Franklin D. Roosevelt se derde inhuldigingstoespraak

Franklin D. Roosevelt se derde inhuldigingstoespraak

Sy enigste opmerkings beklemtoon Amerika se verpligting om tydens die internasionale krisis op te tree.


Tekens van die tyd

'N Inhuldigingsrede weerspieël die era waarin dit gelewer is. Soos Franklin Delano Roosevelt in sy derde inhuldigingstoespraak op 20 Januarie 1941 verduidelik het, staan ​​elke president voor 'n ander uitdaging:

"Op elke nasionale inwydingsdag sedert 1789 het die mense hul toewyding aan die Verenigde State hernu. Op Washington se dag was die taak van die mense om 'n nasie te skep en saam te voeg. In Lincoln se dag was die taak van die mense om bewaar die nasie van binne af.

Deur temas in die eerste toespraak te identifiseer en te kyk na die verskillende maniere waarop dit van een adres na 'n ander bespreek word, kan sosiale veranderinge oor tyd verlig word. Die bespreking van kommunisme in intreerede van die middel tot laat twintigste eeu bied byvoorbeeld 'n voorbeeld van hoe idees en platforms kan verander. In die nasleep van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog definieer Harry Truman se inhuldigingstoespraak van 1949 kommunisme as:

"[A] valse filosofie wat na bewering vryheid, veiligheid en groter geleentheid bied aan die mensdom. Deur hierdie filosofie mislei, het baie mense hul vryhede opgeoffer om net tot hul smart te leer dat bedrog en bespotting, armoede en tirannie hul beloning is. "

Dwight Eisenhower reageer op die veranderende gebeure in Oos -Europa in die vyftigerjare. Sy inhuldigingstoespraak van 1957 was gerig op "Internasionale Kommunisme" soos hy verklaar:

"Boedapest is nie meer net die naam van 'n stad nie, dit is voortaan 'n nuwe en glansende simbool van die begeerte van die mens om vry te wees."

Terwyl John F. Kennedy in sy inhuldigingstoespraak in 1961 nie direk kommunisme genoem het nie, was dit sy duidelike onderwerp toe hy gesê het:

"Ten slotte, aan die nasies wat hulself as ons teëstander sou maak, bied ons nie 'n belofte nie, maar 'n versoek: dat beide kante opnuut begin soek na vrede, voordat die duistere magte van vernietiging wat deur die wetenskap ontketen is, die hele mensdom verswelg in beplande of toevallige self- vernietiging. "

Byna 'n dekade later beklemtoon Jimmy Carter se intreerede in 1977 die moontlike uitkoms van 'n aantal buitelandse aangeleenthede toe hy sê:

"Ek sou hoop dat die nasies van die wêreld sou sê dat ons 'n blywende vrede gebou het, nie op oorlogswapens nie, maar op internasionale beleid wat ons eie kosbaarste waardes weerspieël."

Meer as 'n dekade later het George H.W. Bush vermy retoriek van die Koue Oorlog en verklaar in sy intreerede:

"Groot nasies van die wêreld beweeg na demokrasie deur die deur na vryheid. Mans en vroue van die wêreld beweeg na vrye markte deur die deur na voorspoed. Die mense van die wêreld roer om vrye uitdrukking en vrye denke deur die deur na die morele en intellektuele bevrediging wat slegs vryheid toelaat. "

Teen die tyd dat Bill Clinton sy eerste inhuldigingstoespraak in 1993 gelewer het, kon hy in die verlede tyd van die Koue Oorlog praat en sy aandag vestig op die Amerikaanse ekonomie:

"Vandag aanvaar 'n generasie wat in die skadu van die Koue Oorlog opgewek is, nuwe verantwoordelikhede in 'n wêreld wat warm word deur die sonskyn van vryheid, maar steeds bedreig word deur antieke haat en nuwe plae. Ons word opgewek in ongeëwenaarde voorspoed, ons erf 'n ekonomie wat nog steeds die sterkste ter wêreld is , maar word verswak deur sakemislukkings, stilstaande lone, toenemende ongelykheid en diepe verdeeldheid onder ons mense. "

Vandag is nasionale en globale veranderinge vinnig en dikwels dramaties. Om te onthou wat ons plek in die geskiedenis was, kan ons help om as 'n nasie te herontdek wie ons is en wat ons kan wees. Is dit tyd om stil te staan ​​en rekord te neem? As 'n nasie, waar is ons? Wat is die gepaste nasionale doelwitte vir ons tyd?


Gevind in die argief

19 Januarie 2012 in Gevind in die argief | Tags: 1937, FDR, Inhuldiging | deur fdrlibrary | Kommentaar gesluit

75ste herdenking van FDR se tweede inhuldiging en 'n nuwe inwydingsdag

20 Januarie 2012 is die 75ste herdenking van Franklin Roosevelt se tweede inhuldigingstoespraak. Dit is ook die eerste keer dat 'n president op 20 Januarie ingesweer is, en die datum is verskuif deur die 20ste wysiging van die Amerikaanse grondwet.

Voorheen is Amerikaanse presidente op 4 Maart ingesweer, die datum bepaal deur die taal van die 12de wysiging. Dit het vir die Framers sin gemaak toe nuutverkose presidente en kongreslede groot afstande per perd en wa moes aflê.

Maar namate die Amerikaanse samelewing ingewikkelder geword het en die land meer geïndustrialiseerd geraak het, was die vier maande tussen verkiesingsdag en inhuldigingsdag toenemend anachronisties. Uittredende huidige presidente was magtelose kreupele eende, en verkose presidente het geen gesag gehad om gebeure te beïnvloed nie. Die sogenaamde “Interregnum ” tussen die FDR se verkiesing en die eerste inhuldiging toe die land verlam bly as die depressie verdiep en die bankstelsel in duie stort – was 'n perfekte voorbeeld van die krisis wat hierdie vertraging kan veroorsaak.

