16 Augustus 1941

16 Augustus 1941

16 Augustus 1941

Augustus

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Oosfront

Die Duitse weermaggroep Noord vang Novgorod

Diplomasie

Stalin stem in om Churchill in Moskou te ontmoet

Sowjetunie en Britte kla by Iran oor Nazi -infiltrasie van die land



Waar Ons Staan

Van Die Militant, Vol. V No. 33, 16 Augustus 1941, p. ن.
Getranskribeer en amp gemerk deur Einde O ’Callaghan vir die Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism Online (ETOL).

Waarom Stalin Trotsky vermoor het

Een punt oor die verband tussen Stalin se moord op Trotsky en die oorlogsituasie is nie genoeg beklemtoon nie. Dit was maklik om te sien dat Stalin gehoop het om die publisiteit wat die moord sou kry tot die minimum te beperk deur die aandag wat die pers aan die oorlog bestee. Dit was na alle waarskynlikheid geen toeval dat die moord te midde van die Slag van Brittanje plaasgevind het toe die hele wêreld nuus gelees het oor Hitler se wanhopige poging om lug superioriteit bo Engeland te bereik nie. Maar ek dink die belangrikste faktor wat Stalin vasbeslote gemaak het om van Trotski ontslae te raak, was sy vrees dat die groot leier van die Rooi Leër sou lewe op die tydstip dat die Sowjetunie by die oorlog betrokke sou wees.

Alles wat Stalin gedoen het, dui op sy angs om betrokkenheid by die oorlog te vermy. Maar hy het goed genoeg verstaan ​​dat Hitler nie vertrou kon word nie. En hy het ook besef dat 'n oorlog magte aan die gang sou sit wat sy regime sou laat wankel en dat die hoop van miljoene Sowjet -werkers, terwyl Trotsky lewend was, sou konsentreer op Lenin se naaste medewerker. Miljoene werkers leef in die Sowjetunie wat uit hul eie ervarings die rol van Trotsky in die Oktoberrevolusie en die Burgeroorlog onthou. Al die vuilheid, al die monsteragtige leuens wat Stalin sy trawante laat skryf het oor die organiseerder van die Rooi Leër, kon en kon nie die ontelbare aantal werkers wat in die opwindende en heldhaftige dae geleef het toe Lenin en Trotsky die Sowjetunie gelei het, mislei nie. Dit is te betwyfel dat Stalin se propagandamasjien daarin geslaag het om selfs die generasie wat oud genoeg was, te mislei, wat was aan die gang toe Trotsky verban is.

Stalin het geweet dat tydens hierdie oorlog die gedagtes van hierdie miljoene Sowjet -werkers en -boere tot hul leier van ouds sou draai. As die Rooi Leër toevallig verslaan word, was Stalin bang vir 'n geweldige massa -beweging wat die terugkeer eis van die man wat soveel gedoen het om die oorwinning van die Revolusie te verseker. En as die Rooi Leër sou seëvier, was Stalin bang dat die arbeiders en kleinboere, gevul met oorwinning, nie langer die arbitrêre en onderdrukkende heerskappy van die burokrasie sou duld nie. In beide gevalle sou die figuur en die persoonlikheid van Trotsky natuurlik die middelpunt van 'n groot massa -beweging word.

'N Groot konflik en 'n lewende Trotski tydens so 'n konflik was die twee groot vrese wat Stalin agtervolg het. Deur listigheid en deursettingsvermoë kon en het hy daarin geslaag om een ​​van sy GPU-manne 'n byl in die brein van Trotsky te steek. Hy het van Trotsky ontslae geraak, maar hy kon nie van oorlog ontslae raak nie. Op die oomblik, wanneer die Sowjetunie in 'n oorlog is, kan maklik gesien word hoe angstig en vasberade Stalin was om Trotski weg te doen en sodoende die groot gevaar van 'n massabeweging te vermy wat fokus op die eis dat Trotsky terugkeer om hom te help verdedig die Sowjetunie.
 

Trotsky se dood 'n slag vir die USSR

Dit het vir Stalin nie saak gemaak dat hy deur die moord op Trotsky 'n skadelike slag teen die Sowjetunie geslaan het nie. Die Stalinistiese burokrasie stel slegs daarin om die Sowjetunie te red sodat die burokrasie se eie bestaan ​​behoue ​​bly.

Dit sal ledig wees om te ontken dat Stalin sy eie posisie versterk het deur die moord op Trotsky. Die werkende massas van die Sowjetunie het 'n groot leier verloor om wie hulle kon saamtrek. Maar dit sou net so dwaas wees om tot die gevolgtrekking te kom dat Stalin met die moord op Trotsky die gevaar verwyder het om deur die Sowjet -massas omvergewerp te word. Op sy beste kan hy tyd wen deur die leiers van die revolusionêre opposisie te vernietig.

Stalin kan die program van Trotsky nie vernietig nie, want dit program spruit uit die toestande wat heers binne die Sowjetunie en oor die hele wêreld. Hoe goed selfs die polities bewuste Sowjet -werkers kennis maak met die spesifieke aspekte van die Trotsky -program, is moeilik om te sê. Hulle is nie toegelaat om 'n woord uit die geskrifte van Trotsky te lees nie. Maar dit is moontlik en waarskynlik dat sommige van die idees van Trotsky deur mond tot mond hul gedagtes en harte gevind het by die beste en mees bewuste van die Sowjet -werkers.

Die belangrike feit is dat die Sowjet -werkers selfs nou die program van Trotsky volg en ten minste een deel daarvan volg. Hulle wonderlike weerstand teen die leër van die Duitse imperialisme is 'n duidelike aanduiding dat hulle onderneem het om die Sowjetunie tot die laaste druppel bloed te verdedig. Niks wat Stalin die afgelope agtien jaar gedoen het nie, geen misdaad wat hy gepleeg het, was groot genoeg om die Sowjet -werkers nederlaag te maak nie. Selfs as hulle nie die werke van Trotsky gelees het nie, weet die gevorderde Sowjet -werkers dat hy vir die onvoorwaardelike verdediging van die Sowjetunie was toe hy in ballingskap was, en omdat hulle Trotsky ken, moes hulle tot die gevolgtrekking gekom het dat hy nooit van standpunt verander het nie. Hulle weet wat die basis is van Trotsky se posisie en die bestaan ​​van genasionaliseerde eiendom, die grondslag van sosialisme wat deur die Oktoberrevolusie opgerig is.
 

Die Sowjet -werkers verstaan

Die Sowjet -werkers is polities baie skerper as die gesofistikeerdes wat probeer bewys dat daar geen verskil is tussen fascistiese Duitsland en die Sowjetunie nie en dat die Sowjetunie 'n imperialistiese oorlog voer. Op grond van die verskriklike ontberings wat die Sowjet -werkende massas in die afgelope dekade moes verduur deur die tirannie en onderdrukking wat hulle deur die arrogante Stalinistiese burokrasie ondergaan het, is daar “Marxiste ” wat geen verskil sien tussen die Sowjetunie en fascistiese Duitsland. Maar hulle kan geen verklaring hê vir die hewige weerstand van die Sowjet -massas teen die Nazi -inval nie. Hierdie weerstand kan slegs verklaar word op grond van die veronderstelling dat die Sowjet -werkers dit sonder om ons program te lees nog steeds volg omdat dit die lewende werklikheid verteenwoordig wat die werkers verstaan.

En net soos die Russiese werkers die aspek van die Trotskistiese program volg om te staan ​​vir die onvoorwaardelike verdediging van die Sowjetunie, sal toestande hulle uiteindelik dwing om al die ander belangrike aspekte van die Trotskistiese program te volg. Hulle sal ontslae raak van die Stalinistiese burokrasie, hulle sal die volledige Sowjet-demokrasie hervestig; hulle sal hul lot aan die wêreldrevolusie verbind.

Stalin kan nie die Trotskistiese program doodmaak nie, want dit is 'n produk van werklike omstandighede. Uiteindelik sal die program Stalin, Hitler en almal wat in die pad staan ​​van die wêreldsosialisme vernietig.


