Die antieke Griekse simposium: net 'n verskoning vir losbandigheid?

Die antieke Griekse simposium: net 'n verskoning vir losbandigheid?

Dit is geen geheim dat die ou Grieke daarvan gehou het om partytjies te hou, te dans en te drink vir elke geleentheid nie. In baie gevalle was daar geen spesifieke doel nodig om hulle te vier nie. Hierdie partytjies en vieringe moet egter nie verwar word met die simposium (of simposie), 'n baie belangrike aspek van die ou Griekse lewe wat gewoonlik in privaat huise plaasgevind het. By 'n simposium het Griekse mans bymekaargekom vir meer as net drink, eet en pret hê, soos baie mense vandag valslik glo.

Die betekenis van 'n simposium binne die antieke Griekse samelewing

Die sosiale en kulturele belangrikheid van 'n simposium kan afgelei word deur die feit dat dit genoem word in groot literêre werke, soos Plato se simposium en Xenophon se simposium , en dit word genoem in 'n aantal Griekse gedigte, soos die elegieë van Theognis van Megara. Die bekendste simposium in die geskiedenis is ongetwyfeld die gelyknamige filosofiese teks van Plato van ongeveer 385–370 vC. In die Simposium, liefde word bespreek en ondersoek deur 'n klomp mans - waaronder Sokrates en Alcibiades - wat 'n simposium bywoon. Die geleentheid vind plaas in die huis van die tragedie Agathon in Athene en word die beste onthou vir die beroemde toespraak van Sokrates, waar die beroemde filosoof verklaar dat die grootste doel van liefde is om 'n filosoof of letterlik 'n liefhebber van wysheid te word.

Plato's Symposium skildery deur Anselm Feuerbach, 1869. ( Wikimedia Commons )

Die dialoog word algemeen beskou as een van Plato se beste werke, en is deur hedendaagse historici as 'n geloofwaardige bron gebruik om die lewe in antieke Athene beter te verstaan, veral die siening van die antieke Atheners oor menslike seksualiteit en die simposium as 'n sosiale instelling. Belangriker nog, baie hedendaagse geleerdes glo dat die Simposium handel op een vlak oor die ontstaan, doel en aard van liefde, en is die oorsprong van wat ons as Platoniese liefde ken.

Wat het eintlik gebeur tydens 'n simposium?

Om mee te begin, was die simposium slegs toegelaat vir Griekse mans van die hoogste sosiale klas. Die enigste vroue wat kon deelneem, was die hetairai, beskryf as pragtige, hoogs opgeleide en elegante prostitute wat veral opgelei is in dans en musiek. Elke gas kry 'n krans om op sy kop te dra en gaan sit in 'n kamer wat sewe tot vyftien rusbanke met kussings en lae tafels bevat. Baie sulke kamers is argeologies geïdentifiseer in huishoudelike omgewings, hoewel die beste voorstelling miskien die geverfde graf van die duiker by Paestum is. In hierdie aristokratiese, gechoreografeerde sosiale byeenkoms het mans saam gedrink, gesels, grappies en speletjies beoefen en poësie voorgesit terwyl hulle na musiek luister, alles in 'n vreugdevolle atmosfeer.

Die partytjie sou gewoonlik teen skemer begin, hoewel voorbereidings soos die keuse van die wyn, die huur van musikante, dansers en hetairai die afgelope dae sou plaasvind. Die geleentheid is met kos begin, aangesien die ou Grieke nie daarvoor geken het dat hulle saam met hul maaltye gedrink het nie.

Die antieke Grieks hofmaker Phryne, deur Jose Frappa, 1904. ( Wikimedia Commons )

Die seremoniemeester vir die aand, genaamd die simposiarg, was die een wat besluit het hoeveel wyn gedrink sal word. Antieke Grieke het hul wyn met water verdun, 'n gebruik wat volgens hulle hulle onderskei van 'barbare', wat 'n term was wat hulle na alle nie-Grieke verwys het. Die simposiarg sou ook die verhouding van water tot wyn bepaal, en bediendes meng die vloeistowwe in 'n vat genaamd 'n krater, waaruit hy later die gaste sou bedien. Interessant genoeg was daar teen die laat sesde eeu vC 'n groot verskeidenheid simposiumvate wat wynkoelers, kanne en verskillende drinkbekers en mengvate insluit, waarvan die meeste geverf is met drankpartytjies en orgies van wie anders? Dionysos en sy volgelinge!

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Antieke Griekse kruikontwerp wat sosiale toneel uitbeeld.