Die twintigste wysiging is op 2 Maart 1932 deur die kongres voorgestel en is vinnig deur die nodige driekwart van die state bekragtig. Maar volgens die bepalings van die wysiging het dit eers op 15 Oktober 1933 in werking getree. Gevolglik het FDR beide die laaste president geword wat die ampseed afgelê het op 4 Maart (1933) en die eerste president wat ingehuldig is op die nuwe datum van 20 Januarie (1937).

Op daardie koue Januarie-dag 75 jaar gelede, terwyl hy in die reën gestaan ​​het en sy tweede inhuldigingstoespraak gelewer het, sien FDR 'n derde van 'n land wat swak gehuisves, swak gekleed, swak gevoed is en verklaar dat “ die toets van ons vordering is nie of ons meer byvoeg tot die oorvloed van diegene wat baie het nie, of ons genoeg bied vir diegene wat te min het. ”


Franklin D. Roosevelt se derde inhuldigingstoespraak - GESKIEDENIS

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Derde inhuldigingstoespraak.

Op elke nasionale inwydingsdag sedert 1789 het die mense hul toewyding aan die Verenigde State hernu.

In Washington se tyd was die taak van die mense om 'n nasie te skep en saam te voeg.

In Lincoln se tyd was die taak van die mense om die nasie te beskerm teen ontwrigting van binne.

In hierdie dag is die taak van die mense om die Nasie en sy instellings te red van ontwrigting van buite.

Vir ons het daar 'n tyd gekom, te midde van vinnige gebeurtenisse, om 'n oomblik stil te staan ​​en te dink oor wat ons plek in die geskiedenis was, en om te herontdek wat ons is en wat ons kan wees. As ons dit nie doen nie, loop ons die gevaar van isolasie, die werklike gevaar van passie.

Lewe van nasies word nie bepaal deur die aantal jare nie, maar deur die leeftyd van die menslike gees. Die lewe van 'n man is sestig jaar en tien: 'n bietjie meer, 'n bietjie minder. Die lewe van 'n nasie is die volheid van die mate van sy wil om te lewe.

Daar is mans wat hieraan twyfel. Daar is mans wat glo dat demokrasie, as 'n regeringsvorm en 'n lewensraamwerk, beperk of gemeet word aan 'n soort mistieke en kunsmatige lot wat tirannie en slawerny om een ​​of ander onverklaarbare rede die groeiende golf van die toekoms geword het - en dat vryheid 'n eb is.

Maar ons Amerikaners weet dat dit nie waar is nie.

Agt jaar gelede, toe die lewe van hierdie Republiek deur 'n fatalistiese terreur bevrore gelyk het, het ons bewys dat dit nie waar is nie. Ons was te midde van skok - maar ons het opgetree. Ons het vinnig, vrymoedig, beslissend opgetree.

Hierdie latere jare was lewensjare - vrugbare jare vir die mense van hierdie demokrasie. Want dit het vir ons groter veiligheid gebring en, hoop ek, 'n beter begrip dat die lewensideale in ander as materiële dinge gemeet moet word.

Die belangrikste vir ons hede en vir ons toekoms is hierdie ervaring van 'n demokrasie wat 'n krisis tuis suksesvol oorleef het, en baie bose dinge opgebou het, nuwe strukture gebou het op volgehoue ​​lyne en deur dit alles die feit van sy demokrasie gehandhaaf het.

Daar is opgetree binne die drie-rigting raamwerk van die Grondwet van die Verenigde State. Die koördinaat -takke van die Regering funksioneer vrylik. Die Handves van Regte bly onskuldig. Die vryheid van verkiesings word ten volle gehandhaaf. Profete van die ondergang van die Amerikaanse demokrasie het gesien dat hul haglike voorspellings op niks uitgeloop het nie.

Nee, demokrasie sterf nie.

Ons weet dit omdat ons gesien het dat dit herleef - en groei.

Ons weet dat dit nie kan sterf nie - want dit is gebou op die onbelemmerde inisiatief van individuele mans en vroue wat saamgevoeg is in 'n gemeenskaplike onderneming - 'n onderneming wat deur die vrye uitdrukking van 'n vrye meerderheid aangepak en uitgevoer word.

Ons weet dit omdat demokrasie alleen, van alle regeringsvorme, die volle krag van die verligte wil van die mens inspan.

Ons weet dit omdat demokrasie alleen 'n onbeperkte beskawing gebou het wat oneindige vordering kan maak in die verbetering van die menslike lewe.

Ons weet dit, want as ons onder die oppervlak kyk, voel ons dat dit steeds op elke vasteland versprei - want dit is die menslikste, mees gevorderde en uiteindelik die mees onoorwinlike van alle vorme van die menslike samelewing.

'N Volk het, net soos 'n persoon, 'n liggaam - 'n liggaam wat gevoed en geklee en gehuisves, verkwik en uitgerus moet word, op 'n manier wat voldoen aan die standaarde van ons tyd.

'N Volk het, net soos 'n persoon, 'n verstand - 'n verstand wat ingelig en waaksaam moet bly, wat homself moet ken, wat die hoop en die behoeftes van sy bure verstaan ​​- al die ander nasies wat binne die vernouende kring van die wêreld leef .

'N Volk het, net soos 'n persoon, iets dieper, iets meer permanent, iets groter as die som van al sy dele. Dit is iets wat die belangrikste is vir sy toekoms - wat die heiligste bewaring van sy hede uitroep.

Dit is 'n ding waarvoor ons dit moeilik vind - selfs onmoontlik om op 'n enkele, eenvoudige woord te slaan.

En tog verstaan ​​ons almal wat dit is - die gees - die geloof van Amerika. Dit is die produk van eeue. Dit is gebore in die menigte van diegene wat uit baie lande gekom het - sommige van hoë, maar meestal gewone mense - wat vroeg en laat hier wou soek om vryheid vryer te vind.