Inhoud

Galen behoort aan een van die oudste en vooraanstaande adellike families van Westfalen. [ aanhaling nodig ]

Tot 1890 is Clemens August en sy broer Franz tuis onderrig. In 'n tyd toe die Jesuïete nog steeds nie in Münster toegelaat is nie, het hy sy hoofopleiding ontvang by 'n Jesuïetskool, Stella Matutina in die Vorarlberg, Oostenryk, waar slegs Latyn gepraat is. Hy was nie 'n maklike student om te onderrig nie, en sy jezuïet -superieur het aan sy ouers geskryf: "Onfeilbaarheid is die grootste probleem by Clemens, wat onder geen omstandighede sal erken dat hy verkeerd is nie. Dit is altyd sy onderwysers en opvoeders wat verkeerd is. [8]

Omdat Pruise die Stella Matutina -akademie nie herken het nie, het Clemens in 1894 teruggekeer huis toe om 'n openbare skool in Vechta by te woon en teen 1896 het beide Clemens en Franz die eksamens geslaag wat hulle gekwalifiseer het om 'n universiteit by te woon. Na die gradeplegtigheid skryf sy medestudente in sy jaarboek: "Clemens maak nie liefde of drink nie, hy hou nie van wêreldse bedrog nie." In 1896 gaan studeer hy aan die Katolieke Universiteit van Freiburg, wat in 1886 deur die Dominikane gestig is, waar hy die geskrifte van Thomas Aquinas teëkom. In 1897 begin hy 'n verskeidenheid onderwerpe bestudeer, waaronder letterkunde, geskiedenis en filosofie. Een van sy onderwysers was professor in die geskiedenis en 'n bekende Bybelse argeoloog Johann Peter Kirsch. Na hul eerste wintersemester in Freiburg, besoek Clemens en Franz Rome vir drie maande. Aan die einde van die besoek het hy aan Franz gesê dat hy besluit het om priester te word, hoewel hy nie seker was of hy 'n kontemplatiewe benediktyn of 'n Jesuïet sou word nie. [9] In 1899 ontmoet hy pous Leo XIII in 'n privaat gehoor. Hy studeer aan die Teologiese Fakulteit en Klooster in Innsbruck, gestig in 1669 deur die Jesuïete, waar skolastiese filosofie beklemtoon word en nuwe konsepte en idees vermy word. Galen verlaat Innsbruck in 1903 om die kweekskool in Münster te betree en word op 28 Mei 1904 deur biskop Hermann Dingelstadt tot priester georden. [10] Eers werk hy vir 'n familielid, die hulpbiskop van Münster, as kapelaan. [11] Binnekort verhuis hy na Berlyn, waar hy as pastoor by St. Matthias werk. [12]

Galen het op 23 April 1906 in Berlyn aangekom en tot 16 April 1929 gebly. Die hoofstad van Duitsland bevat distrikte Protestantse elites, 'n Katolieke gemeenskap wat hoofsaaklik uit werkersklas mense bestaan ​​en 'n Joodse gemeenskap van beide middelklas en armer immigrante. Dit was 'n bloeiende kommersiële en kulturele metropool met sy aankoms - die bevolking het toegeneem van 900 000 in 1871 tot effens minder as 4 miljoen in 1920. Godsdiens het die gemeenskap nie bymekaar gebring nie - "godsdiens en die vrees vir 'n verlies aan godsdienstige oortuiging het ontstaan 'n belangrike bron van interne verdeeldheid wees. " [13] Vir die werkersklas het katolisisme en sosiaal -demokrasie meegeding om trou. In hierdie atmosfeer wou Galenen 'n energieke en idealistiese leier van sy gemeente wees. Hy het besoek aan siekes en armes gemaak, president van die Katolieke Jongmanne -vereniging geword, godsdiensonderrig in die skole gegee en vir sy pogings is hy benoem Papa Galen deur die gemeentelede wat hy bedien het. 'N Pragtige teenwoordigheid (2,01 m hoog) - sy kamers is eenvoudig ingerig, hy het pretensielose klere gedra en hy het duidelik gepraat - hy hou nie van die teater, sekulêre musiek (behalwe militêre optogte) of letterkunde nie. Sy enigste aangemelde vise, wat hy geweier het om op te gee, was om sy pype te rook. [14]

Gedurende die Eerste Wêreldoorlog het Galen as vrywilliger diens gedoen om sy lojaliteit aan die Kaiser te bewys. As gemeentepriester het hy sy gemeentelede aangemoedig om hul land gewillig te dien. In Augustus 1917 besoek hy die frontlinies in Frankryk en vind die optimistiese moreel van die troepe ophef. "Die gevoelens van Duitse nasionalisme kan blykbaar seëvier oor die kommer oor die skending van die heiligheid van die menslike lewe in oorlog." [15] In 1916 en 1917 verwelkom hy berigte dat die Duitse weermag 'n plan het om Oos -Europa te koloniseer, waarin verklaar word dat Duitse katolieke na die gebied, veral Litaue, verplaas moet word, met die doel om nie die Litouwers te verdryf nie, maar hulle op te voed om dink en voel as Duitsers. [15]

Na die Duitse oorgawe in November 1918, werk Galen, nog steeds in Berlyn, om sopkombuise, hulpverenigings en kleredrag te stig om onmiddellike probleme van honger en armoede te hanteer. Hy was bevrees dat die laer klasse radikalisme en anargie sou omhels. Galen betreur die val van die monargie en was agterdogtig oor die nuwe Weimar -demokrasie, en glo dat "die revolusionêre idees van 1918 die Katolieke Christendom aansienlike skade berokken het". [16] Hy glo die steek-in-die-rug-mite wat beweer dat die Duitse leër nie in die geveg verslaan is nie, maar deur ondermyn is deur nederlaagse elemente aan die tuisfront [17] en, net soos die meeste Duitsers, dit oorweeg het die Verdrag van Versailles onregverdig.

Gedurende die Weimar -jare het hy aan die regterkant van die Duitse politiek gebly. Hy het die Senterparty dikwels gekritiseer omdat hy te links is. [17] Galen ondersteun die Protestant Paul von Hindenburg openlik teen die kandidaat van die Senterparty, Wilhelm Marx, tydens die presidentsverkiesing van 1925. Galen was bekend as 'n kwaai anti-kommunis (hy ondersteun later die geveg deur die asmagte aan die Oosfront teen die bewind van Joseph Stalin in die Sowjetunie [18]). Sy siening oor kommunisme is grotendeels gevorm as gevolg van die stalinisering en meedoënlose vervolging van Christene binne die Sowjetunie na 1918, waartydens feitlik alle Katolieke biskoppe vermoor of ondergronds gedwing is. Hy het ook sy opposisie teen die moderniteit in sy boek uitgespreek Die Pest des Laizismus und ihre Erscheinungsformen (The Plague of Laicism and its Forms of Expression) (1932). [3]

Galen word predikant van die St. Lambert's Church, Münster, waar hy aanvanklik sommige gemeentelede ontstel het met sy politieke konserwatisme. Tydens 'n vergadering in Münster van die Vereniging van Katolieke Akademici in Junie 1933 het Galen gepraat teen die geleerdes wat die Nazi -regering gekritiseer het en ''n regverdige en objektiewe evaluering van [Hitler se] nuwe politieke beweging' gevra. [3] In 1933 word Galen verkies tot biskop van Münster, alhoewel hy nie die gewilde kandidaat was om die vorige biskop, Johannes Poggenburg, op te volg nie, en slegs gekies is nadat ander kandidate geweier het om benoem te word en ondanks die protes van die pouslike Nuncio Cesare Orsenigo, wat berig het dat Galen baas en paternalisties was in sy openbare uitsprake. [19]