Niemand het 'n simposium heeltemal nugter verlaat nie

As gasheer wat verantwoordelik was vir drink, sou die verantwoordelike simposiarg sy bes probeer om die bedwelming van sy besoekers te vermy, aangesien baie dronk mans op dieselfde plek gewoonlik gevegte beteken het en hom 'n slegte reputasie sou besorg. Terselfdertyd, as selfs een man 'n simposium heeltemal nugter sou verlaat, word dit ook nie as 'n goeie ding beskou nie. Fundamenteel word die goue reël vir hoe 'n groot simposium moet wees, amusant beskryf in 'n fragment uit 'n toneelstuk van die Griekse digter Euboulos:

"Vir verstandige manne berei ek slegs drie kraters voor: een vir gesondheid (wat hulle eers drink), die tweede vir liefde en plesier, en die derde vir slaap. Nadat die derde gedreineer is, gaan wyse manne huis toe. Die vierde krater is nie myne meer - dit behoort aan slegte gedrag; die vyfde is om te skree; die sesde is vir onbeskoftheid en beledigings; die sewende is vir gevegte; die agtste is vir die breek van die meubels; die negende is vir depressie; die tiende is vir waansin en bewusteloosheid. ”

Bo -prent: Phryne oor die viering van die Poseidon in Eleusis deur Nikolay Pavlenko, 1894 (Wikimedia Commons)


    'N Dors na kuns: die antieke Griekse simposium

    D rinking was al eeue lank een van die dryfkragte van kultuur, wat kunstenaars - en hul werk - deur die geskiedenis heen beïnvloed het.

    In hierdie nuwe Telegraph -videoreeks, 'A Thirst for Art', ondersoek die kritikus, skrywer en omroeper Alastair Sooke agt meesterwerke wat oor die volle omvang van Westerse kuns strek en wat elkeen drank as hul hoofonderwerp of tema beskou.

    Die eerste episode kyk na die debat (en losbandigheid) van 'n antieke Griekse simposium.

    In die video hierbo ontmoet Alastair dr Alexandra Sofroniew, 'n dosent in klassieke argeologie aan die St John's College, Oxford, in die Ashmolean Museum om artefakte uit 'n simposium te ondersoek.

    'Aanvanklik lyk dit asof deelnemers poësie lees en musiek geniet en selfs oor filosofie praat, maar soos die nag aanloop, drink hulle meer en meer', sê dr Sofroniew.

    'U sien net baie speelsheid en pret en grappies in hierdie vate.'

    Toekomstige episodes in die reeks dek werke soos Bacchus en Ariadne van Titian en Drunken Silenus wat deur Satyrs ondersteun word.


    'N Dors na kuns: die antieke Griekse simposium

    D rinking was al eeue lank een van die dryfkragte van kultuur, wat kunstenaars - en hul werk - deur die geskiedenis heen beïnvloed het.

    In hierdie nuwe Telegraph -videoreeks, 'A Thirst for Art', ondersoek die kritikus, skrywer en omroeper Alastair Sooke agt meesterwerke wat oor die volle omvang van Westerse kuns strek en wat elkeen drank as hul hoofonderwerp of tema beskou.

    Die eerste episode kyk na die debat (en losbandigheid) van 'n antieke Griekse simposium.

    In die video hierbo ontmoet Alastair dr Alexandra Sofroniew, 'n dosent in klassieke argeologie aan die St John's College, Oxford, in die Ashmolean Museum om artefakte uit 'n simposium te ondersoek.

    'Aanvanklik lyk dit asof deelnemers poësie lees en musiek geniet en selfs oor filosofie praat, maar soos die nag aanloop, drink hulle meer en meer', sê dr Sofroniew.

    'U sien net baie speelsheid en plesier en grappies in hierdie vate.'

    Toekomstige episodes in die reeks dek werke soos Bacchus en Ariadne van Titian en Drunken Silenus wat deur Satyrs ondersteun word.


    4 Die Londense bende wat gesigte vir die pret vermink het

    Die vroeë 18de eeu in Londen was 'n baie goeie tyd om 'n douchebag te wees, veral as u 'n aristokraat was, en veral as jy een wie se enigste begeerte in die lewe was om al die kak te vernietig waartoe jy klaar toegang gehad het. In 1710 het bendes aristokrate groot geword. Hulle het 'n sterk tema gehad oor spesifieke soorte onheil, en het name direk gehad Die soldate. Daar was The Blasters, wat vroue The Sweaters geblits het, wat willekeurige ouens uit alle rigtings omsingel en hulle dan met hul swaarde in die gat gesteek het omdat hulle 'n man die rug toegekeer het 'en The She-Romps Club, wat meisies in hul klubhuis ontvoer en laat hulle op hul hande loop sodat hulle rompe oor hul koppe val.