Die demokratiese strewe is nie net 'n onlangse fase in die geskiedenis van die mens nie. Dit is menslike geskiedenis. Dit het die ou lewe van vroeë mense deurdring. Dit het in die Middeleeue nuut opgevlam. Dit is in Magna Charta geskryf.

In Amerika was die impak daarvan onweerstaanbaar. Amerika was die nuwe wêreld in alle tale en vir alle mense, nie omdat hierdie kontinent 'n nuutgevonde land was nie, maar omdat almal wat hierheen gekom het, geglo het dat hulle 'n nuwe lewe op hierdie kontinent kon skep-'n nuwe lewe in vryheid.

Die lewenskragtigheid daarvan is in ons eie Mayflower Compact, in die Onafhanklikheidsverklaring, in die Grondwet van die Verenigde State, in die Gettysburg -adres ingeskryf.

Diegene wat die eerste keer hierheen gekom het om die verlange van hul gees en die miljoene wat gevolg het, en die voorraad wat daaruit voortspruit, uit te voer - het almal voortdurend en konsekwent vorentoe gegaan na 'n ideaal wat op sigself statuur en duidelikheid by elke generasie gekry het.

Die hoop van die Republiek kan nie onverdiende armoede of selfbediende rykdom vir altyd duld nie.

Ons weet dat ons nog ver moet gaan, dat ons die veiligheid en die geleentheid en die kennis van elke burger sterker moet bou, volgens die maatreël wat deur die hulpbronne en die vermoë van die grond geregverdig word.

Maar dit is nie genoeg om hierdie doelwitte alleen te bereik nie. Dit is nie genoeg om die liggaam van hierdie nasie te beklee en te voed nie, om sy verstand te onderrig en in te lig. Want daar is ook die gees. En van die drie is die gees die grootste.

Sonder die liggaam en die gees, soos alle mense weet, sou die nasie nie kon lewe nie.

Maar as die gees van Amerika doodgemaak word, alhoewel die liggaam en gees van die nasie, saamgedrom in 'n vreemde wêreld, voortleef, sou die Amerika wat ons ken, vergaan het.

Daardie gees — daardie geloof — spreek tot ons in ons daaglikse lewens op maniere wat dikwels ongemerk is, omdat dit so voor die hand liggend lyk. Dit spreek tot ons hier in die Hoofstad van die Nasie. Dit spreek tot ons deur die regeringsprosesse in die soewereiniteite van 48 state. Dit spreek tot ons in ons provinsies, in ons stede, in ons dorpe en in ons dorpe. Dit spreek tot ons van die ander nasies van die halfrond, en van diegene oor die see - die slawe, sowel as die vrye. Soms luister ons nie na hierdie stemme van vryheid nie, want die voorreg van ons vryheid is vir ons so 'n ou, ou verhaal.

Die lot van Amerika is verkondig in profetiese woorde wat ons eerste president in sy eerste inhuldiging in 1789 gesê het-dit wil voorkom asof dit tot hierdie jaar van 1941 gerig is: "Die behoud van die heilige vuur van vryheid en die lot van die die republikeinse regeringsmodel word met reg oorweeg ... diep, ... eindelik, gebaseer op die eksperiment wat die Amerikaanse volk toevertrou het. "

As u en ek later hierdie heilige vuur verloor- as ons toelaat dat dit met twyfel en vrees versmoor word- dan sal ons die lot verwerp wat Washington so dapper en so triomfantelik probeer bewerkstellig het. Die behoud van die gees en geloof van die nasie lewer en sal die hoogste regverdiging bied vir elke opoffering wat ons kan bring ter wille van nasionale verdediging.

In die lig van groot gevare wat nog nooit tevore ondervind is nie, is ons sterk doel om die integriteit van demokrasie te beskerm en te bestendig.

Hiervoor versamel ons die gees van Amerika en die geloof van Amerika.

Ons trek nie terug nie. Ons is nie tevrede om stil te bly nie. As Amerikaners gaan ons vooruit, in diens van ons land, volgens die wil van God.


Alhoewel president Franklin Delano Roosevelt nie uit die werkende en laer klasse gekom het nie, en nie altyd in hul belange opgetree het nie, het hy op belangrike oomblikke vir en met die vergete man gepraat. hy is ingehuldig vir sy tweede termyn — die eerste keer dat die presidensiële inhuldiging op 20 Januarie plaasgevind het eerder as op 4 Maart ('n verandering wat deur die twintigste wysiging aangebring is). Roosevelt se ontroerende woorde help verduidelik waarom een ​​derde van die land in November 1936 na die stembus gegaan het en hom herkies het in een van die groot grondverskuiwings in die Amerikaanse politieke geskiedenis.

My landgenote. Toe ons vier jaar gelede bymekaarkom om 'n president te inhuldig, het die Republiek, eensgesind van angs, hier in gees gestaan. Ons het ons toegewy aan die vervulling van 'n visie om die tyd te bespoedig waarin veiligheid en vrede vir alle mense noodsaaklik is vir die soeke na geluk. Ons van die Republiek het ons daartoe verbind om die mense wat dit ontheilig het, uit die tempel van ons ou geloof te dryf, om onvermoeid en onbevrees te stop deur die stagnasie en wanhoop van daardie dag. Ons het die eerste dinge eers gedoen.

Ons verbond met onsself het nie daar gestop nie. Instinktief het ons 'n dieper behoefte erken en die behoefte om deur die regering die instrument van ons verenigde doel te vind om die steeds groter wordende probleme van 'n komplekse beskawing vir die individu op te los. Herhaalde pogings tot hul oplossing sonder die hulp van die regering het ons verstom en verstom gelaat. Want sonder hierdie hulp was ons nie in staat om die morele kontroles te skep oor die dienste van die wetenskap wat nodig is om van die wetenskap 'n nuttige dienaar te maak in plaas van 'n meedoënlose meester van die mensdom nie. Om dit te doen het ons geweet dat ons praktiese beheermaatreëls moet vind oor blinde ekonomiese magte en blindelings selfsugtige mans.