Galen word deur pous Pius XI op 5 September 1933 as biskop aangewys. Op 28 Oktober is hy deur kardinaal Karl Joseph Schulte as biskop in die katedraal van Münster ingewy. [10] Hy het as leuse "Nec laudibus nec timore" gekies, 'n fase uit die liturgie wat gebruik word vir die toewyding van 'n biskop wanneer die heilige biskop bid dat die nuwe biskop "nie deur vleiery of deur vrees" oorwin moet word. [1] As biskop het Galen hom beywer vir die totalitêre benadering van die Nazi -party in nasionale onderwys en 'n beroep op ouers gedoen om aan te dring op Katolieke onderrig in skole. Met verwysing na die onlangs ooreengekome Reichskonkordat-versekering dat die Kerk die reg het om sy eie godsdiensonderrig te bepaal, het hy die Nasionaal-Sosialiste suksesvol gedwing om voortgesette Katolieke onderrig in Katolieke skole toe te laat. Dit was een van die eerste gevalle waar die Reichskonkordat is deur die Kerk gebruik teen die regering, wat een van die bedoelings van pous Pius XI was. [20] In 1933, toe die Nazi -skoolhoof van Münster 'n bevel uitgevaardig het dat godsdiensonderrig gekombineer moet word met die bespreking van die 'demoraliserende mag' van die 'volk van Israel', het Galen geweier en geskryf dat sodanige inmenging in die skoolkurrikulum 'n oortreding van die Concordat en dat hy bang was dat kinders verward sou wees oor hul 'verpligting om met liefde aan alle mense op te tree' en oor die historiese missie van die volk Israel. [21] Galen protesteer gereeld teen die oortredings van die Concordat aan Hitler direk. In 1936, toe die Nazi's kruisigings uit skole verwyder het, het Galen se protes tot 'n openbare betoging gelei. Galen het saam met die kardinaal Faulhaber van München en die biskop Preysing van Berlyn gehelp om pous Pius XI se anti-nazi-ensikliek op te stel Mit brennender Sorge (Met brandende kommer) van 1937. [22] [23]

In 1934 het biskop Galen begin om die rasse -ideologie van die Nazi -regime aan te val, deels daaroor te spot, deels kritiek op sy ideologiese basis, soos aangebied deur die Nazi -ideoloog Alfred Rosenberg. Hy verklaar dit onaanvaarbaar om aan te voer dat die Joodse outeurskap van die Ou Testament die gesag daarvan verminder het, of dat moraliteit en deugde op enige manier afkomstig is van die vermeende bruikbaarheid van 'n bepaalde ras. [24] In Januarie 1934 kritiseer hy die Nazi -rassebeleid in 'n preek en stel hy in latere homilies onbetwisbare lojaliteit aan die Ryk gelyk aan 'slawerny'. Hy het gepraat teen Hitler se teorie oor die suiwerheid van Duitse bloed. [23] Biskop Galen bespot ook die neo-heidense teorieë van Rosenberg in Die mite van die twintigste eeu miskien net meer as 'n geleentheid om te lag in die opgevoede wêreld ', maar het gewaarsku dat Rosenberg se' enorme belangrikheid lê in die aanvaarding van sy basiese idees as die outentieke filosofie van nasionaal -sosialisme en in sy byna onbeperkte mag op die gebied van Duitse onderwys . Herr Rosenberg moet ernstig opgeneem word om die Duitse situasie te verstaan. " [25]

Ter weerwraak het twee senior SS-offisiere Galen besoek om hom te druk om Rosenberg se leerstellings in die openbaar te onderskryf en die konfiskering van kerklike eiendom en 'n anti-Katolieke propagandaveldtog te bedreig. Een van hulle was die toekomstige SS -generaal Jürgen Stroop, wat later onthou: "Biskop von Galen was 'n groot heer, 'n ware aristokraat, 'n renaissance -prins van die kerk. Hy het ons beleefd, maar met voorbehoud verwelkom." [26] Galen begin deur Stroop se ma te prys vir haar vroom katolisisme, en weier dan kategories om die leerstellings van Rosen om die gestremdes te euthaniseer of met geweld te steriliseer, te aanvaar of te prys. Hy het die Nazi's veroordeel omdat hulle probeer het om Germaanse neo-heidendom in sy bisdom in te voer. Hy spot met huwelikseremonies en begrafnisse wat voor altare opgedra is aan Wotan, en verras Stroop, wat slegs enkele dae tevore so 'n seremonie bygewoon het. Galen sluit deur die amptenare te verseker dat die kerk in alle wettige aangeleenthede lojaal aan die staat sal bly. Hy het sy innige liefde vir Duitsland uitgespreek en hulle daaraan herinner dat hy die eerste biskop was wat die nuwe regime in die openbaar erken het. [26] Volgens Stroop was Galen se Duitse patriotisme "besmet met papistiese ideale wat eeue lank skadelik vir Duitsland was. Boonop was die aartsbiskop [ verduideliking nodig ] bevele het van buite die vaderland gekom, 'n feit wat ons ontstel het. Ons weet almal dat die Katolieke Kerk ten spyte van sy uiteenlopende faksies 'n wêreldgemeenskap is wat bymekaar bly as die skyfies af is. "[26]

In Junie 1935 het hy 'n preek gelewer wat die dwaalleer van die Anabaptiste verbind het met die 'sondes van die Jode'. Hy het aan sy gehoor gesê dat "wie nie na die kerk luister nie, 'n heiden is en amptelik 'n sondaar is". Hy beskryf hoe "die Israeliete die Verlosser verneder het" en hoe mense wat Jesus as die Christus weerstaan ​​het, aan die "kant van die verblinde Jode" verskyn. Hy stel die verwerping van die Christendom gelyk aan die verwerping van wêreldse gesag, wat lei tot anargie en chaos. Hy wys ook op die Russe as diegene wat nie godgegewe gesag respekteer het nie. Galen betoog nie teen die antisemitiese Neurenbergwette van 1935, of die Kristallnacht -pogrom van 1938 nie. Tot met sy dood het hy geweier om toe te gee dat die verwysing na Jode as 'ontaard', 'verwerp' en 'verlore' is of dat anargie of liberalisme 'Joodse' genoem word. ', het die Nazi -regime of sy rassistiese antisemitisme op enige manier gehelp. [27]

Einde 1935 het Galen 'n gesamentlike pastorale brief van die Duitse biskoppe aangespoor om te protesteer oor 'n 'ondergrondse oorlog' teen die kerk. [21] Vroeg in 1937 het die kerkhiërargie in Duitsland, wat aanvanklik met die Nazi-regering probeer saamwerk het, baie ontnugter geraak. In Maart het pous Pius XI die ensikliek uitgereik Mit brennender Sorge (Met brandende kommer), beskuldig die Nazi -regering van die oortreding van die Concordat van 1933 en van die saai van die "verhale van agterdog, onenigheid, haat, onstuimigheid, van geheime en openlike fundamentele vyandigheid teenoor Christus en sy kerk". [28] Galen was deel van die kommissie van vyf lede wat die pouslike ensikliek voorberei het. Die Nazi's reageer met 'n verskerping van hul veldtog teen die Katolieke Kerk. [29] Daar was massa -arrestasies van geestelikes en kerkuitgewers is onteien, gevolg deur wydverspreide bewerings oor mishandeling en morele verhore teen lede van godsdienstige ordes en priesters. [30]

In 1941 verwelkom Galen die Duitse oorlog teen die USSR as 'n positiewe ontwikkeling [31], aangesien hy ook bygedra het tot die saak van Duitsland toe Hitler Pole binnegeval het, met 'n patriotiese seën. [32]

Genadedood Redigeer

Terwyl die Nazi -uitwissing van Joodse mense hoofsaaklik op Poolse gebied plaasgevind het, het die moord op mense met gestremdhede (wat deur die Nazi -regime as 'ongeldige' individue beskou word) openbare kennis geword omdat dit op Duitse bodem plaasgevind het en direk ingemeng het in Katolieke en Protestantse welsyn instellings. Kerkleiers wat dit gekant het - hoofsaaklik biskop Galen en Theophil Wurm, die Lutherse biskop van Württemberg - kon wydverspreide openbare opposisie wek. [33] Die regime het sy genadedoodsprogram in 1939 begin. [34] Dit was gemik op mense met demensie, kognitiewe/verstandelike gestremdhede, geestesongesteldheid, epileptiese, fisiese gestremdhede, kinders met Downsindroom en mense met soortgelyke siektes. [35] Die program vermoor stelselmatig meer as 70 000 mense tussen September 1939 en Augustus 1941. [34] Na 1941 het die moord nie -amptelik voortgegaan, met die totale aantal sterftes wat op 200,000 geraam is. [36]