    Tog was dit nie alles lekker en steek nie: Die groep wat die meeste gevrees het, was 'n bende jong mans genaamd The Mohocks (of Mohawks, na die inheemse Amerikaanse stam). Hulle het hul bekendheid verwerf vanweë hul bereidwilligheid om mans en vroue aan te val met hul spesiale keuse: 'n gru -aanval waarna hulle 'die leeu tik' genoem het, waarin 'n verbyganger se neus ingedruk is en hulle oë uitgestrek het. Daar was berigte van slagoffers met hul hande en ore afgesny en van ou vroue wat in vate gestop en teen 'n heuwel afgerol is. Sommige sê The Mohocks het 'n spesiaal vervaardigde ysterinstrument gedra om die slagoffers se monde oop te ruk. Ander bronne (soos Hunter S. Thompson, 'n man wat sy losbandigheid geken het) dring daarop aan dat daar 'n tweede verminkingsbende was genaamd The Man-Killers en die twee klubs was vasgevang in 'n wedstryd om tred te hou met die Joneses (moordtogte).

    In 1712 het koningin Anne siek geword van die histerie The Mohocks het opgeklim en beloof 'n stewige beloning van 100 pond vir elke Mohock wat voor die gereg gebring word. Toe hulle besef dat hul jig klaar was, het hierdie hoër klas gangbangers verdwyn. Regeer die land waarskynlik sonder gevolge.

    Verwant: 6 prettige aktiwiteite wat deur die geskiedenis geskrik het


    Inhoud

    Die Griekse woord paiderastia (παιδεραστία) is 'n abstrakte selfstandige naamwoord. Dit word gevorm uit paiderastês, wat weer 'n samestelling is van pais ("kind", meervoud paides) en erastês (sien onder). [12] Hoewel die woord pais kan verwys na 'n kind van beide geslagte, paiderastia word gedefinieer deur Liddell en Scott's Grieks-Engelse leksikon as "die liefde van seuns", en die werkwoord paiderasteuein as "om 'n liefhebber van seuns te wees". [13]

    Sedert die publikasie van Kenneth Dover se werk Griekse homoseksualiteit, die terme erastês en erômenos was standaard vir die twee pederastiese rolle. [14] Beide woorde kom van die Griekse werkwoord erô, erân, "om lief te hê" sien ook eros. In Dover se streng tweeledigheid, die erastês (ἐραστής, meervoud erastai) is die ouer seksuele akteur, gesien as die aktiewe of dominante deelnemer, [15] met die agtervoegsel -tês (- τής) wat agentskap aandui. [16] Erastês moet van Grieks onderskei word paiderastês, wat 'liefhebber van seuns' beteken, gewoonlik met 'n negatiewe konnotasie. [17] Die erastês homself dalk eers in die vroeë twintigerjare [18], en daarom kan die ouderdomsverskil tussen die twee mans wat seksueel besig is, onbeduidend wees. [19]

    Die woord erômenos, of "geliefde" (ἐρώμενος, meervoud eromenoi), is die manlike vorm van die huidige passiewe deelwoord van erôdeur Dover beskou as die passiewe of ondergeskikte seksuele deelnemer. 'N erômenos kan ook genoem word pais, "kind". [20] Die pais word beskou as 'n toekomstige burger, nie 'n 'minderwaardige voorwerp van seksuele bevrediging' nie, en word met respek uitgebeeld in art. [21] Die woord kan verstaan ​​word as 'n liefde wat 'n ouer kan gebruik, ook gevind in die poësie van Sappho [22] en 'n aanduiding van slegs relatiewe ouderdom. Beide kuns en ander literêre verwysings toon aan dat die erômenos was ten minste 'n tiener, met moderne ramings van 13 tot 20, of in sommige gevalle tot 30. Die meeste bewyse dui daarop dat dit in aanmerking kom erômenos, 'n jeugdige sou oud wees toe 'n aristokraat sy formele militêre opleiding begin, [23], dit wil sê van vyftien tot sewentien. [24] As 'n aanduiding van fisiese volwassenheid, is die erômenos was soms so lank as of langer as die ouer erastês, en kan sy eerste gesigshare hê. [25] 'n Ander woord wat die Grieke vir die jonger seksuele deelnemer gebruik het, was betaal, 'n neutrale meervoudige byvoeglike naamwoord ("dinge wat met kinders te doen het") wat sintakties as manlik enkelvoud behandel word. [20]