Ons van die Republiek het die waarheid besef dat demokratiese regering 'n aangebore vermoë het om sy mense te beskerm teen rampe wat vroeër as onvermydelik beskou is, om probleme op te los wat eens as onoplosbaar beskou is. Ons sou nie erken dat ons nie 'n manier kon vind om ekonomiese epidemies te bemeester nie, net soos ons na eeue se fatalistiese lyding 'n manier gevind het om siektes te bestry. Ons het geweier om die probleme van ons gemeenskaplike welsyn te laat oplos deur die wind van toeval en die orkane van 'n ramp.

Hierin ontdek ons ​​Amerikaners geen heeltemal nuwe waarheid nie; ons skryf 'n nuwe hoofstuk in ons boek van selfbestuur.

Hierdie jaar is die honderd -en -vyftigjarige herdenking van die Grondwetlike Konvensie wat van ons 'n nasie gemaak het. By die konvensie het ons voorvaders die uitweg gevind uit die chaos wat gevolg het op die Revolusionêre Oorlog, en 'n sterk regering geskep met verenigde optrede wat toe en nou genoeg was om probleme op te los wat heeltemal buite individuele of plaaslike oplossing was. 'N Anderhalf eeu gelede het hulle die federale regering gestig om die algemene welsyn te bevorder en die seëninge van vryheid aan die Amerikaanse volk te verseker.

Vandag beroep ons ons op dieselfde regeringsbevoegdhede om dieselfde doelwitte te bereik.

Vier jaar se nuwe ervaring het ons historiese instink nie ontken nie. Hulle het die duidelike hoop dat die regering binne gemeenskappe, die regering in die afsonderlike state en die regering van die Verenigde State die dinge kan doen wat die tye vereis, sonder om hul demokrasie op te lewer. Ons take die afgelope vier jaar het die demokrasie nie gedwing om vakansie te hou nie.

Byna almal van ons erken dat namate die verwikkeldheid van menslike verhoudings toeneem, ook die mag om dit te beheer, moet toeneem om die bose mag te stop om goed te doen. Die noodsaaklike demokrasie van ons land en die veiligheid van ons mense hang nie af van die afwesigheid van mag nie, maar van die aanvaarding daarvan by diegene wat die mense met vaste tussenposes kan verander of kan voortgaan deur 'n eerlike en vrye stelsel van verkiesings. Die Grondwet van 1787 het ons demokrasie nie magteloos gemaak nie.

Trouens, in die afgelope vier jaar het ons die uitoefening van alle mag meer demokraties gemaak, want ons het begin om privaat outokratiese magte in hul regte ondergeskiktheid aan die openbare regering te bring. Die legende dat hulle onoorwinlik was, bo en behalwe die prosesse van 'n demokrasie, is verpletter. Hulle is uitgedaag en geslaan.

Ons vordering uit die depressie is duidelik. Maar dit is nie al wat ek en jy bedoel met die nuwe orde van dinge nie. Ons belofte was nie net 'n lapwerk met tweedehandse materiaal nie. Deur die nuwe materiaal van sosiale geregtigheid te gebruik, het ons onderneem om op die ou fondamente 'n meer volhoubare struktuur vir die beter gebruik van toekomstige geslagte op te rig.

In hierdie doel is ons gehelp deur prestasies van gees en gees. Ou waarhede is geleer onwaarhede is geleer. Ons het nog altyd geweet dat onbelangrike eiebelang slegte sedes is, ons weet nou dat dit 'n slegte ekonomie is. Uit die ineenstorting van 'n welvaart wie se bouers met hul praktiese praktyk spog, het die oortuiging gekom dat ekonomiese moraliteit op die lange duur vrugte afwerp. Ons begin die lyn wat die praktiese van die ideale skei, uitwis, en vorm sodoende 'n instrument van onvoorstelbare krag vir die vestiging van 'n moreel beter wêreld.

Hierdie nuwe begrip ondermyn die ou bewondering van wêreldse sukses as sodanig. Ons begin om ons verdraagsaamheid teenoor die misbruik van mag te laat vaar deur diegene wat die elementêre ordentlikheid van die lewe vir wins verraai.

In hierdie proses sal bose dinge wat vroeër aanvaar is, nie so maklik goedgekeur word nie. Hardkoppigheid sal hardnekkigheid nie so maklik verskoon nie. Ons beweeg na 'n era van goeie gevoel. Maar ons besef dat daar geen era van goeie gevoel kan wees nie, behalwe onder mense van goeie wil.

Om hierdie redes glo ek dat die grootste verandering wat ons gesien het, die verandering in die morele klimaat van Amerika was.

Onder mense met goeie wil bied wetenskap en demokrasie saam 'n steeds ryker lewe en steeds groter bevrediging aan die individu. Met hierdie verandering in ons morele klimaat en ons herontdekte vermoë om ons ekonomiese orde te verbeter, het ons ons voete op die pad van volgehoue ​​vooruitgang gesit.

Sal ons nou stilstaan ​​en ons rug draai op die pad wat voorlê? Sal ons dit die beloofde land noem? Of sal ons voortgaan? Want elke ouderdom is 'n droom wat besig is om te sterf, of een wat gebore word. ”

Baie stemme word gehoor terwyl ons voor 'n goeie besluit staan. Comfort sê, 'n rukkie. ” Opportunisme sê, “Dit is 'n goeie plek.

Ons het weliswaar ver gekom van die dae van stagnasie en wanhoop. Vitaliteit het behoue ​​gebly. Moed en vertroue is herstel. Verstandelike en morele horisonne is uitgebrei.

Maar ons huidige winste is behaal onder die druk van meer as gewone omstandighede. Vooruitgang het noodsaaklik geword onder vrees en lyding. Die tye was aan die kant van die vordering.

Vandag is dit egter moeiliker om vas te hou. Verdoofde gewete, onverantwoordelikheid en genadelose eiebelang verskyn reeds. Sulke welvaartsimptome kan 'n teken wees van 'n ramp! Voorspoed toets reeds die volharding van ons progressiewe doel.