In 1941, terwyl die Wehrmacht nog op Moskou marsjeer, het Galen ondanks sy jare lange nasionalistiese simpatie die wetteloosheid van die Gestapo, die konfiskering van kerkeiendomme en die Nazi-genadedoodprogram aan die kaak gestel. [37] Hy val die Gestapo aan vir die omskakeling van kerkeiendomme na hul eie doeleindes - insluitend gebruik as bioskope en bordele. [38] Hy protesteer teen die mishandeling van Katolieke in Duitsland: die arrestasies en gevangenisstraf sonder 'n regsproses, die onderdrukking van kloosters en die verwydering van godsdienstige ordes. Maar sy preke het verder gegaan as om die kerk te verdedig, hy het gepraat van 'n morele gevaar vir Duitsland weens die skending van die basiese menseregte van die regime: "die reg op lewe, onskendbaarheid en vryheid is 'n onontbeerlike deel van enige morele sosiale orde", het hy gesê - en enige regering wat sonder hofverrigtinge straf, "ondermyn sy eie gesag en respek vir sy soewereiniteit binne die gewete van sy burgers". [39] Galen het gesê dat dit die plig van Christene is om mense se lewens te weerstaan, selfs al beteken dit dat hulle hul eie lewens moet verloor. [40]

Hitler se bevel vir die "Aktion T4" genadedoodprogram is gedateer 1 September 1939, die dag toe Duitsland Pole binnegeval het. Namate die boodskap van die program versprei het, het protes toegeneem, totdat biskop Galen uiteindelik sy beroemde preke in Augustus 1941 gelewer het waarin die program as 'moord' veroordeel is. [39] Op 3 Augustus 1941, in een van sy reeks veroordelings, verklaar Galen: [41]

"Jy mag nie doodmaak nie." God het hierdie gebod op die siele van mense gegraveer, lank voor enige strafwet. God het hierdie gebooie in ons harte gegraveer. Dit is die onveranderlike en fundamentele waarhede van ons sosiale lewe. Waar in Duitsland en waar, hier, is gehoorsaamheid aan die voorskrifte van God? [. ] Wat die eerste gebod betref: 'U sal geen vreemde gode voor my aangesig hê nie', in plaas van die Een, Waaragtige, Ewige God, het mense geskep volgens die voorskrifte van hul grille, hul eie gode om te aanbid: die natuur, die staat, die Nasie, of die ras.

1941 preke Edit

Galen se drie kragtige preke van Julie en Augustus 1941 het hom die bynaam van die "Leeu van Münster" besorg. Die preke is gedruk en onwettig versprei. [38] Hitler wou Galen laat verwyder as 'n biskop, maar Goebbels het vir hom gesê dat dit die lojaliteit van die bevolking van Westfalen sou verloor. [38] Die preke protesteer teen Nazi -beleid soos Gestapo -terreur, genadedood, gedwonge sterilisasie en konsentrasiekampe. [42] Sy aanvalle op die Nazi's was so erg dat die Nazi -amptenaar Walter Tiessler in 'n brief aan Martin Bormann voorgestel het dat die biskop van Münster tereggestel moet word. [42]

Op 13 Julie 1941 val Galen die regime aan vir sy Gestapo -terreurtaktiek, insluitend verdwynings sonder verhoor, die sluiting van Katolieke instellings sonder enige verklarings en die gevolglike vrees wat alle Duitsers opgelê word. Die Gestapo, het hy aangevoer, het selfs die mees ordentlike en lojale burgers tot vrees laat terugkeer in 'n keldergevangenis of 'n konsentrasiekamp. Alhoewel die land in 'n oorlog was, verwerp Galen die idee dat sy toespraak Duitse solidariteit of eenheid ondermyn. Die aanhaling van pous Pius XII Opus Justitiae Pax en Justitia fundamentum Regnorum, Het Galen opgemerk dat "Vrede die werk is van geregtigheid en geregtigheid, die basis vir heerskappy", en val dan die Derde Ryk aan vir die ondermyning van geregtigheid, die geloof in geregtigheid en die vermindering van die Duitse volk tot 'n toestand van permanente vrees, selfs lafhartigheid. Hy het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom: 'As Duitser, as 'n ordentlike burger, eis ek geregtigheid'. [43]

In 'n tweede preek op 20 Julie 1941 het Galen gesê dat alle geskrewe protesoptogte teen die Nazi -vyandighede nutteloos was. Die konfiskering van godsdienstige instellings het onverpoos voortgegaan. Lede van godsdienstige ordes is nog steeds gedeporteer of tronk toe gestuur. Hy het sy luisteraars gevra om geduldig te wees en te volhard, en gesê dat die Duitse volk nie vernietig word deur die geallieerde bombardement van buite nie, maar van negatiewe magte binne. [44]

Op 3 Augustus 1941 beskryf Galen se derde preek die voortdurende ontheiliging van Katolieke kerke, die sluiting en konfiskering van kloosters en kloosters en die deportasie van geestesongestelde mense na onbekende bestemmings, terwyl 'n kennisgewing aan familielede gestuur is waarin gesê word dat die betrokke persoon gesterf het. Dit is moord, het hy uitgeroep, onwettig volgens die goddelike en Duitse wet, 'n verwerping van die wette van God. Hy het gesê dat hy sy getuienis aan die staatsprokureur gestuur het. 'Dit is mense, ons broers en susters, miskien is hul lewe onproduktief, maar produktiwiteit is nie 'n regverdiging vir moord nie.' As dit inderdaad 'n regverdiging vir teregstelling was, het hy geredeneer, sou almal bang moet wees om selfs na 'n dokter te gaan uit vrees vir wat moontlik ontdek kan word. Die sosiale weefsel word beïnvloed. Galen het toe opgemerk dat 'n regime wat die vyfde gebod kan afskaf ('U mag nie doodmaak nie') ook die ander gebooie kan vernietig. [45] Galen het verder die vraag gestel of permanente beseerde Duitse soldate ook onder die program sou val.

Duisende kopieë van die preke is in Duitsland versprei. [39] Die gevolglike plaaslike protesoptogte in Duitsland het die geheimhouding verbreek wat die genadedoodsprogram, bekend as Aktion T4, omring het. [46] Die plaaslike Nazi Gauleiter was woedend en het Galen se onmiddellike arrestasie geëis. Joseph Goebbels en partypragmatiste het verkies om tot die einde van die vyandelikhede te wag om die Duitse moraal in 'n swaar Katolieke gebied te ondermyn. [47] 'n Jaar later was die genadedoodprogram nog steeds aktief, maar die regime voer dit in groter geheimhouding uit.

Volgens Robert Jay Lifton, "is sy kragtige, populistiese preek onmiddellik weergegee en versprei in Duitsland - dit is inderdaad onder die Britse troepe van die Britse Lugmag laat vaar. Die preek van Galen het waarskynlik 'n groter impak gehad as enige ander verklaring om die sentiment teen 'eutanasie' te versterk. " [48] ​​Howard K. Smith noem Galen 'heroïes' en skryf dat die beweging wat hy verteenwoordig so wydverspreid was dat die Nazi -regering nie die biskop kon arresteer nie. [49] Ian Kershaw noem Galen se "oop aanval" op die genadedoodprogram van die regering in 1941 'n 'kragtige veroordeling van Nazi -onmenslikheid en barbaarsheid'. [50] Volgens Anton Gill, "het Galen sy veroordeling van hierdie afgryslike beleid gebruik om wyer gevolgtrekkings te maak oor die aard van die Nazi -staat." [35]

Die preke het verskillende mense in die Duitse verset geïnspireer. Die Lübeck -martelare het von Galen se preke versprei. [51] Die preke het die Scholl -broers en susters beïnvloed deur die stigting van die White Rose -pasifistiese studente -versetgroep. [6] Een van von Galen se preke van 1941 was die groep se eerste pamflet. [52] Generalmajor Hans Oster, 'n vroom Lutherse en 'n leidende lid van die Duitse Weerstand, het eenmaal van Galen gesê: [53]

Hy is 'n man met moed en oortuiging. En watter resolusie in sy preke! Daar moet 'n handjievol sulke mense in al ons kerke wees, en ten minste twee handvol in die Wehrmacht. As daar was, sou Duitsland heel anders lyk!

