Joseph McCarthy

Joseph McCarthy

Gedurende die laat veertigerjare en vroeë vyftigerjare het die vooruitsig van kommunistiese ondermyning in die buiteland en in die buiteland vir baie mense in die Verenigde State skrikwekkend werklik gelyk. Hierdie vrese het die politieke kultuur van die era bepaal - en, in sommige gevalle, besoedel. Vir die meeste Amerikaners was die mees blywende simbool van hierdie "Red Scare" die Republikeinse senator Joseph R. McCarthy van Wisconsin. Senator McCarthy het byna vyf jaar lank tevergeefs probeer om kommuniste en ander linkse "lojaliteitrisiko's" in die Amerikaanse regering bloot te lê. In die hiperverdagte atmosfeer van die Koue Oorlog was insinuasies van ontrou genoeg om baie Amerikaners te oortuig dat hul regering vol verraaiers en spioene was. Die beskuldigings van McCarthy was so intimiderend dat min mense dit wou waag om hom uit te spreek. Eers toe hy die weermag in 1954 aanval, het sy optrede hom die sensuur van die Amerikaanse senaat besorg.

Die Koue Oorlog

In die jare na die einde van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het gebeurtenisse in die buiteland en in die buiteland vir baie Amerikaners gelyk asof die "Rooi bedreiging" werklik was. In Augustus 1949 ontplof die Sowjetunie byvoorbeeld sy eerste atoombom. Later dieselfde jaar het die kommunistiese magte die oorwinning in die Chinese burgeroorlog verklaar en die Volksrepubliek China gestig. In 1950 het die Noord-Korea se weermag met Sowjet-steun sy pro-Westerse bure na die Suide binnegeval; in reaksie daarop het die Verenigde State die konflik aan die kant van Suid -Korea betree.

Terselfdertyd het die Republikein-geleide House Un-American Activities Committee (bekend as HUAC) 'n vasberade veldtog begin om kommunistiese ondermyning by die huis uit te wis. Die doelwitte van HUAC was linkses in Hollywood en liberale in die staatsdepartement. In 1950 het die kongres die McCarran Internal Security Act goedgekeur, wat vereis dat alle "ondermyners" in die Verenigde State hulle aan die regering se toesig onderwerp. (President Truman het 'n veto teen die wet gemaak - hy het gesê dat dit ''n bespotting van ons handves van regte sou maak' '), maar 'n meerderheid van die kongres het sy veto oortree.)

Joseph McCarthy en die opkoms van McCarthyisme

Al hierdie faktore het gesamentlik 'n atmosfeer van vrees en angs geskep, wat 'n ryp omgewing was vir die opkoms van 'n standvastige antikommunis soos Joseph McCarthy. Destyds was McCarthy 'n eerste termyn senator uit Wisconsin wat die verkiesing in 1946 gewen het na 'n veldtog waarin hy kritiseer dat sy teenstander nie tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog aangewys het nie, terwyl hy sy eie heldedade uit die oorlog beklemtoon het.

In Februarie 1950, by die Ohio County Women's Republican Club in Wheeling, Wes -Virginia, het McCarthy 'n toespraak gehou wat hom in die nasionale kollig gedryf het. Hy het 'n stukkie papier in die lug gewaai en verklaar dat hy 'n lys het van 205 bekende lede van die Kommunistiese Party wat 'werk en beleid vorm' in die staatsdepartement.

Die volgende maand het 'n Senaat -subkomitee 'n ondersoek begin en geen bewyse van enige ondermynende aktiwiteit gevind nie. Boonop het baie van McCarthy se Demokratiese en Republikeinse kollegas, waaronder president Dwight Eisenhower, sy taktiek afgekeur ("Ek sal nie in die geut kom met hierdie man nie," het die president aan sy medewerkers gesê). Tog het die senator sy sogenaamde Rooi-lokaas-veldtog voortgesit. In 1953, aan die begin van sy tweede termyn as senator, is McCarthy in beheer van die Komitee vir Regeringsbedrywighede, wat hom in staat gestel het om nog meer uitgebreide ondersoeke na die beweerde kommunistiese infiltrasie van die federale regering te begin. Hy het getuies aggressief ondervra oor wat baie mense as 'n blatante skending van hul burgerregte beskou het. Ondanks die gebrek aan bewys van ondermyning, het meer as 2 000 staatsamptenare hul werk verloor as gevolg van McCarthy se ondersoeke.

"Het u geen gevoel van ordentlikheid nie, meneer?"

In April 1954 het senator McCarthy sy aandag daarop gevestig om die vermeende kommunistiese infiltrasie van die gewapende dienste "bloot te stel". Baie mense was bereid om hul ongemak met McCarthyisme te ignoreer tydens die veldtog van die senator teen staatsamptenare en ander wat hulle as 'elites' beskou; nou het hul steun egter begin afneem. Byna onmiddellik begin die aura van onkwetsbaarheid wat McCarthy vir byna vyf jaar omring het, verdwyn. Eerstens het die weermag die geloofwaardigheid van die senator ondermyn deur bewyse te toon dat hy probeer het om voorkeurbehandeling vir sy hulpverleners te wen toe hulle opgestel is. Toe kom die noodlottige slag: die besluit om die "Army-McCarthy" -verhore op nasionale televisie uit te saai. Die Amerikaanse volk het toegekyk hoe McCarthy getuies intimideer en ontwykende antwoorde lewer toe dit ondervra is. Toe hy 'n jong weermagadvokaat aanval, donder die hoofadviseur van die weermag: 'Het u geen gevoel van ordentlikheid nie, meneer?' Die verhore van die Army-McCarthy het baie waarnemers as 'n skandelike oomblik in die Amerikaanse politiek beskou.

Die val van Joseph McCarthy

Teen die tyd dat die verhore verby was, het McCarthy die meeste van sy bondgenote verloor. Die senaat het gestem om hom te veroordeel vir sy 'onverskoonbare', 'laakbare', 'vulgêre en beledigende' optrede 'as 'n senator'. Hy behou sy werk, maar verloor sy mag en sterf in 1957 op 48 -jarige ouderdom.


Joseph McCarthy

Joseph McCarthy (1908-1957) was 'n Amerikaanse prokureur en politikus, beroemd daarvoor dat hy in die vyftigerjare heksejagte teen vermeende kommuniste begin en lei.

McCarthy is gebore in die landelike Wisconsin, die vyfde van nege kinders van Ierse werkersklasouers. Hy staak op 14 -jarige ouderdom uit die skool om op sy pa se plaas te werk, en bestuur toe 'n tyd lank 'n kruidenierswinkel. McCarthy keer op 20 -jarige ouderdom terug na die hoërskool en studeer as volwassene. Hy het 'n ingenieursgraad aan die kollege begin voordat hy na die regte oorgegaan het en sy graad in 1935 behaal het.

McCarthy was van plan om 'n loopbaan in die politiek te kies, en het sy werk dienooreenkomstig gekies. Hy het tevergeefs 'n lobby aangesluit om 'n distriksprokureur te word, voordat hy op 30-jarige ouderdom die jongste regter van Wisconsin geword het. Sy tydgenote beskryf McCarthy as 'n vinnige, no-nonsense regter, wat nie graag toesig hou oor lang sake of oordeelkundige uitsprake lewer nie. Binne vier jaar het hy 'n pos as regter gekry, waar hy beroemd geword het omdat hy vinnig sake hanteer het, sommige binne enkele minute.

Politieke loopbaan

In 1942 het McCarthy as vrywilliger vir die Amerikaanse mariniers gewerk en in die Stille Oseaan -teater van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog diens gedoen, hoofsaaklik as instrukteur. In 1946 was McCarthy 'n Republikeinse kandidaat vir die Amerikaanse senaat. Sy veldtog bevat meedoënlose en dikwels skurwe aanvalle op sy teenstanders, sowel as oordrewe en oneerlike bewerings oor die oorlogsdiens van McCarthy. Desondanks is McCarthy verkies en word hy op 38 -jarige ouderdom die jongste lid van die Amerikaanse senaat.

Sy eerste drie jaar in die kongres was net opmerklik vir McCarthy se ontstekende opmerkings en gereelde verontagsaming van die reëls en konvensies van die Senaat. In 1949 het 'n groep politieke joernaliste McCarthy aangewys as die “ ergste senator wat tans in die amp is, terwyl mede-senatore hom hardkoppig, gemoedelik, aggressief en heeltemal onaangenaam gevind het. Daar was ook berigte uit sy eerste jare in die senaat dat McCarthy 'n alkoholis was: hy het selde sosiale funksies gemis en hy word gereeld in sy kantoor van die Senaat sien drink.