    In poësie en filosofiese literatuur, die erômenos is dikwels 'n verpersoonliking van geïdealiseerde jeug 'n verwante ideale uitbeelding van die jeug in die Argaïese kultuur was die kouros, die langharige manlike naakte beeldhoubeeld. [26] In Die broosheid van goedheid, Martha Nussbaum, wat Dover volg, definieer die ideaal erômenos as

    'n pragtige wese sonder om sy eie behoeftes te dring. Hy is bewus van sy aantreklikheid, maar selfopgevat in sy verhouding met diegene wat hom begeer. Hy sal soet glimlag vir die bewonderende minnaar, hy sal waardering toon vir die ander se vriendskap, raad en hulp. Hy sal die minnaar toelaat om hom te groet deur sy geslagsdele en sy gesig met liefde aan te raak, terwyl hy self afvallig na die grond kyk. ... Die innerlike ervaring van 'n erômenos sou ons kan dink, gekenmerk word deur 'n gevoel van trotse selfvoorsiening. Alhoewel dit die bedoeling is om opreg te vra, het hy self niks nodig nie. Hy is nie bereid om hom te laat verken deur die behoeftige nuuskierigheid van die ander nie, en hy het self weinig nuuskierigheid oor die ander. Hy is iets soos 'n god, of die standbeeld van 'n god. [27]

    Dover het daarop aangedring dat die aktiewe rol van die erastês en die passiwiteit van die erômenos is 'n onderskeid "van die hoogste belang", [20], maar daaropvolgende geleerdes het probeer om 'n meer uiteenlopende beeld te gee van die gedrag en waardes wat verband hou met paiderastia. Alhoewel antieke Griekse skrywers dit gebruik erastês en erômenos in 'n pederastiese konteks is die woorde nie 'n tegniese term vir sosiale rolle nie, en kan dit verwys na die 'geliefde' en 'geliefde' by ander hetero- en homoseksuele paartjies. [28]

    Die Griekse praktyk van pederastie het skielik bekend geword aan die einde van die argaïese tydperk van die Griekse geskiedenis, is daar 'n koperplaat uit Kreta, ongeveer 650-625 vC, wat die oudste voorstelling van pederastiese gebruik is. Sulke voorstellings verskyn in die volgende eeu uit die hele Griekeland, en literêre bronne toon aan dat dit teen die 5de eeu vC in baie stede 'n gewoonte was. [29]

    Dit lyk asof die Kretenzer pederastie as 'n sosiale instelling gegrond was op 'n inleiding wat ontvoering behels het. 'N Man (Oudgrieks: φιλήτωρ - philetor, "minnaar") het 'n jeug gekies, die vriende van die uitverkore aangewys om hom te help en die voorwerp van sy geneentheid na sy andreion, 'n soort mansklub of vergadersaal. Die jeug het geskenke ontvang, en die philetor saam met die vriende het vir twee maande saam met hom weggegaan na die platteland, waar hulle gejag en gesmul het. Aan die einde van hierdie tyd het die philetor het die jeug drie kontraktueel vereiste geskenke gegee: militêre klere, 'n os en 'n drinkbeker. Ander duur geskenke het gevolg. By hul terugkeer na die stad het die jeug die os aan Zeus geoffer, en sy vriende het saam met hom op die fees saamgekom. Hy het spesiale klere ontvang wat hom in die volwasse lewe as gemerk het kleinos, "beroemd, bekend". Die ingewyde is a genoem parastate, "hy wat langsaan staan", miskien omdat hy, net soos Ganymede, die bekerdraer van Zeus, aan die kant van die philetor tydens etes in die andreion en bedien hom uit die beker wat plegtig aangebied is. In hierdie interpretasie weerspieël die formele gebruik mite en rituele. [30]

    Die erastes-eromenos-verhouding speel 'n rol in die klassieke Griekse sosiale en opvoedkundige stelsel, het sy eie komplekse sosiaal-seksuele etiket en was 'n belangrike sosiale instelling onder die hoër klasse. [31] Pederastie word as opvoedkundig beskou, [32] en Griekse skrywers van Aristophanes tot Pindar voel dit natuurlik voorkom in die konteks van aristokratiese opvoeding (paideia). [33] Oor die algemeen is pederastie, soos beskryf in die Griekse literêre bronne, 'n instelling wat vir vryburgers gereserveer is, miskien om as 'n diadiese mentorskap beskou te word: 'pederastie is algemeen aanvaar in Griekeland as deel van 'n man se mondigwording, selfs as daar nog wyd bespreek word oor die funksie daarvan. " [34]