Laat ons weer vra: Het ons die doel bereik van ons visie van daardie vierde dag van Maart 1933? Het ons ons gelukkige vallei gevind?

Ek sien 'n groot nasie, op 'n groot kontinent, geseën met 'n groot rykdom aan natuurlike hulpbronne. Die honderd en dertig miljoen mense het vrede onder mekaar, hulle maak van hul land 'n goeie buurman onder die nasies. Ek sien 'n Verenigde State wat kan demonstreer dat, onder demokratiese regeringsmetodes, nasionale rykdom vertaal kan word in 'n toenemende hoeveelheid menslike troos wat tot dusver onbekend was, en dat die laagste lewenstandaard ver bo die vlak van blote lewensverhoging verhoog kan word.

Maar hier is die uitdaging vir ons demokrasie: In hierdie land sien ek tienduisende miljoene van sy burgers en 'n aansienlike deel van die hele bevolking wat op hierdie oomblik die grootste deel van die wat die heel laagste standaarde van vandag noem, ontken word van die lewe.

Ek sien miljoene gesinne wat so skaars probeer om van inkomste te leef dat die omvang van 'n gesinsramp daagliks oor hulle hang.

Ek sien miljoene wie se daaglikse lewens in die stad en op die plaas plaasvind onder omstandighede wat 'n halwe eeu gelede onwelvoeglik was deur 'n sogenaamde beleefde samelewing.

Ek sien miljoene ontken onderwys, ontspanning en die geleentheid om hul lot en die lot van hul kinders te verbeter.

Ek sien dat miljoene nie die middele het om die produkte van plaas en fabriek te koop nie, en deur hul armoede werk en produktiwiteit vir baie ander miljoene te weier.

Ek sien 'n derde van 'n nasie wat swak gehuisves is, swak geklee, sonder voeding.

Maar dit is nie in wanhoop dat ek die prentjie vir jou skilder nie. Ek skilder dit vir jou in hoop, want die nasie, wat die onreg daarin sien en begryp, stel voor om dit uit te skilder. Ons is vasbeslote om elke Amerikaanse burger die onderwerp van sy land se belangstelling en kommer te maak, en ons sal nooit 'n getroue wetsgehoorsame groep binne ons grense as oorbodig beskou nie. Die toets van ons vordering is nie of ons meer toevoeg tot die oorvloed van diegene wat baie het nie, of ons genoeg voorsien vir diegene wat te min het.

As ek die gees en doel van ons volk ken, sal ons nie luister na troos, opportunisme en skroom nie. Ons sal aangaan.

Oorweldigend is ons van die Republiek mans en vroue van welwillendheid mans en vroue met meer as warm harte van toegewydheid mans en vroue wat ook koel koppe en gewillige hande het met praktiese doeleindes. Hulle sal daarop aandring dat elke instansie van gewilde regering effektiewe instrumente gebruik om hul wil uit te voer.

Die regering is bevoeg wanneer almal wat dit saamstel, as trustees vir die hele volk werk. Dit kan voortdurende vordering maak as dit op hoogte bly van al die feite. Dit kan geregverdigde ondersteuning en wettige kritiek verkry as die mense ware inligting ontvang van alles wat die regering doen.

As ek baie weet van die wil van ons mense, sal hulle eis dat hierdie voorwaardes van effektiewe regering geskep en gehandhaaf word. Hulle sal 'n nasie eis wat onbesmet is deur kanker van onreg en daarom sterk onder die nasies is in sy voorbeeld van die wil tot vrede.

Vandag herwy ons ons land aan lank gekoesterde ideale in 'n skielik veranderde beskawing. In elke land is daar altyd kragte wat mense uitmekaar dryf en kragte wat mans bymekaar trek. In ons persoonlike ambisies is ons individualiste. Maar in ons strewe na ekonomiese en politieke vooruitgang as 'n nasie, gaan ons almal op, of andersins gaan ons almal as een volk.

Om 'n demokrasie van inspanning te handhaaf, verg baie geduld om verskillende metodes te hanteer, baie nederigheid. Maar uit die verwarring van baie stemme ontstaan ​​'n begrip van die dominante openbare behoefte. Dan kan politieke leierskap algemene ideale uitspreek en help met die verwesenliking daarvan.

By die heraanvaarding van die ampseed as president van die Verenigde State neem ek die plegtige verpligting aan om die Amerikaanse volk vorentoe te lei op die pad waaroor hulle gekies het.

Terwyl hierdie plig op my rus, sal ek my uiterste bes doen om hulle voorneme te spreek en hulle wil te doen, en Goddelike leiding soek om ons elkeen te help om lig te gee aan die wat in die duisternis sit en ons voete te lei in die weg van vrede .


Transkripsie

Op elke nasionale inwydingsdag sedert 1789 het die mense hul toewyding aan die Verenigde State hernu.

In Washington se tyd was die taak van die mense om 'n nasie te skep en saam te voeg.

In Lincoln se tyd was die taak van die mense om die nasie te beskerm teen ontwrigting van binne.

In hierdie dag is die taak van die mense om die Nasie en sy instellings te red van ontwrigting van buite.

Vir ons het daar 'n tyd gekom, te midde van vinnige gebeurtenisse, om 'n oomblik stil te staan ​​en rekenskap te neem - om te onthou wat ons plek in die geskiedenis was, en om te herontdek wat ons is en wat ons kan wees. As ons dit nie doen nie, loop ons die gevaar van isolasie, die werklike gevaar van passie.

Lewe van nasies word nie bepaal deur die aantal jare nie, maar deur die leeftyd van die menslike gees. Die lewe van 'n man is sestig jaar en tien: 'n bietjie meer, 'n bietjie minder. Die lewe van 'n nasie is die volheid van die mate van sy wil om te lewe.