Kommunistiese jagter

McCarthy het in Februarie 1950 onder openbare aandag begin, toe hy 'n toespraak gelewer het by 'n vroulike Republikeinse groep in Wheeling, Wes -Virginia. In sy Wheeling -toespraak beweer McCarthy dat hy besonderhede bevat van kommuniste wat vir die staatsdepartement werk. Die staatsdepartement is besmet met kommuniste, het hy aan sy verheugde luisteraars gesê. Ek het 'n lys met 205 name in die hand wat aan die minister van buitelandse sake bekend was as lede van die Kommunistiese Party, wat nog steeds werk en die beleid vorm.

McCarthy het nie besonderhede van sy lys verstrek of gepubliseer nie; dit is eintlik onwaarskynlik dat hy so 'n lys het. In die paranoïese omgewing van die vroeë Koue Oorlog het McCarthy se bewerings egter 'n golf gerugte, beskuldigings en ondersoeke begin. Die Wheeling-toespraak word beskou as die beginpunt vir wat bekend gestaan ​​het as ‘McCarthyism ‘: 'n anti-kommunistiese heksejag wat sy banke vinnig gebreek het en daartoe gelei het dat tallose individue onregverdig beskuldig en vervolg word.

McCarthy en Roy Cohn tydens die weermagverhore

Die aanvalle eskaleer

Onder die indruk van sy toenemende openbare profiel, het McCarthy begin om regeringsagentskappe en individuele politici, diplomate en burokrate daarvan beskuldig dat hulle simpatiek teenoor die kommunisme is. Hierdie aanvalle is uitgebrei tot die hoogste regeringsvlakke, waaronder die voormalige minister van buitelandse sake, George C. Marshall en president Truman self. Truman het min gesê oor McCarthy of sy bewerings in die openbaar, maar het die senator van Wisconsin privaat beskryf as 'n patologiese leuenaar.

Die uiteindelike ondergang van McCarthy kom in 1954. In Maart daardie jaar het die gerespekteerde Amerikaanse omroeper Edward R. Murrow 'n skerp hoofartikel oor McCarthy gelewer en hom daarvan beskuldig dat hy paranoia uit die Koue Oorlog uitbuit vir sy eie persoonlike voordeel. Die daaropvolgende maand het McCarthy en sy hoofadvokaat, Roy Cohn, die aanhitsing van vermeende kommunistiese simpatiseerders in die Amerikaanse weermag aan die gang gesit en toesig gehou. Hierdie verhore, wat regstreeks op televisie uitgesaai is, het die sterk ondervragings van McCarthy en die persoonlike agenda van Cohn blootgestel.

Met sy taktiek wat by 'n wyer gehoor bekend was, het McCarthy meer kritiek en aanspreeklikheid ondergaan. In Desember 1954 het die Amerikaanse senaat besluit om McCarthy af te skaf omdat hy in stryd was met senatoriese etiek en die neiging was om die senaat in oneer en oneer te bring. McCarthy was teen die middel van 1955 vervaag van prominensie. Hy het nog twee jaar in die senaat gebly en voortgegaan met woede en berou oor vermeende kommuniste in die regering en sy agentskappe.

McCarthy is in 1957, net 48 jaar oud, dood aan 'n lewertoestand wat veroorsaak is deur sy alkoholisme. Sy begrafnis in Washington is bygewoon deur 2 000 rouklaers en tientalle van sy mede -senatore.


Joseph McCarthy

Min in die vroeë loopbaan van Joseph McCarthy het hom as buitengewoon gemerk, maar vanaf 1950 het sy politieke aktiwiteite 'n heeltemal nuwe woord tot gevolg gehad wat 'n permanente deel van die Amerikaanse leksikon geword het - McCarthyism. Joseph Raymond McCarthy is op 14 November 1908 in Grand Chute, Wisconsin, gebore aan vroom Katolieke ouers. McCarthy, 'n Amerikaner van die derde generasie en die vyfde van nege kinders, herlei sy afkoms na Ierland en Duitsland. Opgevoed deur die agtste graad in 'n een-kamer landskool, verhuis hy in 1929 na Manawa, Wisconsin, en voltooi die hoërskool in een jaar. Nadat hy in 1935 aan die Marquette -universiteit in Milwaukee gestudeer het, is hy in die Wisconsin Bar opgeneem. Nadat hy nie die verkiesing op die Demokratiese kaartjie vir distriksadvokaat gewen het nie, het hy na die Republikeinse kaartjie oorgegaan en in 1939 tot regter van die tiende regterskring van Wisconsin verkies. Tydens die veldtog teen sy teenstander, Edgar Werner, het McCarthy plaaslike amptenare geskok deur laster te publiseer materiaal oor hom. McCarthy het oorspronklik die New Deal van die Demokratiese president Franklin D. Roosevelt gesteun, maar het later 'n groot deel van sy tyd bestee om voorstanders daarvan te diskrediteer. Tussen 1942 en 1945 dien hy in die Amerikaanse mariniers en bedank as luitenant. Terwyl hy nog in die mariniers was, hardloop hy tevergeefs vir die Demokratiese benoeming vir die Amerikaanse senaat in 1944. Na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog was hy suksesvol en wen hy die Republikeinse benoeming teen Robert M. La Follete in die algemene verkiesing van 1946. Tydens sy smeer McCarthy het La Follete daarvan beskuldig dat hy uit die oorlog geput het terwyl hy (McCarthy) weg was om daarin te veg en dat hy nie by die weermag aangesluit het om te veg nie. LaFollete het eintlik 'n radiostasie met 'n geringe winsmarge gekoop en was te oud om tydens die oorlog in te skakel. La Follete was so ontsteld oor die veldtog wat McCarthy teen hom gevoer het, dat hy uit die politiek tree en later selfmoord pleeg. Op McCarthy se eerste kantoordag het hy 'n perskonferensie bel om sy voorstel vir die einde van 'n steenkoolmynstaking onder leiding van die arbeidsleier John L. Lewis te lug. Sy voorstel was dat die steenkoolmyners, insluitend Lewis, in die weermag opgeneem moes word, en toe hulle geweier het om steenkool te ontgin, moes hulle die hof kry vir insubordinasie en dan geskiet word. Gedurende sy eerste jare in die senaat het McCarthy oor die algemeen konserwatief gestem, hoewel hy nie die Republikeinse lyn gevolg het nie. Hy werk teen suikerrantsoenering en veg vir behuisingswetgewing. Nietemin, na drie jaar in [1932: Washington^, was hy nasionaal min bekend. Hy sou egter skielik 'n huishoudelike naam word. Die waarheid oor die hoogs versierde militêre diens van McCarthy het aan die lig gekom en 'n ondersoek is begin oor bewerings dat McCarthy omkoopgeld van die Pepsi-Cola Company geneem het. Gekonfronteer met moontlike uitsetting, het McCarthy met sy naaste raadgewers beraadslaag, waaronder 'n Rooms -Katolieke priester wat voorgestel het dat hy 'n veldtog begin om die regering van kommuniste te bevry. In 'n toespraak op 9 Februarie 1950 in Wheeling, Wes -Virginië, het McCarthy die advies van die priester ingeneem en 'n stuk papier omhoog gehou waarin aangekondig word dat dit die name bevat van bekende kommuniste wat vir die staatsdepartement werk. Hy het ook die minister van buitelandse sake, Dean Acheson, mondelings aangeval omdat hy 'n pompous diplomaat in 'n gestreepte broek was. Sommige van die gelysdes was lede van die Kommunistiese Party van Amerika, maar ander was na bewering fasciste, alkoholiste en 'seksuele afwykers'. 'N Senaatondersoek deur die Tydings -komitee het sy aanklagte nie gestaaf nie, maar McCarthy het besef dat laster en insinuasie hom in die nuus sou hou en feitlik alle opposisie sou ontmoedig. Toe hy senator Millard E. Tydings, 'n demokrate van vier termyn, suksesvol in die verkiesings in 1950 laat val het, het die krag van sy taktiek duidelik geword. As gevolg van die uitslag van die verkiesing, het die meeste senatore versigtig geraak om hom uit te spreek, uit vrees dat hulle volgende op McCarthy se trefferlys sou wees. 'N Uitsondering wat die reël bewys het, senator William Benton, Connecticut, het hom uitgespreek teen McCarthy se smeertegnieke. Benton het 'n resolusie ingedien om McCarthy uit die senaat te verwyder, en verklaar dat hy bedrog en bedrog gepleeg het met sy bewering dat hy 'n lys kommuniste het wat vir die staatsdepartement werk. Benton, eienaar van die Ensiklopedie Brittanica, word toe deur McCarthy daarvan beskuldig dat hy kommuniste in die staatsdepartement gehelp het, "skelm kunswerke" gekoop en vertoon het en dat hy sy ensiklopedieë in Engeland gedruk het. In die verkiesings in November 1951 is Benton verslaan vanweë McCarthy's smeerveldtog teen hom - betaal met Amerikaanse belastinggeld. Benton het uit die politiek getree. Die Republikeine het tydens die verkiesings in November 1952 teruggekeer na die kongres, en baie beskou die pogings van McCarthy om 'n aantal liberale Demokrate te help onderdruk het - waaronder Harry S. Truman, wat McCarthy as 'n 'gevaarlike liberalis' genoem het, en Adlai E. Stevenson . Hy is beloon met die voorsitterskap van die Senaatskomitee vir Regeringsbedrywighede en sy subkomitee, die permanente subkomitee vir ondersoeke van die Senaat. McCarthy het begin om inligting te ontvang van die hoof van die Federale Buro vir Ondersoek, J. Edgar Hoover. Konfrontasieverhore het tot opspraakwekkende aanklagte gelei, maar daar was min bewyse om die aanklagte van McCarthy te ondersteun. Hy identifiseer professor aan die Johns Hopkins Universiteit, Owen Lattimore, as die nommer een Sowjet -spioen in Amerika. Ondanks die feit dat die federale regering nou deur die Republikeine beheer word, het McCarthy sy aanvalle op beweerde subversiewe wat daarvoor werk, voortgesit tot die toenemende irritasie van president Dwight D. Eisenhower. McCarthy se ondersoek en pogings om die sekretaris van die weermag Robert Stevens in 1953 in diskrediet te bring, tesame met baie ander in die weermag, het Eisenhower oortuig dat iets gedoen moet word om McCarthy se "heksejag" te stop. Daarna het McCarthy hom tot boekverbod gewend. Sy navorsers het bevind dat die Overseas Library Program 30.000 boeke bevat wat geskryf is deur#34 kommuniste, pro-kommuniste, voormalige kommuniste en anti-anti-kommuniste. " Nadat die lys gepubliseer is, is die boeke uit die biblioteek verban. Uiteindelik het McCarthy sy mag oorskry. Sy ondersoek na die Amerikaanse leër in 1953 het gelei tot die Army-McCarthy-verhore in 1954. Die eerste verhore op televisie in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis, hulle het die taktiek van McCarthy blootgestel en gelei tot 'n afname in sy aansien en mag. As gevolg van die verhore het sy nasale 'punt van orde' frase 'n nasionale cliché geword en lede van die subkomitee het huishoudelike name en gesigte geword. Die Army-McCarthy Hearings leef voort in die herinneringe aan miljoene Amerikaners, bygestaan ​​deur die filmmaker Emile de Antonio se dokumentêr, Punt van orde. Selfs tydens die hoogtepunt van McCarthy se mag, het 'n paar lede van die Amerikaanse senaat hom teengestaan. Die eerste was Margaret Chase Smith, 'n Republikein van Maine en destyds die enigste vrou in die senaat. Smith het in Junie 1950 'n toespraak van 'n gewetensverklaring uitgereik waarin McCarthy geïdentifiseer is sonder om hom te noem. As gevolg hiervan het McCarthy Smith uit 'n sleutelondersoekkomitee verdryf en probeer om haar herverkiesingsbod van 1954 te keer, maar dit het tevergeefs gebly. Ander bestraf McCarthy ook vir sy taktiek, waaronder senator Wayne Morse van Oregon. Nadat die Army-McCarthy-verhore McCarthy voldoende gewond het, het die senaat uiteindelik sy senuwees herstel en op 2 Desember 1954 'n amptelike sensuur teen McCarthy gestem vir gedrag wat die senaat in oneer en oneer bring. het McCarthy sy voorsitterskap van die komitee gekos en sy mag effektief beëindig. McCarthy sterf op 2 Mei 1957 in 'n Bethesda, Maryland, vloothospitaal op 49 -jarige ouderdom aan akute hepatitis wat deur alkoholisme veroorsaak is. Dienste is gehou in die Amerikaanse senaatskamer, en hy is begrawe by die St. Mary's Cemetery in Appleton, Wisconsin.