    Op Kreta, sodat die vryer die rituele ontvoering kon uitvoer, moes die vader hom goedkeur as die eer waardig. Onder die Atheners, soos Sokrates beweer in Xenophon Simposium, "Niks [van die seun] word deur 'n ideale [35] minnaar vir die vader weggesteek nie." [36] Om hul seuns te beskerm teen onvanpaste pogings tot verleiding, het vaders slawe aangestel pedagoë om oor hulle seuns te waak. Volgens Aeschines sou die Atheense vaders egter bid dat hul seuns aantreklik en aantreklik sou wees, met die volle wete dat hulle dan die aandag van mans sou trek en 'die voorwerpe van gevegte sou wees weens erotiese passies'. [37]

    Die ouderdomsgroep waarop seuns in sulke verhoudings aangegaan het, stem ooreen met dié van Griekse meisies wat in die huwelik geskenk is, dikwels aan volwasse mans wat baie jare ouer as hulle was. Seuns moes egter gewoonlik voor die hof gehou word en kon hul huweliksmaat kies, terwyl huwelike vir meisies gereël is vir ekonomiese en politieke voordeel volgens die oordeel van vader en vryer. [38] Hierdie verbindings was ook 'n voordeel vir 'n jeug en sy gesin, aangesien die verhouding met 'n invloedryke ouer man 'n uitgebreide sosiale netwerk tot gevolg gehad het. [ aanhaling nodig ] Sommige het dit dus wenslik geag om in die jonger jare baie bewonderaars of mentors, indien nie noodwendig op sigself liefhebbers nie, te hê. [ aanhaling nodig ] Normaalweg sou die ouer man en sy protegé hul hele lewe lank op goeie voet bly nadat hul seksuele verhouding beëindig was en die jong man getroud was. Vir die mannetjies wat hul seksuele aktiwiteite voortgesit het nadat hul jonger eweknieë volwasse was, het die Grieke voorsiening gemaak en gesê: 'U kan 'n bul oplig as u die kalf dra.' [39]

    In dele van Griekeland was pederastie 'n aanvaarbare vorm van homo -erotiek met ander, minder sosiaal aanvaarde manifestasies, soos die seksuele gebruik van slawe of porno's (prostituut) of hetairos (die manlike ekwivalent van 'n hetaira). [40] Manlike prostitusie is as 'n volmaakte roetine beskou, en die besoek van prostitute van beide geslagte is vir 'n manlike burger as heeltemal aanvaarbaar beskou. [41] Maar adolessente burgers met 'n vrye status wat hulself geprostitueer het, word soms belaglik gemaak en deur die Attiese wet is dit permanent verbied om 'n paar sewe amptelike funksies uit te voer [nb 1] [43] [44], omdat daar geglo is dat sedert hulle hul eie liggaam vir die plesier van ander (ἐφ 'ὕβρει eph 'hybrei), sou hulle nie huiwer om die belange van die gemeenskap as geheel te verkoop nie. [44] As hulle, of 'n volwasse burger met 'n vrye status wat homself geprostitueer het, enige van die amptelike funksies wat hulle deur die wet verbied het (in die latere lewe) vervul het, is hulle strafbaar. As hulle egter nie die spesifieke funksies vervul nie, hulle nie voorgestel het vir die toewysing van die funksies nie en hulle as onbevoeg verklaar het as hulle op 'n manier per ongeluk gekies was om die spesifieke funksies uit te voer, was hulle veilig vir vervolging en straf. Aangesien nie-burgers wat in 'n stadstaat besoek of woon, in elk geval geen amptelike funksies kon verrig nie, kon hulle hulself prostituut soveel hulle wou. [45]