Galen het van 1941 tot aan die einde van die oorlog virtuele huisarres opgedoen. Dokumente dui daarop dat die Nazi's bedoel het om hom aan die einde van die oorlog op te hang. [37] In 'n Tafelgesprek uit 1942 het Hitler gesê: 'Die feit dat ek in die openbaar swyg oor kerklike aangeleenthede, word nie deur die slinkse jakkalse van die Katolieke Kerk misverstaan ​​nie, en ek is heeltemal seker dat 'n man soos Biskop von Galen weet baie goed dat ek na die oorlog die vergelding tot die laaste verdeling sal onttrek ". [54]

Ondanks Galen se teenkanting teen die Nasionaal -Sosialisme en sy rasseteorieë, het hy nietemin geglo dat Duitsland die laaste skans was teen die verspreiding van ateïstiese Bolsjewisme. Daar word gesê dat dele van 'n preek wat hy in 1943 gehou het, deur die Nazi's gebruik is om te help met die inlywing van Nederlandse mans om vrywillig by die Waffen SS teen die Sowjetunie aan te sluit. [55] Galen was bevrees dat Duitse Katolieke in Hitler se Duitsland tot tweederangse status gedelegeer word en het geglo dat Hitler die punt mis dat die Katolieke Kerk en die staat teen Bolsjewisme in lyn kan kom. [ aanhaling nodig ] Alhoewel von Galen vrymoedig hom uitgespreek het teen die Nazi -beleid en die genadedoodsprogram, het 'n historikus beweer dat Galen geswyg het oor ander kwessies soos die samevatting, deportasie en massamoord op Jode. [56] Die Duitse historikus Joachim Kuropka het laasgenoemde bewering van die hand gewys as deel van die "verkeerde oordeel" van hierdie historikus. [57] Kuropka, met verwysing na die ontdekking van Wilhelm Damberg, wat volgens hom tot dusver nog nie genoeg aandag gekry het nie, het daarop gewys dat die bisdom in Münster al sy leraars in Junie 1938 opdrag gegee het om 'n brosjure teen antisemitisme met die titel "The Nathanael" aan te beveel Vraag van ons dae ”(„ Die Nathanaelfrage unserer Tage “) aan almal wat getrou is om te lees. [58] Kuropka beklemtoon ook Galen se hartlike persoonlike verhouding met Münster -stadsrabbyn Fritz Steinthal. [59] Volgens Kuropka, hoewel daar geen bewyse in die kerkargief was vir die verklaring van die rabbi uit die geheue dat na die Kristallnacht, in opdrag van Galen, in alle kerke van die bisdom Münster gebid is, was Kuropka bevestigende bewyse uit die Rynland Gestapo -lêers kan aanvoer. [60] In sy CV beklemtoon Kuropka die uniekheid van die brosjure -verspreiding en die gebedsveldtog in Galen se bisdom Münster. Soos ander biskoppe, volgens Kuropka, mis Galen egter die regte tyd om 'in die openbare oog te ontsnap' oor die vraag na die vervolging van die Jode, waarna Galen later beweer dat hy homself die skuld gegee het. [61] Afgesien van amptelike uitsprake oor die onderwerp deur die pous en deur Duitse kerkliggame, het Galen self verskeie kere Nazi -rassisme veroordeel, [62] en was hy deels verantwoordelik vir die veroordeling van die Duitse biskoppe van rassevervolging in die pastorie van 1943 brief Dekalog-Hirtenbrief. Na die oorlog het die Münster -rabbi Fritz Steinthal Galen se steun opgeteken na Night of the glass, terwyl hy sy vaste oortuiging as rabbyn uitgespreek het dat die meeste Katolieke in sy stad Münster geskok was deur die pogrom en in werklikheid gevrees het dat hulle die volgende slagoffers sou wees. [63] During a commemoration in 2012, Jewish Holocaust survivor and witness Hans Kaufmann of Münster reminded of the fact that bishop Clemens August von Galen had offered a helping hand to the town's rabbi Fritz Steinthal after the 1938 Kristallnacht, but deplored that other Jewish victims in Münster did not receive much aid from neighbours the day after. [64]

While not as explicit and not as effective as the vocal German episcopate's 1941 protests, in September 1943, von Galen and his fellow bishops in Germany drafted another condemnation of Nazi racial persecution and ordered it to be read from all pulpits in the diocese of Münster and across the German Empire, therein denouncing the killing of "the innocent and defenceless mentally handicapped and mentally ill, the incurably infirm and fatally wounded, innocent hostages and disarmed prisoners of war and criminal offenders, people of foreign race or descent". [65]

In his history of the German Resistance, Theodore S. Hamerow characterised the resistance approach of Galen as "trying to influence the Third Reich from within". While some clergymen refused ever to feign support for the regime, in the Church's conflict with the State over ecclesiastical autonomy, the Catholic hierarchy adopted a strategy of "seeming acceptance of the Third Reich", by couching their criticisms as motivated merely by a desire to "point out mistakes that some of its overzealous followers committed" in order to strengthen the government. [66] Thus when Bishop Galen delivered his famous 1941 denunciations of Nazi euthanasia and the lawlessness of the Gestapo, he also said that the Church had never sought the "overthrow of the Reich government". [67]

After the war, Galen protested against the mistreatment of the German population by the Allied occupation forces. On 13 April 1945, he raised a protest with American military authorities against the mass rape of German women by Allied and particularly Soviet soldiers as well as against the plundering of German homes, factories, research centres, firms and offices by American and British troops. [68] [69]

In a joint interview with British officials, Galen told the international press that "just as I fought against Nazi injustices, I will fight any injustice, no matter where it comes from". [70] He repeated these claims in a sermon on 1 July 1945, which was copied and illegally distributed throughout occupied Germany. The British authorities ordered him to renounce the sermon immediately, but the bishop refused. [71] In the face of his resistance and broad popularity, they allowed him free speech without any censorship. In an interview with Swiss media, Galen demanded punishment for Nazi criminals but humane treatment for the millions of German prisoners of war who had not committed any crimes and who were being denied contact with their relatives by the British. He criticized the British dismissal of Germans from public service without investigation and trial. [72] He forcefully condemned the expulsion of German civilians from former German provinces and territories in the east annexed by communist Poland and the Soviet Union.

A paper from the British Foreign Office called Galen "the most outstanding personality among the clergy in the British zone. Statuesque in appearance and uncompromising in discussion, this oak-bottomed old aristocrat. is a German nationalist through and through." [73]

When SS-General Kurt Meyer, accused of complicity in the shooting of eighteen Canadian prisoners of war, was sentenced to death, Galen pleaded for his life to be spared: "According to what has been reported to me, General Kurt Meyer was sentenced to death because his subordinates committed crimes he didn't arrange and of which he did not approve. As a proponent of Christian legal opinion, which states that you are only responsible for your own deeds, I support the plea for clemency for General Meyer and pledge for a pardon." On second review, a Canadian general, finding only "a mass of circumstantial evidence", commuted Meyer's death sentence to imprisonment. Meyer served nine years in British and Canadian military prisons. [74]

Unexpectedly, at Christmas 1945 it became known that Pope Pius XII would appoint three new German cardinals: Bishop Clemens August von Galen, Bishop Konrad von Preysing of Berlin, and Archbishop Josef Frings of Cologne. Despite numerous British obstacles and denial of air travel, Galen arrived in Rome 5 February 1946. [75] Generous American cardinals financed his Roman stay, as German money was not in demand. He had become famous and popular, so after the pope had placed the red hat on his head with the words: 'God bless you, God bless Germany', Saint Peter's Basilica for minutes thundered in a "triumphant applause" for Galen. [76]