Wisconsin Republikein Joseph R. McCarthy het die eerste keer verkiesing tot die Senaat in 1946 gewen tydens 'n veldtog wat gekenmerk is deur baie antikommunistiese Rooi-lokaas. Gedeeltelik in reaksie op die oorwinnings van die Republikeinse Party, het president Harry S. Truman probeer om sy eie kommer oor die bedreiging van kommunisme te toon deur 'n lojaliteitsprogram vir federale werknemers op te stel. Hy het ook die departement van justisie gevra om 'n amptelike lys van 78 subversiewe organisasies op te stel. Met die aanvang van die middeltermyn verkiesingsjaar is die voormalige amptenaar van die ministerie van buitelandse sake, Alger Hiss, wat verdink word van spioenasie, skuldig bevind aan meineed. McCarthy het in 'n toespraak in Wheeling, Wes -Virginië, 'n aanval op die agenda van Truman se buitelandse beleid uitgevoer deur te eis dat die ministerie van buitelandse sake en sy sekretaris, Dean Acheson, kommuniste het. Daar is 'n geskil oor die aantal kommuniste waarvan McCarthy beweer het dat hy daarvan geweet het. Alhoewel voorafkopieë van hierdie toespraak wat aan die pers versprei is, die nommer as 205 aangeteken het, het McCarthy hierdie bewering vinnig hersien. Beide in 'n brief wat hy die volgende dag aan president Truman geskryf het, sowel as in 'n “ amptelike ” transkripsie van die toespraak wat McCarthy by die Kongresrekord tien dae later gebruik hy die nommer 57. Hoewel McCarthy hierdie lys name in Wheeling en later op die Senaatvloer vertoon het, het hy die lys nooit openbaar gemaak nie.

Toespraak van Joseph McCarthy, Wheeling, Wes -Virginië, 9 Februarie 1950

Dames en here, vanaand, terwyl ons die honderd-een-en-veertigste verjaardag van een van die grootste mans in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis vier, wil ek graag kan praat oor wat 'n heerlike dag vandag in die geskiedenis van die wêreld is. Terwyl ons die geboorte vier van hierdie man wat met sy hele hart en siel oorlog gehaat het, sou ek in staat wees om te praat van vrede in ons tyd en van die verbod op oorlog en van wêreldwye ontwapening. Dit sou werklik gepaste dinge wees om te noem wanneer ons die verjaardag van Abraham Lincoln vier.

Vyf jaar nadat 'n wêreldoorlog gewen is, moet die harte van mans 'n lang vrede verwag, en die verstand van mans moet vry wees van die swaar gewig wat met oorlog gepaard gaan. Maar dit is nie so 'n tydperk nie, want dit is nie 'n tydperk van vrede nie. Dit is 'n tyd van die koue oorlog. ” Dit is 'n tyd waarin die hele wêreld verdeel word in twee groot, toenemend vyandige gewapende kampe en 'n tyd van 'n groot bewapeningwedloop.

Vandag kan ons amper fisies die gemompel en gedreun van 'n verkwikende oorlogsgod hoor. U kan dit sien, voel en dit hoor vanaf die heuwels van Indochina, vanaf die oewer van Formosa, tot in die hart van Europa self.

Die enigste bemoedigende ding is dat die “goue oomblik ” nog nie aangebreek het vir die afvuur van die geweer of die ontploffing van die bom nie, wat die beskawing die finale taak van homself sal vernietig. Daar is nog steeds hoop op vrede as ons uiteindelik besluit dat ons nie langer ons oë veilig kan verblind en ons ore kan sluit vir die feite wat al hoe duideliker vorm nie. . . en dit is dat ons nou in 'n stryd teen stryd gewikkel is. . . nie die gewone oorlog tussen nasies om grondgebiede of ander materiële winste nie, maar 'n oorlog tussen twee diametraal teenoorgestelde ideologieë.