    Politieke uitdrukking Redigeer

    Oortredings van die gebruike met betrekking tot die korrekte uitdrukking van homoseksualiteit binne die perke van pederaistia kan gebruik word om die reputasie van 'n openbare figuur te benadeel. In sy toespraak Teen Timarchus in 346 vC voer die Atheense politikus Aeschines aan dat Timarchus, 'n ervare middeljarige politikus, sekere politieke regte verder toelaat, aangesien die solderwet almal wat hom geprostitueer het, verbied het om die regte uit te oefen [46] en dit was bekend dat Timarchus sy adolessensie deurgebring het as die seksmaat van 'n reeks ryk mans om geld te bekom. [47] So 'n wet bestaan ​​omdat daar geglo is dat elkeen wat hul eie liggaam verkoop het, nie sou huiwer om die belange van die stadstaat te verkoop nie. [44] Aeschines het sy saak gewen, en Timarchus is gevonnis tot atimia (ontevredenheid en burgerlike ontmagtiging). Aeschines erken sy eie dallances met pragtige seuns, die erotiese gedigte wat hy aan hierdie jeugdiges opgedra het, en die skrape waarmee hy as gevolg van sy sake beland het, maar beklemtoon dat niks hiervan deur geld bemiddel is nie. 'N Finansiële motief word dus beskou as 'n bedreiging vir 'n man se status as vry. [ aanhaling nodig ]

    Daarenteen, soos uitgedruk in Pausanias se toespraak in Plato's Simposium, Daar word gesê dat pederastiese liefde gunstig is vir demokrasie en deur tiranne gevrees word, omdat die band tussen die vee uit en eromenos was sterker as die van gehoorsaamheid aan 'n despotiese heerser. [48] ​​[49] Athenaeus verklaar dat "Hieronymus die Aristoteliër sê dat liefde vir seuns in die mode was omdat verskeie tirannies deur jong mans omvergewerp is in hul beste jare, en saamgevoeg as kamerade in wedersydse simpatie." Hy gee as voorbeelde van sulke pederastiese paartjies die Atheners Harmodius en Aristogeiton, wat (miskien simbolies) toegeskryf is aan die omverwerping van die tiran Hippias en die vestiging van die demokrasie, en ook Chariton en Melanippus. [50] Ander, soos Aristoteles, beweer dat die Kretaanse wetgewers pederastie as 'n middel tot bevolkingsbeheer aanmoedig deur liefde en seksuele begeerte na nie-voortplantingskanale te lei:

    en die wetgewer het baie wyse maatreëls beraam om die voordeel van matigheid aan tafel en die skeiding van die vroue te bewerkstellig, sodat hulle nie baie kinders kan baar nie, en vir hierdie doel het hy assosiasie met die manlike geslag ingestel. [51]

    Filosofiese uitdrukking Redigeer

    Sokrates sê in die dialoog Phaedrus dat seksuele pederastie deur die eetlus van die siel gedryf word, maar kan gebalanseer word deur selfbeheersing en rede. Hy vergelyk die begeerlikheid van 'n seuntjie met 'n ongehoorsame perd om 'n wa te beheer, maar merk op dat seksuele begeerte vir 'n seun as dit gekombineer word met 'n liefde vir hul ander eienskappe aanvaarbaar is. [ aanhaling nodig ]

    Phaedrus in Plato's Symposium opmerkings:

    Want ek ken geen groter seën vir 'n jongman wat in die lewe begin as 'n deugsame minnaar, of vir 'n geliefde as 'n geliefde jeug nie. Vir die beginsel, sê ek, kan geen verwantskap, nóg eer, nóg rykdom, of enige motief so goed soos liefde inplant nie. Waarvan praat ek? Van die gevoel van eer en oneer, waarsonder geen state of individue ooit goeie of groot werk verrig nie ... En as daar net 'n manier was om 'n staat of 'n leër uit liefhebbers en hul liefdes te maak, sou hulle die beste goewerneurs van hul eie stad, onthou hulle van alle oneer en navolg mekaar in eer, en dit is skaars 'n oordrywing om te sê dat hulle die wêreld sou oorwin, al was dit net 'n handjie vol. [52]

    In Wette neem Plato 'n baie strengere houding teenoor homoseksualiteit in as in vorige werke, en verklaar:

    . 'n Mens moet beslis nie nalaat om op te let dat wanneer die mannetjie met die vrou verenig word vir die voortplanting, die plesier te wyte is aan die natuur nie, maar teenstrydig met die natuur wanneer 'n man met 'n man of 'n vrou met 'n vrou paar, en dat diegene wat hulle aan sulke groothede skuldig is [die Kretense] is deur hul slawerny tot plesier gedryf. En ons beskuldig almal die Kretense dat hulle die verhaal oor Ganymede opgemaak het.

    Plato sê hier dat "ons almal", moontlik verwysend na die samelewing as geheel of bloot sy sosiale groep, die verhaal van Ganymedes se homoseksualiteit glo deur die Kretensers gemaak het om immorele gedrag te regverdig.