While in Rome, he visited the German POW camps in Taranto and told the German Wehrmacht soldiers that he would take care of their release, and that the Pope himself was working on the release of POWs. He took a large number of comforting personal messages to their worried families. [77]

After receiving the red hat, Galen went to see Madre Pascalina, the faithful servant of the Pope. He told her how the Pope had quoted long passages from Galen's 1941 sermons from memory and how the Pope thanked him for his courage. Galen told the Pope, "Yes, Holy Father, but many of my very best priests died in concentration camps, because they distributed my sermons." Pius replied that he was always aware that thousands of innocent persons would have been sent to certain death if he as pope had protested. They talked about the old days in Berlin, and Galen declared: "for nothing in the world would I want to have missed those two hours, not even for the red hat." [78]

Following his return from the wearisome travel to Vatican City, the new cardinal was celebrated enthusiastically in his native Westphalia and in his destroyed city of Münster, which still lay completely in ruins as a result of the air raids. He died a few days after his return from Rome in the St. Franziskus Hospital of Münster due to an appendix infection diagnosed too late. His last words were: [79] "Yes, Yes, as God wills it. May God reward you for it. May God protect the dear fatherland. Go on working for Him. oh, you dear Saviour!" He was buried in the family crypt of the Galen family in the destroyed Cathedral of Münster.

The cause for beatification was requested by his successor, Bishop Michael Keller of Münster and began under Pope Pius XII in 1956. It was concluded positively in November 2004 under Pope John Paul II. Clemens August Graf von Galen was beatified on 9 October 2005 outside St. Peter's Basilica by Pope Benedict XVI, the 47th anniversary of the death of Pope Pius (1958).


WI: Hitler dies on October 16, 1941

Let's say the German commander-in-chief dies right before the Germans begin major operations on the Mozhaistk line and after their capture of Rhzev. Let's say he dies from choking to death or something sudden, and not related to an organize coup attempt. What happens?

The reason I choose this POD because Nazi Germany is at its very peak of military power, having just surrounded more than half a million Russian soldiers in Russia and being on ground they were able to successfully defend as per OTL. Further, the Germans avoid a great degree of their major personnel and equipment losses from their over extended lines in OTL.

1. Who realistically takes over?
2. What are the Russian counter-measures to this?
3. Presuming the war continues, how does it realistically end one way or the other?
4. Lastly, how is Hitler remembered today?

I have an opinion, but I want to dig your minds first.

WiseApple

Pattersonautobody

Amakan

Onkel Willie

Himmler, in 1941, isn't powerful enough yet. Besides that, he wasn't well liked by the army, and the army is much stronger than his Waffen SS at this point in time. Goering is more likely to take over due to his image as the 'moderate' Nazi.

I actually see the Eastern Front going worse for the Germans. Goering will likely not have a micromanaging approach on the conduct of the war, instead letting his generals run it for him. As an ideological rival, being on the left wing of the party, Goebbels will probably be sidetracked. As plenipotentiary for the four year plans, Goering will also set his sight on Himmler's pool of slave labour: he will therefore try to make him an ally or try to replace him with someone more malleable.

This could mean that the no-retreat order in the face of the Soviet counteroffensive at Moscow is never given, resulting in a collapse of the frontlines of Army Group Centre and a much greater Soviet advance than IOTL in December 1941. Perhaps they could be thrown as far back as Minsk by the time the Red Army loses momentum.

I imagine Goering will then try to butt out of the war in the east with a peace treaty that looks like victory. The question is whether Stalin will accept since the Germans are obviously negotiating from a position of weakness.

Deleted member 1487

I think the German resistance would act, as this was their peak. What was holding them back was the oath to Hitler that kept a number of officers from participating and Hitler's popularity, yet they still tried to kill him repeatedly:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assassination_attempts_on_Adolf_Hitler
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/20_July_plot#Background
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oster_Conspiracy

The 1942 resistance team wasn't put together yet, but Goering has lost his luster to a point by this point and his role in the Blomberg-Fritsch affair has not been forgotten, nor forgiven.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blomberg-Fritsch_Affair

The Nazis probably fight it out and the army steps in, as Goering has really been on the outs with Hitler due to the BoB failure and increased bombing of Germany by the RAF. In December he was dropped as leader of the war economy in favor of Speer, so this is just before then. Typhoon probably still happens, but stays in permanent remission when the rains start there is a power struggle in Berlin and probably a Junta being formed. Goering doesn't have the power he once did, nor the political luster in fact he was pretty much out of the public eye since 1940 IIRC. Himmler was hated by the army, while everyone else but Todt depended on Hitler for their authority, including Goebbels. Todt is probably kept around, despite his conflicts with the army economic staff, while everyone else probably gets purged. The army runs the war from this point on, not sure how 1942 on shakes out or if there is a DoW against the US. In fact the resistance was pretty much hoping for a deal with the West post-Hitler, so if they take power, they probably will try and deal, which might be possible given Canaris's connections with the British, while the Uboat war is called off/calmed down, making US entry non-viable.

This might end up a European Axis vs. Soviet war if there can be a deal with the Brits, while the US stays out.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wilhelm_Canaris#World_War_II

ObssesedNuker

The shock to the command structure from the CnC suddenly dropping dead certainly will cause some problems. Typhoon might get delayed, which is bad for the Germans and very good for the Soviets. The retreat order going out in the winter probably makes things worse for the Germans, but I don't see the Soviets really achieving anything decisive during the winter of '41, although they can inflict more casualties and gain more territory then IOTL which will have knock-on effects for the summer '42 campaign season. The Japanese are still due to bomb Pearl by December which will piss off the Americans and immediately put them on the side of the British. and by extension, against the Germans.

If any of the dissident German officer tries to throw out the Nazis, then they'll likely worsen the command confusion.

Which was wishful thinking on their part. The British believed the war to be as much the result of the exact kind of German conservatives who would now be in power as it was of the Nazis.


Zavala County Sentinel (Crystal City, Tex.), Vol. 30, No. 16, Ed. 1 Friday, August 22, 1941

Weekly newspaper from Crystal City, Texas that includes local, state, and national news along with advertising.

Fisiese beskrywing

eight pages : ill. page 23 x 17 in. Digitized from 35 mm. mikrofilm.

Skeppingsinligting

Konteks

Hierdie koerant is part of the collection entitled: Texas Borderlands Newspaper Collection and was provided by the UNT Libraries to The Portal to Texas History, a digital repository hosted by the UNT Libraries. It has been viewed 19 times. Meer inligting oor hierdie kwessie kan hieronder besigtig word.

Mense en organisasies wat verband hou met die skepping van hierdie koerant of die inhoud daarvan.

Redakteur

Uitgewer

Gehore

Kyk na ons webwerf vir hulpbronne vir opvoeders! Ons het dit geïdentifiseer koerant as 'n primêre bron binne ons versamelings. Navorsers, opvoeders en studente vind hierdie probleem nuttig in hul werk.

Verskaf deur

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The UNT Libraries serve the university and community by providing access to physical and online collections, fostering information literacy, supporting academic research, and much, much more.

Kontak Ons

Beskrywende inligting om hierdie koerant te help identifiseer. Volg die onderstaande skakels om soortgelyke items op die portaal te vind.

Titels

  • Hoof titel: Zavala County Sentinel (Crystal City, Tex.), Vol. 30, No. 16, Ed. 1 Friday, August 22, 1941
  • Serie titel:Zavala County Sentinel

Beskrywing

Weekly newspaper from Crystal City, Texas that includes local, state, and national news along with advertising.

Fisiese beskrywing

eight pages : ill. page 23 x 17 in.
Digitized from 35 mm. mikrofilm.

Notes

Onderwerpe

Onderwerpe by die Library of Congress

Biblioteke van die Universiteit van Noord -Texas Blaai deur die struktuur

Taal

Art tipe

Identifiseerder

Unieke identifiserende nommers vir hierdie probleem in die portaal of ander stelsels.

  • Control of Number of Library of Congress: sn86088522
  • OCLC: 14109098 | Eksterne skakel
  • Argiefhulpbronsleutel: ark:/67531/metapth1092482

Publikasie -inligting

  • Volume: 30
  • Uitgawe: 16
  • Uitgawe: 1

Versamelings

Hierdie uitgawe is deel van die volgende versamelings van verwante materiaal.