Die groot verskil tussen ons westerse Christelike wêreld en die ateïstiese kommunistiese wêreld is nie polities nie, menere, dit is moreel. Die Marxiaanse idee om die grond en fabrieke in beslag te neem en die hele ekonomie as 'n enkele onderneming te bestuur, is byvoorbeeld belangrik. Net so is Lenin se uitvinding van die eenparty-polisiestaat as 'n manier om Marx se idee te laat werk, minder belangrik.

Stalin se vasbeslote om hierdie twee idees oor te dra, het natuurlik baie gedoen om die wêreld te verdeel. Met slegs hierdie verskille kon die ooste en die weste egter beslis in vrede lewe.

Die werklike, basiese verskil lê egter in die godsdiens van immoralisme. . . uitgevind deur Marx, koorsagtig deur Lenin gepreek en deur Stalin tot ondenkbare uiterstes gebring. Hierdie godsdiens van immoralisme, as die Rooi helfte van die wêreld seëvier

Karl Marx het God as 'n hoax afgemaak, en Lenin en Stalin het in duidelike, onmiskenbare taal hul vasbeslotenheid bygevoeg dat geen nasie, geen mense wat in 'n god glo, kan saam met hul kommunistiese toestand bestaan ​​nie.

Karl Marx het byvoorbeeld mense uit sy Kommunistiese Party verdryf omdat hulle dinge soos liefde, geregtigheid, menslikheid of sedelikheid noem. Hy noem dit 'n slegte ravings ” en “ slordige sentimentaliteit. ”. . .

Ons is vandag besig met 'n laaste, algehele stryd tussen kommunistiese ateïsme en die Christendom. Die moderne kampioene van kommunisme het dit as die tyd gekies, en dames en here, die skyfies is af en hulle is regtig af.

As daar geen twyfel is dat die tyd gekies is nie, laat ons vandag direk na die leier van kommunisme gaan —Joseph Stalin. Hier is wat hy gesê het, nie in 1928 nie voor die oorlog, nie tydens die oorlog nie, maar twee jaar nadat die laaste oorlog beëindig is: Om te dink dat die kommunistiese rewolusie vreedsaam kan plaasvind binne die raamwerk van 'n Christelike demokrasie beteken dat 'n mens óf uit sy gedagtes gegaan het en alle normale begrip verloor het, óf die kommunistiese rewolusie ernstig en openlik verwerp het. ”. . .

Dames en here, kan daar iemand vanaand wees wat so blind is dat die oorlog nie aan die gang is nie? Kan daar iemand wees wat nie besef dat die kommunistiese wêreld gesê het dat die tyd nou is nie? . . . dat dit die tyd is vir die kragmeting tussen die demokratiese Christelike wêreld en die kommunistiese ateïstiese wêreld?

Tensy ons hierdie feit in die gesig staar, sal ons die prys betaal wat betaal moet word deur diegene wat te lank wag.

Ses jaar gelede,. . . daar was 180 000 000 mense binne die Sowjet -wentelbaan. Op die antitotalitêre kant was daar destyds ongeveer 1,625,000,000 mense in die wêreld. Vandag, slegs ses jaar later, is daar 800,000,000 mense onder die absolute oorheersing van Sowjet -Rusland en 'n toename van meer as 400 persent. Aan ons kant het die syfer tot ongeveer 500.000.000 gekrimp. Met ander woorde, in minder as ses jaar het die kans van 9 tot 1 in ons guns verander na 8 tot 5 teen ons.

Dit dui op die vinnigheid van die tempo van kommunistiese oorwinnings en Amerikaanse nederlae in die koue oorlog. Soos een van ons uitstaande historiese figure een keer gesê het, “ As 'n groot demokrasie vernietig word, kom dit nie van buite af van vyande nie, maar vanweë vyande van binne. ”. . .

Die rede waarom ons in 'n posisie van impotensie is, is nie omdat ons enigste potensiële vyand mans gestuur het om ons kus binne te val nie. . . maar eerder as gevolg van die verraderlike optrede van diegene wat deur hierdie volk so goed behandel is. Dit was nie die minder bevoorregtes of lede van minderheidsgroepe wat hierdie volk verraai het nie, maar eerder diegene wat al die voordele gehad het wat die rykste nasie op aarde kon bied. . . die beste huise, die beste universiteitsopleiding en die beste werksgeleenthede in die regering.

Dit is duidelik in die staatsdepartement waar. Daar is die helder jong mans wat met silwer lepels in die mond gebore word, die wat die verraaier was. . . .

Ek het 'n lys van 205 hier in my hand. . . 'n lys name wat aan die minister van buitelandse sake bekend gemaak is as lede van die Kommunistiese Party en wat nog steeds werk en die beleid in die staatsdepartement vorm. . . .

Soos u weet, het die minister van buitelandse sake onlangs sy lojaliteit aan 'n man verklaar wat skuldig was aan wat nog altyd as die gruwelikste van alle misdade beskou is en 'n verraaier was van die mense wat hom 'n posisie van groot vertroue gegee het en #verraad. . . .

Hy het die vonk aangesteek wat lei tot 'n morele opstand en sal eers eindig as die hele gemors van verdraaide, verwronge denkers van die nasionale toneel weggevee word, sodat ons 'n nuwe geboorte van eerlikheid en ordentlikheid in die regering kan kry.

Joseph McCarthy aan president Harry Truman, 11 Februarie 1950

In die Lincoln Day -toespraak tydens Wheeling Donderdagaand het ek gesê dat die staatsdepartement 'n nes van kommuniste en kommunistiese simpatiseerders het wat ons buitelandse beleid help vorm. Ek het verder gesê dat ek die name het van 57 kommuniste wat tans in die staatsdepartement is. 'N Woordvoerder van die staatsdepartement het dit ontken en beweer dat daar nie 'n enkele kommunis in die departement is nie. U kan uself baie maklik oortuig van die valsheid van die eis van die staatsdepartement. U sal onthou dat u persoonlik 'n raad aangestel het om werknemers van die staatsdepartement te ondersoek om mede -reisigers uit die weg te ruim, wat die bestuur as gevaarlik beskou het vir die veiligheid van hierdie land. U raad het 'n noukeurige taak verrig en honderde genoem wat as gevaarlik vir die veiligheid van die nasie genoem is weens kommunistiese verbindings.

Alhoewel die rekords nie vir my beskikbaar is nie, weet ek absoluut van een groep van ongeveer 300 wat aan die sekretaris gesertifiseer is vir ontslag weens kommunisme. Hy het eintlik net ongeveer 80 ontslaan. Ek verstaan ​​dat dit na 'n lang konsultasie met die nou veroordeelde verraaier, Alger Hiss, gedoen is. Ek stel dus voor, meneer die president, dat u eenvoudig u telefoon optel en vir Acheson vra hoeveel van die mense wat u raad as gevaarlike kommuniste bestempel het, wat hy nie opgelos het nie. Die dag toe die House Un-American Activities Committee Alger Hiss blootgestel het as 'n belangrike skakel in 'n internasionale kommunistiese spioenasiebond, het u 'n bevel onderteken wat die staatsdepartement verbied om inligting te verstrek rakende die ontrouheid of die kommunistiese verbintenisse van enigiemand in die departement om die kongres.

Ondanks hierdie onderdrukking van die staatsdepartement, kon ons 'n lys saamstel van 57 kommuniste in die staatsdepartement. Hierdie lys is vir u beskikbaar, maar u kan 'n baie langer lys kry deur sekretaris Acheson te beveel om 'n lys te gee van diegene wat volgens u eie raad as ontrou is en wat nog steeds in die staatsdepartement werk. Ek glo dat die volgende die minimum is wat in hierdie geval van u verwag kan word.

1. Dat u van Acheson eis dat u en die korrekte kongreskomitee die name en 'n volledige verslag moet gee oor almal wat deur Alger Hiss in die departement geplaas is, en almal wat nog in die staatsdepartement werk wat deur u raad gelys is as 'n slegte veiligheidsrisiko as gevolg van hul kommunistiese verbindings.

2. Dat u die bevel waarin u verskaf het, onder geen omstandighede onmiddellik herroep nie, kan 'n kongreskomitee inligting of hulp kry om kommuniste bloot te lê.

Mislukking van u kant sal die Demokratiese Party aandui dat hy die bedmaat van die internasionale kommunisme is. Hierdie etiket is beslis nie verdien deur die honderdduisende lojale Amerikaanse demokrate in die hele land nie, en ook deur die groot aantal bekwame lojale demokrate in die senaat en die huis.