    Die Atheense vreemdeling by Plato's Wette blameer pederastie vir die bevordering van burgerlike twis en om baie mense tot hul verstand te dryf, en beveel die verbod op seksuele omgang met jongmense aan, en stel 'n pad uit waarop dit bereik kan word. [53]

    In mite en godsdiens Redigeer

    Die mite van Ganymedes se ontvoering deur Zeus is aangevoer as 'n presedent vir die pederastiese verhouding, soos Theognis aan 'n vriend beweer:

    Daar is 'n plesier daarin om 'n seuntjie lief te hê (payophilein), aangesien eens in werklikheid selfs die seun van Cronus (dit wil sê Zeus), koning van die onsterflike, het verlief geraak op Ganymede, hom gegryp, na Olympus gebring en hom goddelik gemaak en die pragtige bloei van die jeug behou (paideia). Moet dus nie verstom wees nie, Simonides, dat ek ook geopenbaar is deur die liefde vir 'n aantreklike seuntjie. [54]

    Die mite oor die ontvoering van Ganymedes is egter deur sommige in die Atheense samelewing nie ernstig opgeneem nie, en dit word beskou as 'n Kretaanse vervaardiging wat bedoel is om hul homo -erotiek te regverdig. [55]

    Die geleerde Joseph Pequigney sê:

    Nie Homeros of Hesiodos skryf homoseksuele ervarings ooit eksplisiet toe aan die gode of helde nie.

    Die digter Pindar uit die 5de eeu vC bou die verhaal van 'n seksuele pederastiese verhouding tussen Poseidon en Pelops, wat bedoel was om 'n vroeëre verhaal oor kannibalisme te vervang wat Pindar as 'n onsmaaklike voorstelling van die gode beskou het. [56] Die verhaal vertel van Poseidon se liefde vir 'n sterflike seuntjie, Pelops, wat 'n strydwa wen met hulp van sy bewonderaar Poseidon.

    Alhoewel voorbeelde van so 'n gewoonte in vroeëre Griekse werke bestaan, het mites wat voorbeelde van jongmanne was wat godeliefhebbers was, in die klassieke literatuur begin verskyn rondom die 6de eeu vC. In hierdie latere verhale word pederastiese liefde toegeskryf aan Zeus (met Ganymede), Poseidon (met Pelops), Apollo (met Cyparissus, Hyacinthus en Admetus), Orpheus, Heracles, Dionysus, Hermes en Pan. Daar word beweer dat alle Olimpiese gode behalwe Ares hierdie verhoudings gehad het, wat volgens sommige geleerdes toon dat die spesifieke gebruike van paiderastia ontstaan ​​uit inleidende rituele. [57] [58]

    Mites wat toegeskryf word aan die homoseksualiteit van Dionysus is baie laat en dikwels post-heidense toevoegings. [59] [ omsendbrief ] Die verhaal van Dionysus en Ampelos is tussen die 4de en 5de eeu nC deur die Egiptiese digter Nonnus geskryf, wat dit onbetroubaar maak. Net so is die verhaal van Dionysos en Polymnus, wat vertel dat eersgenoemde anaal masturbeer het met 'n vyetak oor laasgenoemde se graf, deur Christene geskryf, wie se doel was om die heidense mitologie in diskrediet te bring. [60]

    Dover het egter geglo dat hierdie mites slegs literêre weergawes is wat die 'openlike' homoseksualiteit van die Griekse argaïese kultuur uitdruk of verduidelik, waarvan hy die eiesoortigheid teenoor houdings in ander antieke samelewings soos Egipte en Israel kontrasteer. [61]

    Kreatiewe uitdrukking Redigeer

    Visuele kunste Redigeer

    Griekse vaasskildery is 'n belangrike bron vir geleerdes wat gesindhede en gebruike wat daarmee gepaard gaan, wil verstaan paiderastia. [62] Honderde pederastiese tonele word op soldervase met swart figure uitgebeeld. [63] In die vroeë 20ste eeu het John Beazley pederastiese vase in drie tipes ingedeel:

    • Die erastês en erômenos staan ​​teenoor mekaar die erastês, knieë gebuig, strek met die een hand na die geliefde se ken en met die ander na sy geslagsdele.
    • Die erastês bied die erômenos met 'n klein geskenk, soms 'n dier.
    • Die staande geliefdes doen interrurale seks. [64]

