet by General Secretary of the Communist Party, USA, Jay Lovestone, it a triumphalist factional shot at the minority opposition of William Z. Foster, Alexander Bittelman. This group formerly ruled the Communist Party during the middle 1920s, together with key allies James P. Cannon and Ludwig Lore. Party headquarters was moved from New York to Chicago by the Chicago-based Foster group, and back to New York City by Lovestone & Co. after Foster fell.
At least 80 percent of the Communist Party was behind him and his associates, Lovestone is happy to tell us here in this factional document put out in the run-up to the 6th National Convention of the CPUSA (New York (. ): March 4-10, 1929).
Shortly after publication of this pamphlet, it would be time for Lovestone to get the boot, after trying to take on Stalin, Molotov, Lozovsky, and the Comintern apparatus head-to-head. The sitting Executive Secretary of the Communist Party USA was quickly removed and expelled and replaced by a troika by the Central Executive Committee. The CEC voted for the Comintern over Lovestone by a big margin, with defections by Max Bedacht, Robert Minor, and Jack Stachel particularly galling to Lovestone.

Scanned from a document in the Tim Davenport Collection.
Published in the USA between 1923 and 1977 with no copyright notice in original publication, public domain.


Communist Party (Opposition)

Lovestone and his friends had thought that they commanded the following of the mass of party members and, once expelled, optimistically named their new party the Communist Party (Majority Group). When the new group attracted only a few hundred members it changed its name to the Communist Party (Opposition). They were aligned with the International Communist Opposition, which had sections in fifteen countries.

The CP(O) later became the Independent Communist Labor League and then, in 1938, the Independent Labor League of America before dissolving in 1941. The party published the periodical Workers' Age (originally Revolutionary Age), which was edited by Bertram Wolfe, along with a number of pamphlets.


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Background and early life

Lovestone was born Jacob Liebstein (Яков Либштейн Yakov Libshtein) into a Jewish-Litvak family in a shtetl called Moǔchadz in Grodno Governorate (then part of the Russian Empire, now in Grodno Region, Belarus). The territory of present-day Belarus was considered a "Lithuanian" area at the time. His father, Barnet, had been a rabbi, but when he emigrated to America he had to settle for a job as shammes (caretaker). Barnet came first, then sent for his family the next year. Lovestone arrived with his mother, Emma, and his siblings, Morris, Esther and Sarah at Ellis island on September 15, 1907. They originally settled on Hester Street in Manhattan's Lower East Side, but later moved to 2155 Daly Avenue in the Bronx. The family did not know their dates of birth precisely, but they assigned Jacob the date of December 15, 1897. [1]

Young Liebstein was attracted to socialist politics from his teens. While imbibing all the ideological currents in the vibrant New York Yiddish and English radical press, he was particularly attracted to the ideas of Daniel De Leon. It is not known whether he ever joined de Leon's Socialist Labor Party, but he was one of the 3,000 mourners who attended his funeral on May 11, 1914. [2]

Liebstein entered City College of New York in 1915. Already a member of the Socialist party, he joined its unofficial student wing, the Intercollegiate Socialist Society. He became secretary and then president of the CCNY chapter. He also met William Weinstone and Bertram Wolfe in ISS, who would go on to become his factional allies in the Communist Party. He graduated in June 1918. In February 1919 he had his name legally changed to Jay Lovestone, the surname being a literal translation of Liebstein. (During the early 20th century such name changes were a common practice for Jewish immigrants who encountered widespread antisemitism in American society.) That year he also began studying at NYU Law School, but dropped out to pursue a career as a full-time Communist party member. [3]

The Communist years (1919–1929)

His first foray into what would become the American Communist movement began in February 1919, when the left wing elements in the Socialist Party in New York began to organize themselves as a separate faction. Lovestone was on the original organizing committee, the Committee of 15, with Wolfe, John Reed and Benjamin Gitlow. That June he attended the National Conference of the Left Wing. [4] He sided with the Fraina/Ruthenberg faction that opted to create a National Left Wing Council that would attempt to take over the Socialist Party. He stayed with this group after it reversed its stance, and joined the National Organizing Committee in founding the Communist Party of America on September 1, 1919, at a convention in Chicago.

In 1921, Lovestone became editor of the Communist Party newspaper, The Communist, and sat on the editorial board of Die Bevryder, the arts and letters publication of the Workers Party of America. Upon the death of Charles Ruthenberg in 1927 he became the party's national secretary. From about 1923, the CP developed two main factions, the Pepper–Ruthenberg group and the Foster–Cannon group. Lovestone was a close adherent of the Pepper–Ruthenberg tendency, which was to be centered in New York City and to favor united-front political action in a "class Labor Party", as opposed to the Foster–Cannon group, which tended to be centered in Chicago and were most concerned with building a radicalized American Federation of Labor through a boring from within policy. [ aanhaling nodig ]

In 1925 the leader of the Pepper–Ruthenberg faction, John Pepper, returned to Moscow for work in the apparatus of the Communist International, raising Lovestone's status to that of a chief lieutenant in a new Ruthenberg–Lovestone pairing. Foster and Cannon, on the other hand, parted ways, with Alexander Bittelman assuming the mantle as Foster's chief factional ally, while Jim Cannon built his power base in the party's legal defense mass organization, the International Labor Defense (ILD). [ aanhaling nodig ]

With the Soviet Bolshevik party riven by a succession struggle following Lenin's death in January 1924, the factions in the US eventually corresponded with factions in the Soviet leadership, with Foster's faction being strongly supportive of Joseph Stalin and Lovestone's faction sympathetic to Nikolai Bukharin. As a result of his trip to the Comintern Congress in 1928 where James P. Cannon and Maurice Spector accidentally saw Leon Trotsky's thesis criticizing the direction of the Comintern, Cannon became a Trotskyist and decided to organize his faction in support of Trotsky's position. Cannon's support for Trotsky became known before he had fully mobilized his supporters. Lovestone led the expulsion of Cannon and his supporters in 1928. [ aanhaling nodig ]