Joseph McCarthy: Biografie

Die volgende biografiese opstel is opgestel deur die verwysingspersoneel van die Appleton Public Library, hoofsaaklik gebaseer op inligting van Die lewe en tye van Joe McCarthy: 'n biografie deur Thomas C. Reeves.

Vroeë jare

Joseph Raymond McCarthy is op 15 November 1908 op 'n plaas in die Town of Grand Chute, naby Appleton, Wisconsin, gebore. Verveeld met plaaswerk, het McCarthy as tiener sy eie hoenderonderneming begin, maar siekte het sy kudde uitgewis. Op 20 -jarige ouderdom het hy as klerk in 'n Appleton -kruidenierswinkel gewerk en vinnig bestuurder geword.

In 1929 is McCarthy na Manawa oorgeplaas om 'n nuwe kruidenierswinkel te bestuur. Terwyl hy daar was, het hy die Little Wolf High School betree en die leergang van vier jaar in nege maande voltooi. Die uitstekende grade van McCarthy het hom in staat gestel om die Marquette-universiteit in Milwaukee by te woon, wat hy in die herfs van 1930 betree het. Op skool was hy afrigter van boks en word hy verkies tot president van sy regskoolklas, terwyl hy 'n reeks deeltydse poste werk. Onmiddellik nadat hy sy regsgraad in 1935 behaal het, het McCarthy 'n praktyk in Waupaca geopen. Hy het later by 'n prokureursfirma in Shawano aangesluit en in 1937 'n vennoot geword.

McCarthy se eerste poging tot openbare amp was 'n onsuksesvolle kandidaat vir die pos van die distriksprokureur van Shawano as 'n demokraat in 1936. In 1939 het hy 'n onpartydige pos as regter in die tiende regterlike kring gesoek, wat Langlade-, Shawano- en Outagamie -provinsies dek. Hy voer onvermoeid veldtog en verslaan die huidige regter, wat 24 jaar lank gedien het. Op die ouderdom van 30 word McCarthy die jongste kringregter wat ooit in Wisconsin verkies is.

Borrowing the money, McCarthy made a down-payment on a house at 1508 Lorain Court in Appleton, not far from his new office at the Outagamie County Courthouse. As a judge, McCarthy was credited with being hard-working and fair, but he was also rebuked by the Wisconsin Supreme Court for an "abuse of judicial authority" after destroying court records. He was later censured for violating the ethical code that prohibited sitting judges from running for non-judicial posts.

In July, 1942, shortly after the start of World War II, McCarthy took a leave of absence from his judicial office and was commissioned a first lieutenant in the Marines. As an intelligence officer stationed in the Pacific, he participated in combat bombing missions, although he was not wounded in action as he later claimed.

While still on active duty in 1944, McCarthy challenged incumbent Alexander Wiley for the Republican nomination to the U.S. Senate, but was soundly defeated. In April, 1945, having resigned his military commission, McCarthy was re-elected without opposition to the circuit court. He immediately began planning for the 1946 Senate campaign.

Senator McCarthy

Initially, McCarthy was given little chance of defeating incumbent Robert M. La Follette, Jr. for the Republican Senate nomination. La Follette, the son of the famous "Fighting Bob" La Follette, was well known in Wisconsin, having served as senator for 21 years. But La Follette had only recently rejoined the Republican Party after years as a leader of the Progressive Party, and many Republicans resented his return. Aided by the support of the Republican organization, McCarthy ran a typically energetic campaign and beat La Follette by a tiny margin. In the general election, McCarthy easily defeated his Democratic opponent and went to Washington at age 38, the youngest member of the new Senate.

As a senator, McCarthy’s voting record was generally conservative, although he did not follow the Republican Party line. The main accomplishments of his first years came with his successful fight for housing legislation and his work to ease sugar rationing. The biggest national issue at the time was the suspicion of communist infiltration of the United States government following a series of investigations and espionage trials. McCarthy engaged this issue on February 9, 1950, in a speech before a Republican women’s group in Wheeling, West Virginia. In his address, McCarthy charged that U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson knew of 205 communists in the State Department. Later, McCarthy claimed to have the names of 57 State Department communists, and called for an investigation.

McCarthy’s charges caused a furor. In response, the Senate appointed a committee under the direction of Senator Millard Tydings, Democrat of Maryland, who opened hearings on March 8, 1950. Though McCarthy had hired investigators of his own, all the names he eventually supplied to the committee were of people previously examined. McCarthy failed to name a single current State Department employee. On July 17, 1950, the Tydings committee issued a report that found no grounds for McCarthy’s charges. McCarthy, however, refused to back down, issuing further accusations of communist influence on the government. These charges received extensive media attention, making McCarthy the most famous political figure in the nation after President Harry Truman. He was also one of the most criticized. McCarthy’s enemies began a smear campaign against him, spreading lies that have permeated his biographies ever since.

Throughout the early 1950s, McCarthy continued to make accusations of communist infiltration of the U. S. government, though he failed to provide evidence. McCarthy himself was investigated by a Senate panel in 1952. That committee issued the "Hennings Report," which uncovered unethical behavior in McCarthy’s campaigns and tax returns, but found no basis for legal action. Despite that report, McCarthy was re-elected in 1952 with 54% of the vote, although he ran behind all other statewide Republicans and had a lower vote total than in 1946.

With Republicans taking control of the Senate in 1953, McCarthy became chairman of the Committee on Government Operations and the subcommittee on investigations. In that capacity, he so angered Democrats that they resigned from the committee in protest. McCarthy also angered the new president and fellow Republican Dwight Eisenhower by accusing the administration of sheltering communists. Eisenhower refused to publicly rebuke McCarthy, but worked behind the scenes to isolate him.

The Army McCarthy Hearings

In the fall of 1953, McCarthy investigated the Army Signal Corps, but failed to uncover an alleged espionage ring. McCarthy’s treatment of General Ralph W. Zwicker during that investigation causedmany supporters to turn against McCarthy. That opposition grew with the March 9, 1954, CBSbroadcast of Edward R. Murrow’s "See It Now," which was an attack on McCarthy and his methods. The Army then released a report charging that McCarthy and his aide, Roy Cohn, had pressured the Army to give favored treatment to G. David Schine, a former McCarthy aide who had been drafted. McCarthy counter-charged that the Army was using Schine as a hostage to exert pressure on McCarthy.

Both sides of this dispute were aired over national television between April 22 and June 17, 1954, during what became known as the Army-McCarthy Hearings. McCarthy’s frequent interruptions of the proceedings and his calls of "point of order" made him the object of ridicule, and his approval ratings in public opinion polls continued a sharp decline. On June 9, the hearings climaxed when McCarthy attacked a young lawyer who worked for the law firm of Joseph Nye Welch, the Army’s chief counsel. Welch’s reply to McCarthy became famous: "Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last? Have you no sense of decency?" After that, the hearings petered out to an inconclusive end, but McCarthy’s reputation never recovered.

In August, 1954, a Senate committee was formed to investigate censuring McCarthy. On September27, the committee released a unanimous report calling McCarthy’s behavior as a committee chairman "inexcusable," "reprehensible," "vulgar and insulting." On December 2, 1954, the full Senate, by a vote of 67-22, passed a resolution condemning McCarthy for abusing his power as a senator. Though he remained in the Senate, McCarthy now had little power and was ignored by the Congress, the White House, and most of the media.

Throughout his Senate career, McCarthy was troubled by ill health. Severe sinus problems caused many hospital stays, and a herniated diaphragm led to a difficult operation. With his friends, McCarthy was a gregarious, kind, warm-hearted man, but in later years he seemed to lose his sense of humor. Always a heavy drinker, McCarthy’s drinking increased to dangerous levels, especially after the Senate’s actions against him. The drinking eventually caused liver ailments, leading to his hospitalization in April, 1957. On May 2, 1957, McCarthy died of acute hepatitis at the Bethesda Naval Hospital outside Washington. With him when he died was his wife, the former Jean Kerr, who had worked as a researcher in his office. The couple had married on September 29, 1953. They had adopted a baby girl, Tierney Elizabeth, in January, 1957.

Joseph Raymond McCarthy was buried on a bluff overlooking the Fox River in Appleton’s St. Mary’s cemetery.


Fact from Fiction: Joseph McCarthy the Tail Gunner

Joe McCarthy didn’t have to go to war. His job as an elected circuit judge in Appleton, Wisconsin, was important enough to exempt him from military service. It would be nice to say that he volunteered for the best of reasons: a strong sense of duty, a hatred of fascism. It would also be untrue. To his thinking, frontline action was an essential requirement for young politicians. There was but one rule to remember: One had to survive in order to exploit it.