Daar is mans wat hieraan twyfel. Daar is mans wat glo dat demokrasie, as 'n regeringsvorm en 'n lewensraamwerk, beperk of gemeet word aan 'n soort mistieke en kunsmatige lot wat tirannie en slawerny om een ​​of ander onverklaarbare rede die groeiende golf van die toekoms geword het - en dat vryheid 'n eb is.

Maar ons Amerikaners weet dat dit nie waar is nie.

Agt jaar gelede, toe die lewe van hierdie Republiek deur 'n fatalistiese terreur bevrore gelyk het, het ons bewys dat dit nie waar is nie. Ons was te midde van skok - maar ons het opgetree. Ons het vinnig, vrymoedig, beslissend opgetree.

Hierdie latere jare was lewensjare - vrugbare jare vir die mense van hierdie demokrasie. Want dit het ons groter veiligheid gebring en, hoop ek, 'n beter begrip dat die lewensideale in ander as materiële dinge gemeet moet word.

Die belangrikste vir ons hede en vir ons toekoms is hierdie ervaring van 'n demokrasie wat 'n krisis tuis suksesvol oorleef het, en baie bose dinge opgebou het, nuwe strukture gebou het op volgehoue ​​lyne en deur dit alles die feit van sy demokrasie gehandhaaf het.

Daar is opgetree binne die drie-rigting raamwerk van die Grondwet van die Verenigde State. Die koördinaat -takke van die Regering funksioneer vrylik. Die Handves van Regte bly onwettig. The freedom of elections is wholly maintained. Prophets of the downfall of American democracy have seen their dire predictions come to naught.

No, democracy is not dying.

We know it because we have seen it revive—and grow.

We know it cannot die—because it is built on the unhampered
initiative of individual men and women joined together in a common
enterprise—an enterprise undertaken and carried through by the free expression of a free majority.

We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government, enlists the full force of men's enlightened will.

We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimited civilization capable of infinite progress in the improvement of human life.

We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it still spreading on every continent—for it is the most humane, the most advanced, and in the end the most unconquerable of all forms of human society.

A Nation, like a person, has a body—a body that must be fed and clothed and housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that measures up to the standards of our time.

A Nation, like a person, has a mind—a mind that must be kept informed and alert, that must know itself, that understands the hopes and the needs of its neighbors—all the other Nations that live within the narrowing circle of the world.

A Nation, like a person, has something deeper, something more permanent, something larger than the sum of all its parts. It is that something which matters most to its future—which calls forth the most sacred guarding of its present.

It is a thing for which we find it difficult—even impossible to hit upon a single, simple word.

And yet, we all understand what it is—the spirit-the faith of America. It is the product of centuries. It was born in the multitudes of those who came from many lands-some of high degree, but mostly plain people—who sought here, early and late, to find freedom more freely.

The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history. It is human history. It permeated the ancient life of early peoples. It blazed anew in the Middle Ages. It was written in Magna Charta.

In the Americas its impact has been irresistible. America has been the New World in all tongues, and to all peoples, not because this continent was a new-found land, but because all those who came here believed they could create upon this continent a new life—a life that should be new in freedom.

Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the Declaration of Independence, into the Constitution of the United States, into the Gettysburg Address.

Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, and the millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from them—all have moved forward constantly and consistently toward an ideal which in itself has gained stature and clarity with each generation.

The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or self-serving wealth.

We know that we still have far to go that we must more greatly build the security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen, in the measure justified by the resources and the capacity of the land.

But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone. It is not enough to clothe and feed the body of this Nation, to instruct, and inform its mind. For there is also the spirit. And of the three, the greatest is the spirit.

Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could not live.

But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation's body and mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we know would have perished.

That spirit—that faith—speaks to us in our daily lives in ways often unnoticed, because they seem so obvious. It speaks to us here in the Capital of the Nation. It speaks to us through the processes of governing in the sovereignties of 48 States. It speaks to us in our counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages. It speaks to us from the other Nations of the hemisphere, and from those across the seas—the enslaved, as well as the free. Sometimes we fail to hear or heed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedom is such an old, old story.

The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by our first President in his first Inaugural in 1789—words almost directed, it
would seem, to this year of 1941: "The preservation of the sacred fire of
liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly
considered. . . deeply, . . . finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to
the hands of the American people."

If you and I in this later day lose that sacred fire—if we let it be smothered with doubt and fear—then we shall reject the destiny which Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish. The preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will, furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause of national defense.

In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy.

For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America.

We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans, we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.


Franklin D. Roosevelt's Third Inaugural Address - HISTORY

ON each national day of inauguration since 1789, the people have renewed their sense of dedication to the United States.

In Washington's day the task of the people was to create and weld together a nation.

In Lincoln's day the task of the people was to preserve that Nation from disruption from within.

In this day the task of the people is to save that Nation and its institutions from disruption from without.

To us there has come a time, in the midst of swift happenings, to pause for a moment and take stock—to recall what our place in history has been, and to rediscover what we are and what we may be. If we do not, we risk the real peril of inaction.

Lives of nations are determined not by the count of years, but by the lifetime of the human spirit. The life of a man is three-score years and ten: a little more, a little less. The life of a nation is the fullness of the measure of its will to live.

There are men who doubt this. There are men who believe that democracy, as a form of Government and a frame of life, is limited or measured by a kind of mystical and artificial fate that, for some unexplained reason, tyranny and slavery have become the surging wave of the future—and that freedom is an ebbing tide.

But we Americans know that this is not true.

Eight years ago, when the life of this Republic seemed frozen by a fatalistic terror, we proved that this is not true. We were in the midst of shock—but we acted. We acted quickly, boldly, decisively.

These later years have been living years—fruitful years for the people of this democracy. For they have brought to us greater security and, I hope, a better understanding that life's ideals are to be measured in other than material things.

Most vital to our present and our future is this experience of a democracy which successfully survived crisis at home put away many evil things built new structures on enduring lines and, through it all, maintained the fact of its democracy.