Texas Borderlands Newspaper Collection

Newspapers from the 19th to the 21st centuries serving counties along the Texas-Mexico border. Funding provided by three TexTreasures grants from the Institute of Museum and Library Services, awarded through the Texas State Library and Archives Commission.

Texas Digitale Koerantprogram

Die Texas Digital Newspaper Program (TDNP) werk saam met gemeenskappe, uitgewers en instansies om standaarde-gebaseerde digitalisering van Texas-koerante te bevorder en dit vrylik toeganklik te maak.


16.Panzer-Division

The 16.Panzer-Division was formed in August of 1940 from portions of the 16.Infanterie-Division. Those portions not used tohelp form the 16.Panzer-Division were used in the formation of the 16.Infanterie-Division (mot).

After its initial training, the 16.Panzer-Division was sent to Romania for use as atraining unit for the Romanian Armed Forces, being code named “Lehrstab-R II”while still being under the control of the German Mission in Romania.

The 16.Panzer-Division was held in Reserve during the Balkan Campaign, but took partin the Invasion of the Soviet Union in June, 1941, being used in the southernsector of the Front.

During the fighting against the Soviet Uniont the 16.Panzer-Division advancing to Stalingrad via Lvov, Pervomaisk, Zaporozhe,Taganrog, Makeevka and Artemorsk. It was destroyed in the StalingradPocket in early 1943.

The 16.Panzer-Division was reformed in March, 1943 in France. Afterreformation the 16.Panzer-Division was sent to Italy where it was heavilyengaged in the battles for Salerno after the Allied landings, and later in the struggle for Naples.

The 16.Panzer-Division was transfered to the Eastern Front in November-December,1943, arriving in Bobruisk on December 13th where it took part in defensiveoperations before seeing action in the massive counterattacks for Kiev.These actions heavily weakened the 16.Panzer-Division once more and it was forced towithdraw to the the Baranow area on the Vistula River.

During the summer of 1944 the 16.Panzer-Division was pulled back into Poland where it wasrefit. It was then transfered to the Baranow region once more in January, 1945 where ittook part in defensive operations until being pushed back to theareas of Lauban and Brno in March-April, 1945.

Portions of the the 16.Panzer surrendered to the Soviets and others to the Americans.


HMS Hood Refit between August 1940 - April 1941

Engine refurbished, extra AA, more armor over the shell bunker's (if there isn't time to move them somewhere less vulnerable), guns rebarrelled, any outstanding major repairs that have had to wait for dry docking. As I mentioned the navy was well aware of the need to up protection on the shell bunkers but beyond that it would be closer to the OTL Rodney refit, a quick go over to fix what need's fixing and just get her back to full fighting condition. There simply wasn't time during the war to do much else which was why the battle line was getting a bit worn out by 1945.

. A full rebuild ala Renown would take at least a year even under wartime conditions and with the KM and the Japanese threat the RN couldn't afford to keep one of its most powerful assets docked for very long. At this point the KGV''s are still coming into service, the lion project is dying and while the Queen Liz''s had been refit to something like modern standards the navy was still stuck with a load of R types that were good for nothing. That left the KGV, two Nelson''s and a pile of old ships to defend the country, which is half the reason the refit never happened as they could not afford to have Hood off the line for that long.

Coulsdon Eagle

I do like your Fantasy Force Z - will be a fun one to game.

Think you confused your Glorious with your Courageous

Zheng He

Quite a bit actually. USS Tennessee got an eight month refit in 1942 and 1943 and came out of it looking like a brand new ship:

Logan2879

I do like your Fantasy Force Z - will be a fun one to game.

Think you confused your Glorious with your Courageous

Logan2879

Quite a bit actually. USS Tennessee got an eight month refit in 1942 and 1943 and came out of it looking like a brand new ship:

Logan2879

Cymraeg

Paulo the Limey

Merlin

Cymraeg

Nbcman

The IJN had 6 older BBs plus the Hosho in the Bonin Islands as distant cover for the Pearl Harbor strike force IOTL. They could have easily reassigned some or all of these vessels to support Haruna en Kongo in the waters off Malaya although the addition of BBs that were at least 5 knots slower than the BCs may not be of much help.

EDIT: Assuming they are facing a task force that includes the Prince of Wales, it would not be so bad to have the slower IJN BBs as the PoW was rated for about 28 knots.

King Augeas

There's a good chance of getting a hideously messy night battle that could go anywhere from "radar gives the RN a super-Matapan" to "RN gets a dozen Long Lances to the face".

However, I think the disparity in land-based air strength means that even a crushing RN victory would be in vain for the defence of Malaya, although you can certainly buy time.

Logan2879

The IJN had 6 older BBs plus the Hosho in the Bonin Islands as distant cover for the Pearl Harbor strike force IOTL. They could have easily reassigned some or all of these vessels to support Haruna en Kongo in the waters off Malaya although the addition of BBs that were at least 5 knots slower than the BCs may not be of much help.

EDIT: Assuming they are facing a task force that includes the Prince of Wales, it would not be so bad to have the slower IJN BBs as the PoW was rated for about 28 knots.

Cryhavoc101

Where were the other 2 Kongos at this time?

Also I wonder if having some light forces (Vosper 70' MTBs) based on the East coast of Malaya (ie Kota Bharu and Kuantan) and might have caused problems for any landings in the region?

Nbcman

Rather than relying on thoughts, it can be verified from Combined Fleet for the Tabular Record of Movement for Nagato on 8 December 1941:

8 December 1941: Operation "Z" – The Attack on Pearl Harbor:
BatDiv 1 sorties from Hashirajima to the Bonin Islands with the First Fleet's BatDiv 2's ISE, FUSO, YAMASHIRO, HYUGA, CarDiv 3's light carrier HOSHO, escorted by DesDiv 21's WAKABA, NENOHI, HATSUHARU and HATSUSHIMO and DesDiv 27's ARIAKE, YUGURE, SHIRATSUYU, SHIGURE, MIKAZUKI and YUKAZE.


13 December 1941:
The First Fleet returns to Hashirajima.

Where were the other 2 Kongos at this time?

Also I wonder if having some light forces (Vosper 70' MTBs) based on the East coast of Malaya (ie Kota Bharu and Kuantan) and might have caused problems for any landings in the region?

HMS Warspite

Where were the other 2 Kongos at this time?

Also I wonder if having some light forces (Vosper 70' MTBs) based on the East coast of Malaya (ie Kota Bharu and Kuantan) and might have caused problems for any landings in the region?

Hiei and Kirishima were still on the way back to Japan, covering the Kido Butai from the Pearl Harbor Raid. Sentai-3, section-2 as well as Sentai-8 (Tone and Chikuma) were assigned as supportvessels to escort the Kido Butai on the Pearl Harbor Attack, sailing all the way to and from the target.

As for the few MTB's in the SE Asia region, namely Singapore, they lacked the numbers to make much of an impression, while their fightingcapabilities were not optimised for operations in relatively open waters, found on the Malayan eastcoastline. Their defensive armament was almost non existend, being a pair of .303 machineguns only, not the sort of weapons needed to stop shipping, if they could not use their torpedoes. Daytime was not favoured by these boats, if they wated to have some succes, while even at night they lacked the means (no radar) to fight as well.

Logan2879

HMS Warspite

I wonder what the four old fourstackers could add to FLAK defense, with their non existant AA outfit. (Just 2 mg's at best each ship.) Better have these operate independently as a light hit and run group, or delete them entirely. Also, NO SPITFIRES in 1941 outside the UK and Malta, as the Spitfire was still urgently needed in the UK and not being send abroad. Simmilarly, the IJN had no carriers likely here, as there was enough landbased airpower nearby, besides the carriers being needed for other tasks, such as buidling up airgroups and support over the Philippines.