The judgeship bored McCarthy. He viewed himself as a politician, and he had told everyone within earshot of his desire to seek “real” political office. Then the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor. Like many office seekers, McCarthy knew the value of a war record, and he told a fellow judge, Urban Van Susteren, that he must enlist at once. Van Susteren remembered advising him: “Look, if you’ve got to be a hero to be a politician, join the marines.” McCarthy agreed. Early in 1942 he entered a leatherneck recruit- ing office in Milwaukee and signed on the dotted line.

The news that a circuit judge had traded in his robes for a helmet and rifle traveled quickly through Wisconsin. And McCarthy helped the story along by implying that he wanted no special favors. He said he would serve “as a private, an officer, or anything else.” In fact, McCarthy had already written a letter on court stationery requesting an officer’s rank. He was sworn in as a first lieutenant.

On August 4, 1942, McCarthy began his tour of duty in the Pacific. For almost three years he served as an intelligence officer at Bougainville, in Papua New Guinea, debriefing combat pilots who returned from bombing runs over Japanese–held islands. By all accounts, he did a creditable job his assignment, while hardly dangerous, was vital to the fliers who took the risks and got most of the glory. In his spare time, McCarthy played poker and acted as the island’s “procurer”—not of women, but of such things as liquor and exotic food. One Christmas he rounded up a few pilots and flew to Guadalcanal, where the men bartered for medicinal brandy, canned turkeys, pineapple juice, and other luxuries. On returning, he held an open house, passing out free food and drink to those who happened by.

But McCarthy was not about to be viewed as a small cog in a big machine. Not when his political instincts told him that those who came home with military honors would be rewarded at the ballot box. Before long, stories about his military exploits began filtering back to Wisconsin. In 1943 the Post-Crescent printed the following dispatch:

Guadalcanal—Every evening the “judge” holds court in a dilapidated shack just off a jungle air strip deep in the South Pacific combat zone. The folks in Wisconsin might be a trifle shocked at his lack of dignity now. He stands bare-chested before his bench, an ancient table reeling on its last legs, and opens court with: “All right, what kind of hell did you give the Japs today?”

That was only the beginning. News reached Wisconsin that McCarthy had become a tail gunner with Scout Bomber Squadron VMSB-235, flying dangerous missions and spraying more bullets (4,700 in one sortie) than any marine in history. As McCarthy carefully molded his image for the folks back home, he told of ever more impressive exploits. In 1944 he spoke of 14 bombing missions in 1947 the figure rose to 17 in 1951 it peaked at 32. He requested—and received—an Air Medal with four stars and the Distinguished Flying Cross, awarded for 25 missions in combat. Honors poured in from the American Legion, the Gold Star Mothers, and the Veterans of Foreign Wars.

In 1949 the Madison Capital-Times received a letter from Marine Captain Jack Canaan, a flyer who was stationed with McCarthy at Bougainville. It claimed that McCarthy’s only combat experience had been two missions in one day. “He told me that he did it for publicity value,” wrote Canaan. “In fact, in a hospital in the New Hebrides he personally showed me the Associated Press clipping about firing more rounds than any gunner in one day….I believe on the day he fired them, the Jap planes at Rabaul were all dead.” Canaan advised the newspaper to check McCarthy’s “official jacket in Washington.” It would, he thought, “expose the guy for the fraud he is.”

Die Capital-Times didn’t pursue the tip, but other reporters got wind of it and started their own inquiries. Before long the real story of McCarthy’s Pacific exploits had emerged. In 1943 his squadron was assigned to Henderson Field, Guadalcanal. The work varied—from routine “spotting” flights on New Georgia, the largest of the Solomon Islands, to bombing runs over the island of New Britain in western New Guinea. Sometimes, to ease the boredom, the pilots would try to break every flight record on the books—most missions in a day, most ammunition expended, and the like. According to one marine, “Everyone at the base who could possibly do so went along for the ride on some of these missions—it was hot, dusty, and dull on the ground, and a ride in an SBD [“Scout Bomber Douglas”] was cool and a break in the monotony. It was also quite safe—there weren’t any Jap planes or anti-aircraft gunners around.”

McCarthy wanted to break the record for most ammo used in a single mission. So he was strapped into a tail-gunner’s seat, sent aloft, and allowed to blast away at the coconut trees. As a matter of routine, the public relations officer gave him the record and wrote up a press release for the Wisconsin papers. A few weeks later, McCarthy came into the fellow’s hut waving a stack of clippings. “This is worth 50,000 votes to me,” he said with a smile. The two men then had a drink to celebrate the creation of “Tail-Gunner Joe.”

All told, McCarthy made about a dozen flights in the tail-gunner’s seat. He strafed deserted airfields, hit some fuel dumps, and came under enemy fire at least once. His buddies recalled that he “loved to shoot the guns.” They gave him an award for destroying the island’s plant life, and they laughed hysterically when he lost control of the twin 30s and pumped bullets through the tail of his plane.

It was on one of these missions that McCarthy claimed to have been wounded in action. Later, in his Senate campaigns, he would walk with a limp, saying that his plane had crash-landed or that he carried “ten pounds of shrapnel” in his leg. When pressed for details, he would refer to a citation from Admiral Chester Nimitz, the commander in chief of the U.S. Pacific Fleet: “Although suffering from a severe leg injury, [Captain McCarthy] refused to be hospitalized and continued to carry out his duties as an intelligence officer in a highly efficient manner. His courageous devotion to duty was in keeping with the highest traditions of the naval service.”

Citations like this were easy to come by. In McCarthy’s case, he apparently wrote it himself, forged his commanding officer’s signature, and sent it on to Nimitz, who signed thousands of such documents during the war. What bothered some newsmen was that McCarthy had never been awarded a Purple Heart. Could it be that his wound was not war related? “Maybe he fell off a bar stool,” mused Robert Fleming, the Milwaukee Journal’s crack reporter, as he began piecing together the incident. Fleming soon discovered that McCarthy had been aboard the seaplane tender Chandeleur on the day the injury occurred. It was June 22, 1943, and the Chandeleur’s crew was holding a “shellback” initiation as the ship crossed the equator. During the hazing, McCarthy was forced to attach an iron bucket to one foot and run the gantlet of paddle-wielding sailors. He slipped, fell down a stairwell, and suffered three fractures of the metatarsal (middle foot) bone. That was the extent of his “war” wounds.

It is not unusual for someone, particularly a politician, to exaggerate his war record. Nor is it the sort of falsehood that generally hurts the feelings or the reputations of others. Why, then, the controversy over “Tail-Gunner Joe”? The question can be answered in several ways. For one thing, McCarthy’s puffed-up gallantry was not an isolated instance of deception, but rather an example of the way he consistently misrepresented his actions. For another, McCarthy used his war record to shameless advantage. He thought nothing of attacking political opponents as cowardly slackers or of claiming the exclusive right to speak for veterans with disabilities and for “dead heroes.” Finally, like some compulsive braggarts, McCarthy seemed increasingly unable to differentiate fact from fancy. He lied so often and so boldly about his exploits that he himself came to accept their veracity. His friends insisted that McCarthy always stuck by his war record, even in private. When Urban Van Susteren once asked about the wound, McCarthy rolled up his pants, exposed a nasty scar, and growled, “There, you son of a bitch, now let’s hear no more about it.”

It would be an understatement to say that McCarthy launched his campaign for the Republican nomination for the U.S. Senate in 1944 as a long shot. He was, after all, a political novice residing some 9,000 miles from Wisconsin and running against an incumbent. And his hastily fashioned campaign platform consisted of two vaguely worded statements about “job security for every man and woman” and “lasting peace throughout the world.” Still, the very thought of a two-fisted marine running for political office was both novel and patriotic.

But there was a complication. According to Wisconsin law, judges can “hold no office of public trust, except a judicial office, during the term for which they are elected.” Was McCarthy violating the law? The secretary of state thought so, but the attorney general took a more liberal approach. McCarthy could run, he decided, and the courts could untangle the mess if he happened to win. Of course, McCarthy did not expect to win. He was in the race for the experience, the publicity, and the chance to position himself for a serious run in 1946. With the campaign in high gear, he got a 30-day leave and returned to a hero’s welcome. “When Joe set foot on Main Street this morning,” wrote the Shawano Evening Leader, “he did not have to walk far to find a friend. It was ‘Hello, Joe,’ left and right, to the young judge who left a seat on the bench…to take another…behind the rear guns of a dive bomber.”