For action has been taken within the three-way framework of the Constitution of the United States. The coordinate branches of the Government continue freely to function. The Bill of Rights remains inviolate. The freedom of elections is wholly maintained. Prophets of the downfall of American democracy have seen their dire predictions come to naught.

We know it because we have seen it revive—and grow.

We know it cannot die—because it is built on the unhampered initiative of individual men and women joined together in a common enterprise—an enterprise undertaken and carried through by the free expression of a free majority.

We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government, enlists the full force of men's enlightened will.

We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimited civilization capable of infinite progress in the improvement of human life.

We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it still spreading on every continent—for it is the most humane, the most advanced, and in the end the most unconquerable of all forms of human society. A nation, like a person, has a body—a body that must be fed and clothed and housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that measures up to the objectives of our time.

A nation, like a person, has a mind—a mind that must be kept informed and alert, that must know itself, that understands the hopes and the needs of its neighbors—all the other nations that live within the narrowing circle of the world.

And a nation, like a person, has something deeper, something more permanent, something larger than the sum of all its parts. It is that something which matters most to its future—which calls forth the most sacred guarding of its present. It is a thing for which we find it difficult—even impossible—to hit upon a single, simple word. And yet we all understand what it is—the spirit—the faith of America. It is the product of centuries. It was born in the multitudes of those who came from many lands—some of high degree, but mostly plain people, who sought here, early and late, to find freedom more freely. The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history. It is human history. It permeated the ancient life of early peoples. It blazed anew in the middle ages. It was written in Magna Carta. In the Americas its impact has been irresistible. America has been the New World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this continent was a new-found land, but because all those who came here believed they could create upon this continent a new life—a life that should be new in freedom. Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the Declaration of Independence, into the Constitution of the United States, into the Gettysburg Address.

Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, and the millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from them—all have moved forward constantly and consistently toward an ideal which in itself has gained stature and clarity with each generation. The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or self-serving wealth.

We know that we still have far to go that we must more greatly build the security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen, in the measure justified by the resources and the capacity of the land. But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone. It is not enough to clothe and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and inform its mind. For there is also the spirit. And of the three, the greatest is the spirit. Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could not live.

But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation's body and mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we know would have perished.

That spirit—that faith—speaks to us in our daily lives in ways often unnoticed, because they seem so obvious. It speaks to us here in the Capital of the Nation. It speaks to us through the processes of governing in the sovereignties of 48 States. It speaks to us in our counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages. It speaks to us from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those across the seas—the enslaved, as well as the free. Sometimes we fail to hear or heed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedom is such an old, old story.

The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by our first President in his first inaugural in 1789—words almost directed, it would seem, to this year of 1941: "The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered . deeply. finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people."

If we lose that sacred fire—if we let it be smothered with doubt and fear—then we shall reject the destiny which Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish. The preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will, furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause of national defense.

In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy.

For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America.

We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans, we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.


Franklin D. Roosevelt's Third Inaugural Address

Given on Monday, January 20, 1941

On each national day of inauguration since 1789, the people have renewed their sense of dedication to the United States.

In Washington's day the task of the people was to create and weld together a nation.

In Lincoln's day the task of the people was to preserve that Nation from disruption from within.

In this day the task of the people is to save that Nation and its institutions from disruption from without.

To us there has come a time, in the midst of swift happenings, to pause for a moment and take stock?to recall what our place in history has been, and to rediscover what we are and what we may be. If we do not, we risk the real peril of inaction.

Lives of nations are determined not by the count of years, but by the lifetime of the human spirit. The life of a man is three-score years and ten: a little more, a little less. The life of a nation is the fullness of the measure of its will to live.

There are men who doubt this. There are men who believe that democracy, as a form of Government and a frame of life, is limited or measured by a kind of mystical and artificial fate that, for some unexplained reason, tyranny and slavery have become the surging wave of the future?and that freedom is an ebbing tide.

But we Americans know that this is not true.

Eight years ago, when the life of this Republic seemed frozen by a fatalistic terror, we proved that this is not true. We were in the midst of shock?but we acted. We acted quickly, boldly, decisively.

These later years have been living years?fruitful years for the people of this democracy. For they have brought to us greater security and, I hope, a better understanding that life's ideals are to be measured in other than material things.

Most vital to our present and our future is this experience of a democracy which successfully survived crisis at home put away many evil things built new structures on enduring lines and, through it all, maintained the fact of its democracy.

For action has been taken within the three-way framework of the Constitution of the United States. The coordinate branches of the Government continue freely to function. The Bill of Rights remains inviolate. The freedom of elections is wholly maintained. Prophets of the downfall of American democracy have seen their dire predictions come to naught.

We know it because we have seen it revive?and grow.

We know it cannot die?because it is built on the unhampered initiative of individual men and women joined together in a common enterprise?an enterprise undertaken and carried through by the free expression of a free majority.

We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government, enlists the full force of men's enlightened will.

We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimited civilization capable of infinite progress in the improvement of human life.

We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it still spreading on every continent?for it is the most humane, the most advanced, and in the end the most unconquerable of all forms of human society.

A nation, like a person, has a body?a body that must be fed and clothed and housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that measures up to the objectives of our time.

A nation, like a person, has a mind?a mind that must be kept informed and alert, that must know itself, that understands the hopes and the needs of its neighbors?all the other nations that live within the narrowing circle of the world.

And a nation, like a person, has something deeper, something more permanent, something larger than the sum of all its parts. It is that something which matters most to its future?which calls forth the most sacred guarding of its present.

It is a thing for which we find it difficult?even impossible?to hit upon a single, simple word.

And yet we all understand what it is?the spirit?the faith of America. It is the product of centuries. It was born in the multitudes of those who came from many lands?some of high degree, but mostly plain people, who sought here, early and late, to find freedom more freely.

The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history. It is human history. It permeated the ancient life of early peoples. It blazed anew in the middle ages. It was written in Magna Charta.