The Communist opposition years (1929–1941)

When Stalin purged Bukharin from the Soviet Politburo in 1929, Lovestone suffered the consequences. A visiting delegation of the Comintern asked him to step down as party secretary in favor of his rival William Z. Foster. Lovestone refused and departed for the Soviet Union to argue his case. Lovestone insisted that he had the support of the vast majority of the Communist Party and should not have to step aside. Stalin responded that he "had a majority because the American Communist Party until now regarded you as the determined supporters of the Communist International. And it was only because the Party regarded you as friends of the Comintern that you had a majority in the ranks of the American Communist Party". [5]

When he returned to the US, Lovestone was forced to pay for his insubordination and was expelled from the party for his support of Bukharin and the Right Opposition and for his theory of American exceptionalism, which held that capitalism was more secure in the United States and thus socialists should pursue different, more moderate strategies there than elsewhere in the world. That contradicted Stalin's views and the new Third Period policy of ultra-leftism promoted by the Comintern. Lovestone and his friends had thought that they commanded the following of the mass of party members and, once expelled, optimistically named their new party the Communist Party (Majority Group). When the new group attracted only a few hundred members they changed its name to the Communist Party (Opposition). They were aligned with the International Communist Opposition, which had sections in fifteen countries. The CP(O) later became the Independent Communist Labor League and then, in 1938, the Independent Labor League of America, before dissolving in 1941. The party published the periodical Workers' Age (originally The Revolutionary Age), which was edited by Bertram Wolfe, along with a number of pamphlets.

Union and anti-communist activities

Lovestone had, while within the Communist Party, played an active role in the Party's labor activities, primarily within the United Mine Workers, where the party supported the revolt led by John Brophy against John L. Lewis's leadership. His allies within the party, particularly Charles S. Zimmerman, had a great deal of power within the International Ladies Garment Workers Union (IGWU) prior to the debacle of 1926. After his expulsion, Lovestone formed a base within ILGWU Dressmakers Local 22, to which Zimmerman had returned after his expulsion from the CPUSA. Lovestone and Zimmerman worked their way into the good graces of ILGWU President David Dubinsky, who had been their fiercest enemy before their expulsion. [ aanhaling nodig ]

With Dubinsky's support, Lovestone went to work for Homer Martin, the embattled President of the United Auto Workers, who was attempting to drive his political rivals out of the union by charging them with being communists. Martin's and Lovestone's tactics, however, only succeeded in unifying all of the disparate groups in the leadership of the union at that time into a single coalition opposed to Martin and, unintentionally, enhancing the reputation of CP members within the union. The UAW's Executive Board, with the support of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), proceeded to oust Martin, who left to form his own rump version of the UAW. Lovestone followed him for a time. [ aanhaling nodig ]

Lovestone had maintained his relationship with Dubinsky throughout this period Dubinsky helped finance Martin's new union and worked for its affiliation with the American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1943, Lovestone became the director of the ILGWU International Affairs Department. Dubinsky also helped Lovestone find work in 1941 with an organization favoring the United States' entry into World War II. Dubinsky had concerns that Lovestone's past role in the Communist Party would taint him and suggested that Lovestone change his name Lovestone declined to do so. [ aanhaling nodig ]

In 1944, Dubinsky arranged to place Lovestone in the AFL's Free Trade Union Committee, where he worked out of the ILGWU's headquarters. Along with Irving Brown he led the activities of the American Institute for Free Labor Development, an organization sponsored by the AFL which worked internationally, organizing free labor unions in Europe and Latin America which were not Communist-controlled.

In connection with that work he cooperated closely with the CIA, feeding information about Communist labor-union activities to James Jesus Angleton, the CIA's counterintelligence chief, in order to undermine Communist influence in the international union movement and provide intelligence to the US government. He remained there until 1963 when he became director of the AFL-CIO's International Affairs Department (IAD), which quietly sent millions of dollars from the CIA to aid anti-communist activities internationally, particularly in Latin America. [6]

In 1973, AFL-CIO president George Meany discovered that Lovestone was still in contact with Angleton of the CIA, who was conducting illegal domestic spying activities, despite being told seven years earlier to terminate this relationship. [7]

Meany chose to force Lovestone out by issuing an instruction with which he knew Lovestone would not comply. On March 6, 1974, he informed Lovestone that he wanted to close his New York office, stop publication of Free Trade Union News, and transfer Lovestone and his library and archives to Washington, D.C. When Lovestone argued he could not relocate his library of 6,000 books, he was dismissed, effective July 1. [8] Lovestone's successor, Ernie Lee, maintained a low profile during his tenure from 1974 through 1982 and significantly scaled back the AFL-CIO's aggressive advocacy of a hawkish, anti-détente foreign policy. [8]

Death and legacy

Lovestone died on March 7, 1990, at the age of 92. [9]

Jay Lovestone's massive accumulation of papers, today encompassing more than 865 archival boxes, [10] were acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives at Stanford University in 1975, where they remained sealed for 20 years. [11] The material was opened to the public in 1995 and was a source for author Ted Morgan, who published the first full-length biography of Lovestone in 1999. [11] An associate, Louise Page Morris , later supplemented the collection with her correspondence—according to other reports, Morris "spent 25 years as Lovestone's lover." [12] [13]

Lovestone's Federal Bureau of Investigation file is reported to be 5,700 pages long. [14]


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