On returning to the Pacific, he applied for another leave, claiming that his judicial duties had been too long overlooked. When it was denied, he resigned his commission, obtaining his official discharge in February 1945. While the war was far from over, the “fighting judge” had other things on his mind. A major national election was only a year away, with another Senate seat up for grabs. That it belonged to Robert M. La Follette Jr., a figure of heroic proportions, meant little to McCarthy. Less than a month after his discharge he was busily preparing to challenge La Follette in the GOP Senate primary.

Stalwarts of the GOP establishment in Wisconsin may not have liked McCarthy, but they thought he was the best bet to defeat La Follette. They therefore made every resource available to him, including a public relations firm, a campaign staff, and a big budget. The Committee to Elect Joe McCarthy spent more than $75,000 during the race. The La Follette figure was about $13,000. For McCarthy, money became the great equalizer.

Much of it was used to produce a slick brochure (“The Newspapers Say”) with pages of photographs and short favorable quips from the local press. The reader learned that McCarthy was a man with small-town, working-class roots a self-made man, free of inherited wealth and privilege a robust man who had been a farmer, a boxer, a tough marine gunner. It was an exceptional piece of campaign literature, emphasizing the very qualities that set him apart from La Follette. McCarthy loved the brochure. He told Van Susteren that most people “vote with their emotions, not with their minds. Show them a picture and they’ll never read.”

Much of the literature played strictly on McCarthy’s war record. Combat veterans have always done well at the polls, and 1946 was a fine year for patriotic chest-thumping. His newspaper ads were misleading but effective. They explained how he turned down a soft job exempt from military duty how he joined the marines as a private how he and millions of other Joes kept Wisconsin from speaking Japanese. And they all ended the same way: “Today Joe M c Carthy is home. He wants to serve America in the Senate. Yes, folks, congress needs a tailgunner.”

McCarthy then zeroed in on La Follette’s failure to enlist. (The senator, 46 years old when Pearl Harbor was bombed, remained in Washington with virtually all his congressional colleagues.) “What, other than draw fat rations, did La Follette do for the war effort?” asked one campaign flyer. Another called La Follette a war profiteer, a charge that McCarthy pressed with great relish. The senator, it seemed, had invested in a Milwaukee radio station and was rewarded with a $47,000 profit during 1944–45. Noting that the Federal Communications Commission licensed the station, McCarthy alleged that La Follette had made “huge profits from dealing with a federal agency which exists by virtue of his vote.”

The charge was absurd. All stations are licensed by the FCC. While McCarthy didn’t try to prove that collusion occurred, his claims awakened liberal voters to the fact that La Follette had made a financial killing on a limited investment. His image as the archenemy of privilege had begun to wear thin.

McCarthy said little about his own campaign platform. He supported veterans’ pensions and the creation of an all-volunteer army—issues he knew to be popular with returning veterans and their families. His speeches on foreign affairs were laced with generalities that appealed to both isolationists and internationalists. His main theme was that America had the duty either to lead the world or to play no part in it at all. He never said which alternative he favored.

McCarthy edged La Follette by 5,000 votes. A few months later he won the general election as part of a GOP landslide that gave Republicans control of Congress for the first time in 18 years.

As a freshman U.S. senator, McCarthy was known mainly for his raucous behavior. Angry colleagues accused him of lying, of manipulating figures, and of disregarding the Senate’s most cherished traditions. By 1950 his political career was in deep trouble. He was up for reelection in 1952, and most political analysts expected him to lose. He felt that he needed an issue to attract attention—something to make his importance felt beyond the walls of the Senate chamber.

On February 9, 1950, during a routine dinner speech before a women’s Republican club in Wheeling, West Virginia, McCarthy declared that he held a list of 205 communists actively shaping policy in the State Department. Overnight, his notoriety grew a thousandfold.

Although McCarthy had hardly “discovered” the political exploitability of communist infiltration, he was uniquely gifted in using it to promote himself publicly. He convinced an increasingly frightened America that the Reds and their fellow travelers had orchestrated a conspiracy so immense that he—and he alone—could be trusted to deliver the nation from it.

But soon McCarthy’s life would rapidly disintegrate. In February 1954 the Senate had authorized his investigation by a vote of 85–1. Eight months later it had condemned him by a vote of 67–22. And eight months after that it would crush his spirit—and what remained of his career—by voting, 77–4, to censure him.

In the interval between his famous Wheeling speech in 1950 and his official Senate censure some four years later, McCarthy lost his identity as a man to that of an “ism,” his name touted by his enemies as a symbol of political opportunism, coercion, and reckless accusation. McCarthyism is still a dirty word in the American political vocabulary.

Although the censure had humiliated McCarthy, his physical decline had been obvious for years. In the latter part of 1956 McCarthy was treated at the Bethesda Naval Hospital for a variety of ailments: hepatitis, cirrhosis, delirium tremens, and the removal of a fatty tumor from his leg. Between visits, his friends pleaded with him to stop drinking, but to no avail. “I would scream at him,” Van Susteren recalled. “I’d say, ‘You’re killing yourself, Goddamit.’ And he’d say, “Kiss my ass, Van.’ And that was that.”

McCarthy entered Bethesda again on April 28, 1958. He died on May 2. The official cause of death was listed as acute hepatitis—or inflammation of the liver. There was no mention of cirrhosis or delirium tremens, though the press hinted, correctly, that he drank himself to death.

David M. Oshinsky, a Pulitzer Prize–winning historian, is a professor of history at New York University and the director of the Division of Medical Humanities at NYU Langone Health. He is the author of A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy (Free Press, 1983), from which this article is adapted.

This article appears in the Spring 2020 issue (Vol. 32, No. 3) of MHQ—The Quarterly Journal of Military History with the headline: War Stories | The Tail Gunner

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The Senator Who Stood Up to Joseph McCarthy When No One Else Would

“It is high time we stopped thinking politically as Republicans and Democrats about elections and started thinking patriotically as Americans about national security based on individual freedom.”

Those words, spoken by Margaret Chase Smith, freshman senator from Maine, never mentioned Joseph McCarthy by name, but it was abundantly clear to all who listened that her criticisms were leveled directly at him. Her speech represented a highlight for the congressional maverick with a career full of similar moments of bipartisanship.

Earlier that day, June 1, 1950, Smith had bumped into the bombastic Wisconsin senator as they made their way to work. Only four months earlier, McCarthy had delivered an inflammatory speech claiming 205 people working in the State Department were secretly communists. Since then, Smith had been closely following his words and actions, meant to undermine the Democratic party and seed suspicion everywhere.

According to journalist Marvin Kalb, the senators’ interaction that morning was a prelude of what was to come. McCarthy regarded Smith and noted, “Margaret, you look very serious. Are you going to make a speech?”

“Yes, and you will not like it,” she responded.

After passing out copies of the speech to the press gallery, Smith approached the Senate floor and began her “Declaration of Conscience.” In it, she addressed what she saw as McCarthy’s dangerous accusations and the partisan bickering it resulted in.

“Those of us who shout the loudest about Americanism in making character assassinations are all too frequently those who, by our own words and acts, ignore some of the basic principles of Americanism,” Smith said, in another thinly veiled jab at McCarthy’s tactics. Importantly, she was also quick to point out the Truman administration had failed to do enough to prevent the spread of communism at home and abroad. But her conclusion called on all politicians, regardless of party affiliation, to stand for the defense of civil liberties.

“It is high time that we all stopped being tools and victims of totalitarian techniques—techniques that, if continued here unchecked, will surely end what we have come to cherish as the American way of life,” said Smith.

It was a remarkable moment, not only because Smith was a woman, or the first person to speak out against McCarthy, but because she was willing to speak out against her fellow Republicans. Again and again over the 32 years she spent in Congress, Smith defended her values, even when it meant opposing the GOP—and even when it cost her personally.

Smith’s political career began shortly after she married Clyde Harold Smith, who was elected to the House of Representatives in 1936. Margaret traveled with her husband to Washington, D.C., where she managed his office, and, in 1940, before the end of his term, Clyde asked Margaret to run for his seat just before he died of a fatal heart condition. Not only did she win the special election to finish his term, she won her own full term in Congress by running on a platform of supporting pensions for the elderly and military expansion.