Likely, the building up of British forces would force the IJN to allocate more strikeforces in the Saigon erea, with a second airgroup, which in the OTL was stationed in Formosa. These would be the main weapons, besides the likely increase in numbers of submarines in the Malayan region. Kondo would then likely have had fewer ships in the consequense, as the IJN was not so stupid to waist his forces against seemingly superior numbers of the opposition. More likely he would remain in the back, for a possible show in the aftermatch, as is trained for by the IJN in the years prior to war, but mainly against the USN. Also the sailing of the convoy is postponed, untill the sting was out of the Allied attackgroups.

What is likely a scenario?
Submarines strike with more force on the Allied ships, possibly killing both the large carriers in these confined waters, where they had nothing to do. Also, the order would have been to act more agressive in line with the IJN Submarinedocytrine against large surfaceships, so it is likely one would have attacked the capital ship force as well. With no aircover again, the result would be simmilar, or even worse, with all larger Alied ships sunk, or damaged and no losses to the IJN ships, besides some possible submarines and a small number of aircraft.


1941 Philadelphia Athletics Statistics

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What did the reformers think about the Eastern Orthodox Church?

What was the attitude of the reformers (Martin Luther in particular) toward the Eastern Orthodox Church? Was the idea of becoming part of the Eastern church entertained?

Luther was generally positive toward the Eastern Orthodox church, especially because it rejected many of the things he most disliked about the Roman Catholic church: clerical celibacy, papal supremacy, purgatory, indulgences, and Communion by bread alone. He frequently referred to the beliefs and practices of the "Greek church," as he called it, as evidence that Catholics had deviated from principles upon which Christians formerly agreed.

Luther never attempted to build a bridge to the Eastern church, but some of his followers did. Philipp Melanchthon worked with Demetrios Mysos, a deacon sent by the patriarch of Constantinople to find out about the new religious movement in Germany, to complete a Greek translation/paraphrase of the Augsburg Confession, called the Augustana Graeca. Mysos was supposed to take the document back to Constantinople, but he died on the journey.

Some Lutheran theologians at Tubingen tried to establish an even closer connection. The "Eastern Orthodoxy" entry in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, edited by Hans J. Hillerbrand, reports:

The Lutherans were convinced that they, rather than Rome, were the true apostolic and catholic church, and thus to establish contact with the venerable Greek church, to enlist its support against the papacy, and perhaps even to enter into communion with this apostolic church would have been a sensational victory. Thus in 1575 they sent the Augustana Graeca to Patriarch Jeremias II (d. 1595), asking his opinion. There ensued over the next six years a friendly but candid exchange of extensive doctrinal .

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The bombing of Nagasaki

Nagasaki suffered the same fate as Hiroshima in August 1945. The bombing of Nagasaki on August 9th was the last major act of World War Two and within days the Japanese had surrendered.

Two senior American military figures – General Groves and Admiral Purnell – were convinced that two atomic bombs dropped within days of the other would have such an overwhelming impact on the Japanese government that it would surrender. Scientists at Los Alamos were also intrigued as to which type of bomb was the better – a uranium or plutonium based bomb. ‘Little Boy’ showed its effectiveness at Hiroshima but another bombing mission was needed to see what damage a uranium bomb could do.

Nagasaki was not America’s primary target. This was Kokura. The three potential targets for a second bomb were Kokura, Kyoto and Niigata. Nagasaki was only added to a list of potential targets when Kyoto was withdrawn (it had been the secondary target for a second bomb) because of its religious associations. The third potential target was Niigata – but this was withdrawn from the list as the distance to it was considered to be too great. Therefore, the Americans were left with just two targets – Kokura and Nagasaki.

Nagasaki was a major shipbuilding city and a large military port. But it was not a favoured target as it had been bombed five times in the previous twelve months and any damage caused by an atomic bomb would have been difficult to assess. Also, the way Nagasaki had grown as a port meant that the impact of a powerful bomb might be dissipated as the city had grown across hills and valleys. The city was also broken up with stretches of water. However, fate and the weather was to be Nagasaki’s undoing.

Whereas the ‘Enola Gay‘ had had a relatively uneventful journey to her target at Hiroshima, the same was not true for the plane picked to drop the next atomic bomb – ‘Bockscar’. Both ‘Bockscar’ and ‘Enola Gay’ were B29 Superfortress bombers. The crew of ‘Bockscar’ gathered for their takeoff at 03.40 hours, August 9th, at Tinian Island. The flight commander, Major Sweeney, found that one of the fuel pumps on the B29 was not working. 800 gallons of aviation fuel had to sit in its fuel tank – it could not be used for the engines but the plane had to carry its weight and get nothing in return from the fuel.

‘Bockscar’ carried an atomic bomb that differed from ‘Little Boy’ carried by ‘Enola Gay‘ for the Hiroshima bombing. ‘Fat Man’ was not a gun-type bomb but used the implosion method it had a circle of 64 detonators that would drive pieces of plutonium together into a supercritical mass. ‘Little Boy’ had used Uranium 235. ‘Fat Man’ weighed about 10,000 lbs and was 10 feet 8 inches long. It had the explosive capacity of about 20,000 tons of high explosives.

By the time ‘Bockscar’ got near to its primary target, Kokura, it became clear that the weather had saved the city. The city was covered by cloud. Sweeney made three runs over the city but could find not break. With lack of fuel an issue, he decided to move to his only other target – Nagasaki. Sweeney only had enough fuel for one run over the city and not enough to fly back to Tinian. He would have to land at Okinawa.

The weapons expert on ‘Bockscar’ was Commander Ashworth. Sweeney had been ordered that only a visual run was allowed – not a run guided by radar. Ashworth told Sweeney that radar would have to be used if Nagasaki was covered in cloud – it was. Most of Sweeney’s bombing run was done using radar but at the last minute a break in the cloud was found by the bomb aimer. He targeted a race track and at 28,900 feet, ‘Fat Man’ was dropped.

As Nagasaki had been targeted in the past, people in the city had become blasé when the air raid siren sounded. The same was true on August 9th. The irony was that Nagasaki was well served with good bomb shelters and far fewer people would have been killed or injured if the air raid sirens had been listened to. The surrounding hills had tunnels dug into them which would have been very effective for the people who could have reached them.

‘Fat Man’ was a very effective bomb. Its blast was bigger than ‘Little Boy’s’ but its impact was reduced by the natural topography of the city. Where the bomb blast hit at its peak, massive damage was done. An area about 2.3 miles by 1.9 miles was destroyed but other parts of the city were saved from the blast. Curiously, the city’s train service was not interrupted and the fire damage that followed Hiroshima did not occur in Nagasaki as many parts of the city were broken up by water. The fires simply could not cross these gaps and they burned out.

However, considerable damage was done to the city. The horrific injuries suffered at Hiroshima were also witnessed at Nagasaki. The city’s medical facilities were not totally destroyed by ‘Fat Man’ as at Hiroshima – but nobody was capable of coping with those who were injured in the blast.

One survivor, Sadako Moriyama, had gone to a bomb shelter when the sirens sounded. After the bomb had gone off, she saw what she thought were two large lizards crawling into the shelter she was in, only to realise that they were human beings whose bodies had been shredded of their skin because of the bomb blast.

Death and injury in Nagasaki and the surrounding areas, depended on where people lived. Those who lived on the Koba hillside, just three and a half miles from ground zero, were protected from the blast by a mountain. People caught up in the blast came to Koba for help and Fujie Urata, who lived in Koba and had seen a large flash, could not believe what she was seeing. She described people with great sheets of skin hanging off of their bodies grotesque swollen faces torsos covered with large blisters.

As in Hiroshima, many in Nagasaki died after the immediate impact of the bomb had gone away from mysterious ailments which we now associate with radiation poisoning. No-one, understandably, knew what to do to help the victims of this newest of illnesses.

In 1953, a report by the US Strategic Bombing Survey put the number of deaths at 35,000, wounded at 60,000 and 5,000 missing. In 1960, the Japanese put the number of dead at Nagasaki at 20,000 and the number of wounded at 50,000. Later, the Nagasaki Prefectural Office put the figure for deaths alone at 87,000 with 70% of the city’s industrial zone destroyed.


Kyk die video: Barbarossa Visualized: The Battle of Smolensk July 1941 Episode 5