In the Americas its impact has been irresistible. America has been the New World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this continent was a new-found land, but because all those who came here believed they could create upon this continent a new life?a life that should be new in freedom.

Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the Declaration of Independence, into the Constitution of the United States, into the Gettysburg Address.

Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, and the millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from them?all have moved forward constantly and consistently toward an ideal which in itself has gained stature and clarity with each generation.

The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or self-serving wealth.

We know that we still have far to go that we must more greatly build the security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen, in the measure justified by the resources and the capacity of the land.

But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone. It is not enough to clothe and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and inform its mind. For there is also the spirit. And of the three, the greatest is the spirit.

Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could not live.

But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation's body and mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we know would have perished.

That spirit?that faith?speaks to us in our daily lives in ways often unnoticed, because they seem so obvious. It speaks to us here in the Capital of the Nation. It speaks to us through the processes of governing in the sovereignties of 48 States. It speaks to us in our counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages. It speaks to us from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those across the seas?the enslaved, as well as the free. Sometimes we fail to hear or heed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedom is such an old, old story.

The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by our first President in his first inaugural in 1789 > words almost directed, it would seem, to this year of 1941: ?The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered?deeply,?finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people.?

If we lose that sacred fire?if we let it be smothered with doubt and fear?then we shall reject the destiny which Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish. The preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will, furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause of national defense.

In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy.

For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America.

We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans, we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.


Franklin D. Roosevelt's Third Inaugural Address - HISTORY


On each national day of inauguration since 1789, the people have renewed their sense of dedication to the United States.

In Washington’s day the task of the people was to create and weld together a nation.

In Lincoln’s day the task of the people was to preserve that Nation from disruption from within.

In this day the task of the people is to save that Nation and its institutions from disruption from without.

To us there has come a time, in the midst of swift happenings, to pause for a moment and take stock—to recall what our place in history has been, and to rediscover what we are and what we may be. If we do not, we risk the real peril of inaction.

Lives of nations are determined not by the count of years, but by the lifetime of the human spirit. The life of a man is three-score years and ten: a little more, a little less. The life of a nation is the fullness of the measure of its will to live.

There are men who doubt this. There are men who believe that democracy, as a form of Government and a frame of life, is limited or measured by a kind of mystical and artificial fate that, for some unexplained reason, tyranny and slavery have become the surging wave of the future—and that freedom is an ebbing tide.

But we Americans know that this is not true.

Eight years ago, when the life of this Republic seemed frozen by a fatalistic terror, we proved that this is not true. We were in the midst of shock—but we acted. We acted quickly, boldly, decisively.

These later years have been living years—fruitful years for the people of this democracy. For they have brought to us greater security and, I hope, a better understanding that life’s ideals are to be measured in other than material things.

Most vital to our present and our future is this experience of a democracy which successfully survived crisis at home put away many evil things built new structures on enduring lines and, through it all, maintained the fact of its democracy.

For action has been taken within the three-way framework of the Constitution of the United States. The coordinate branches of the Government continue freely to function. The Bill of Rights remains inviolate. The freedom of elections is wholly maintained. Prophets of the downfall of American democracy have seen their dire predictions come to naught.

We know it because we have seen it revive—and grow.

We know it cannot die—because it is built on the unhampered initiative of individual men and women joined together in a common enterprise—an enterprise undertaken and carried through by the free expression of a free majority.

We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government, enlists the full force of men’s enlightened will.

We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimited civilization capable of infinite progress in the improvement of human life.

We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it still spreading on every continent—for it is the most humane, the most advanced, and in the end the most unconquerable of all forms of human society.

A nation, like a person, has a body—a body that must be fed and clothed and housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that measures up to the objectives of our time.

A nation, like a person, has a mind—a mind that must be kept informed and alert, that must know itself, that understands the hopes and the needs of its neighbors—all the other nations that live within the narrowing circle of the world.

And a nation, like a person, has something deeper, something more permanent, something larger than the sum of all its parts. It is that something which matters most to its future—which calls forth the most sacred guarding of its present.

It is a thing for which we find it difficult—even impossible—to hit upon a single, simple word.

And yet we all understand what it is—the spirit—the faith of America. It is the product of centuries. It was born in the multitudes of those who came from many lands—some of high degree, but mostly plain people, who sought here, early and late, to find freedom more freely.

The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history. It is human history. It permeated the ancient life of early peoples. It blazed anew in the middle ages. It was written in Magna Charta.

In the Americas its impact has been irresistible. America has been the New World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this continent was a new-found land, but because all those who came here believed they could create upon this continent a new life—a life that should be new in freedom.

Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the Declaration of Independence, into the Constitution of the United States, into the Gettysburg Address.

Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, and the millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from them—all have moved forward constantly and consistently toward an ideal which in itself has gained stature and clarity with each generation.

The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or self-serving wealth.

We know that we still have far to go that we must more greatly build the security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen, in the measure justified by the resources and the capacity of the land.

But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone. It is not enough to clothe and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and inform its mind. For there is also the spirit. And of the three, the greatest is the spirit.

Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could not live.

But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation’s body and mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we know would have perished.

That spirit—that faith—speaks to us in our daily lives in ways often unnoticed, because they seem so obvious. It speaks to us here in the Capital of the Nation. It speaks to us through the processes of governing in the sovereignties of 48 States. It speaks to us in our counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages. It speaks to us from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those across the seas—the enslaved, as well as the free. Sometimes we fail to hear or heed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedom is such an old, old story.

The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by our first President in his first inaugural in 1789—words almost directed, it would seem, to this year of 1941: “The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered…deeply,…finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people.”

If we lose that sacred fire—if we let it be smothered with doubt and fear—then we shall reject the destiny which Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish. The preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will, furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause of national defense.

In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy.

For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America.

We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans, we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.


Kyk die video: Gostujuće predavanje prof. dr. sc. Miroslava Volfa na KBF-u u Đakovu