Over the next eight years, Smith repeatedly won reelection to the House as a Republican, though she mostly followed her own conscience and frequently voted across party lines. She sponsored legislation to make women recognized members of the military rather than volunteers and voted against making the House Select Committee on Un-American Activities (which investigated communism) a permanent committee. She would also support Democratic legislation like FDR’s Lend-Lease program.

When one of Maine’s senators chose not to return in 1947, she decided to run for his seat. According to a biography from the United States House of Representatives, “The state Republican Party, stung by Smith’s many votes across party lines, opposed her candidacy and supported Maine Governor Horace A. Hildreth in the four-way race.” But Smith earned far more votes than any of her opponents, becoming the first woman to serve in both the House and the Senate.

When McCarthy began his accusations of communism run amok in the American government, Smith, like many others, was initially concerned that he might be right. She had been a fervent anti-communist throughout her political career and introduced a bill to outlaw the Communist Party in 1953, three years after her speech against McCarthy. What she didn’t agree with were her colleague from Wisconsin’s tactics—the fearmongering, the smearing of reputations, and finding people guilty before they had a chance to defend themselves.

“She was worried that what [McCarthy] was doing was undermining the anti-communism movement, that his methods were going too far,” says historian Mary Brennan, author of Wives, Mothers, and the Red Menace.

It soon became clear that McCarthy had grossly exaggerated his claims. By the spring of 1950, Smith said, “Distrust became so widespread that many dared not accept dinner invitations lest at some future date McCarthy might level unproved charges against someone who had been at the same dinner party.” Smith decided to act, since no one else seemed willing to, and gave her speech with the support of only six other Republican senators.

McCarthy’s response was typical of his behavior to any critics: he dismissed her, nicknaming Smith and her colleagues “Snow White and the Six Dwarfs.” Meanwhile, media outlets like the Saturday Evening Post shamed Smith and her co-signers for being communist-sympathizers, calling them “the soft underbelly of the Republican Party.”

Yet Smith received a large share of praise as well as censure. Nuusweek pondered whether Smith might be the next vice president, while financier and statesman Bernard Baruch went even further, stating that if a man had given such a speech “he would be the next president.” Smith received campaign donations from across the country for the 1952 elections, Brennan says, all of which she politely returned, saying she was running in a state race, not a national one.

But for all the furor her speech produced, Smith quickly fell out of the limelight when North Korean forces invaded the South at the end of June. “The boiling intensity of the Cold War had the ironic effect of sidelining Smith and elevating McCarthy, whose anticommunist crusade only grew wider and stronger,” Kalb writes in Enemy of the People: Trump’s War on the Press, the New McCarthyism, and the Threat to American Democracy.

The one person who didn’t forget Smith’s speech was McCarthy himself. “Her support for the United Nations, New Deal programs, support for federal housing and social programs placed her high on the list of those against whom McCarthy and his supporters on local levels sought revenge,” writes Gregory Gallant in Hope and Fear in Margaret Chase Smith’s America. When McCarthy gained control of the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (which monitored government affairs), he took advantage of the position to remove Smith from the group, replacing her with acolyte Richard Nixon, then a senator from California. Although she remained a member of the Republican party, party leaders never quite knew how to make sense of her, Brennan says.

“I don’t know that she would’ve felt a lot of loyalty to the Republican Party the way some others did. There was a sense that they didn’t like what McCarthy was doing, but he was attacking the Democrats and that was good. And she came along and said, that’s true, but he’s undermining our cause and that’s bad.”

Despite being briefly sidelined by McCarthy for standing her ground, Smith remained a savvy enough politician to survive. She held a record for casting 2,941 consecutive roll call votes between 1955 and 1968, which was interrupted only by her recovery from hip surgery. And in 1964, she announced she was running for President. Though she never made it past the primaries, she still became the first woman to have her name put in for nomination for the presidency by a major political party.

As for the incident with McCarthy, Smith wasn’t the one who to bring him down or spur others to action. He wouldn’t fall until 1954, after considerable damage had been done. But Smith did vote to censure him in 1954, and, Brennan says, she refused to sign a card from other Republicans apologizing for censuring him.

“That was the thing about her,” Brennan says. “She was very much what you’d think of when you think of a stereotypical Yankee. This is the principal, this is what I’m standing for, and I’m not deviating from this.”


McCarthy's Notorious Legacy

Match book cover distributed by the Superior Match Company of Chicago. The front cover says, "I like McCarthy and his Methods. I am with Joe McCarthy in his fight against treason and dishonor." The inside cover reads "I will not betray those who help me ferret out traitors - Joseph R. McCarthy. Strike a light for Freedom." View the original source document: WHI 47759

Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy held the nation in his grasp with his anti-Communist rhetoric for four years in the early 1950s. To his enemies, McCarthy was evil incarnate, but to his supporters, he was an ardent champion of freedom. Elected to the U.S. Senate in 1946, Joseph McCarthy created a sensation in 1950 when he announced during a speech in Wheeling, West Virginia, that communist members of the State Department were influencing American foreign policy. At the time, communist expansion in Eastern Europe and Korea fueled Americans' anxiety that their way of life was under attack. Proclaimed just as Americans were preparing to fight in Korea, McCarthy capitalized on people's fears of encroaching communism to launch a public campaign aimed at eliminating the supposed communist infiltration of government.

Re-elected in 1952, McCarthy, as chair of a Senate Permanent Investigations Subcommittee, took it upon himself to expose communists and their sympathizers throughout all of American cultural and political life. The Subcommittee interrogated more than 500 people under his leadership, often refusing to reveal their sources of information under the veil of national security. In 1953, however, McCarthy took it too far when he accused the Army of harboring communists. The televised Army-McCarthy hearings that ensued exposed many Americans to McCarthy's bullying tactics and ruined his public reputation. The next year, the Senate officially censured McCarthy for "conduct unbecoming a senator." His ostracism from his party, coupled with chronic alcoholism, led to his death three years later.


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Joseph McCarthy - HISTORY

He could destroy political careers on a whim. Even the president of the United States treaded warily around Joe McCarthy. Said Dwight D. Eisenhower: "Never get in a pissing match with a skunk."

A charismatic demagogue, Joseph McCarthy grew up on a Wisconsin farm and attended a one-room schoolhouse. While still a teenager, he established a thriving business as a chicken farmer. He dropped out of school after finishing eighth grade, but returned at the age of 20 and finished four years of work in nine months. He worked his way through law school and, at the age of 30, because the youngest circuit court judge in Wisconsin history. After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, he enlisted in the Marine Corps and served as an intelligence officer in the South Pacific. In 1946, at the age of 38, he was elected to the U.S. Senate.

McCarthy had an unsavory side. While a Marine, he forged a letter from his commander to obtain a citation for a phony combat wound. He also cheated on his taxes and violated campaign laws.

In an address in 1950 to a Republican women's club in Wheeling, W. Va., Senator Joseph McCarthy (Republican of Wisconsin) claims to have a list of a great many "known Communists" employed by the state department:

I have here in my hand a list of 205--a list of names that were known to the Secretary of State as being members of the Communist party and who are nevertheless are still working and shaping the policy in the State Dept. When asked by a reporter to produce his list, McCarthy replied: "That was just a political speech to a bunch of Republicans. Don't take it seriously."

McCarthy's stock-in-trade was reckless accusations. Centering around communist victories in China and Eastern Europe in the later 1940s, McCarthy charged that Secretary of State Dean Acheson had sold the country out to the Communists that the Truman administration was riddled with subversion and that the men who guided the country for the previous twenty years were dupes of the communists. In 1951, Senator McCarthy he called George C. Marshall a communist agent. Senator Millard E. Tydings (D. Md.) attacked McCarthy for perpetrating "a fraud and a hoax."

In 1954, Sen. McCarthy charges that a Communist spy ring was operating at a U.S. Army Signal Corps installation in New Jersey. McCarthy also accuses the Secretary of the Army of concealing evidence. The Secretary retains a Boston attorney, Joseph Nye Welch, to represent him. When McCarthy makes a vicious charge, Welch says:

Until this moment, Senator, I think I never really gauged your cruelty or recklessness. Have no sense of decency, sir, at long last?


For More Information

Cook, Fred J. The Nightmare Decade: The Life and Times of Senator Joe McCarthy. New York: Random House, 1971.

Herman, Arthur. Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. New York: Free Press, 2000.

Rovere, Richard H. Senator Joe McCarthy. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1959.

Sherrow, Victoria. Joseph McCarthy and the Cold War. Woodbridge, CT: Blackbirch Press, 1998.


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