    Sekere geskenke wat tradisioneel deur die eromenos word simbole wat bydra tot die interpretasie van 'n gegewe toneel as pederasties. Dieregawes - meestal hase en hane, maar ook takbokke en katte - dui op jag as 'n aristokratiese tydverdryf en 'n metafoor vir seksuele strewe. [65] Hierdie dieregeskenke is algemeen aan seuns gegee, terwyl vroue dikwels geld as geskenk vir seks ontvang het. Hierdie verskil in geskenke het die nabyheid van pederastiese verhoudings bevorder. Vroue het geld ontvang as 'n produk van die seksuele uitruil en seuns het 'n kulturele geskenk gekry. Geskenke wat aan seuns gegee word, word algemeen uitgebeeld in antieke Griekse kuns, maar geld wat vroue vir seks gegee het, is nie. [66]

    Die eksplisiete aard van sommige beelde het veral gelei tot besprekings of die eromenos het aktief genot gevind in die seksdaad. Die jeugdige geliefde word nooit met 'n ereksie voorgestel nie, maar sy penis "bly slap, selfs in omstandighede waarop 'n mens sou verwag dat 'n gesonde adolessent se penis willekeurig sou reageer". [67] Die geslagsorgane van die jeug was een van die algemeenste beelde van pederastiese hofmakery op vase, 'n gebaar wat ook in Aristophanes se komedie aangedui word Voëls (reël 142). Sommige vase toon dat die jonger maat seksueel reageer, wat 'n geleerde laat wonder: 'Wat kan die bedoeling van hierdie daad wees, tensy liefhebbers eintlik 'n plesier daaruit put om te voel hoe die seuntjie se ontwikkelende orgaan wakker word en reageer op hul handstimulasie? ? " [68]

    Chronologiese studie van die vaasskilderye toon ook 'n veranderende estetika in die uitbeelding van die erômenos. In die 6de eeu v.G.J. is hy 'n jong baardlose man met lang hare, volwasse lengte en liggaamsbou, gewoonlik naak. Met die aanvang van die 5de eeu het hy kleiner en skraler geword, 'skaars 'n puberteit', en dikwels gedrapeer soos 'n meisie sou wees. Geen afleidings oor sosiale gebruike behoort alleen op hierdie element van die hofmakery gebaseer te wees nie. [69]

    Poësie Edit

    Daar is baie pederastiese verwysings onder die werke van die Megaraanse digter Theognis gerig aan Cyrnus (Grieks Kyrnos). Sommige gedeeltes van die Theognidean corpus is waarskynlik nie deur die individu uit Megara nie, maar verteenwoordig eerder 'verskeie generasies wysheidspoësie'. Die gedigte is 'sosiale, politieke of etiese voorskrifte wat aan Cyrnus oorgedra is as deel van sy vorming tot 'n volwasse Megariese aristokraat in Theognis se eie beeld'. [70]

    Die verhouding tussen Theognis en Kyrnos ontwyk kategorisering. Alhoewel daar in die oudheid aanvaar is dat Kyrnos die digter is eromenos, die gedigte wat die eksplisietste eroties is, word nie aan hom gerig nie; die poësie [71] oor "die vreugdes en smarte" van pederastie lyk meer geskik om met 'n ander te deel vee uit, miskien in die opset van die simposium: "die verhouding word in elk geval vaag gelaat." [72] In die algemeen beskou Theognis (en die tradisie wat onder sy naam verskyn) die pederastiese verhouding as baie pedagogies. [73]

    Die digterlike tradisies van Ionia en Aeolia bevat digters soos Anacreon, Mimnermus en Alcaeus, wat baie van die simpatieke skolia saamgestel het wat later deel van die vastelandstradisie sou word. Ibycus kom uit Rhegium in die Griekse weste en vermaak die hof van Polycrates in Samos met pederastiese verse. In teenstelling met Theognis, beeld hierdie digters 'n nie-pedagogiese weergawe van pederastie uit, uitsluitlik gefokus op liefde en verleiding. Theocritus, 'n Hellenistiese digter, beskryf 'n soenwedstryd vir jongmense wat by die graf van 'n sekere Diokles plaasgevind het, bekend vir vriendskap, en hy merk op dat die aanroep van Ganymede by die geleentheid pas. [74]

    Vaasskilderye en verwysings na die eromenos se dye in die poësie [76] dui aan dat wanneer die pederastiese paartjie seksuele dade beoefen het, die voorkeursvorm interkultureel was. [77] Om sy waardigheid en eer te behou, het die erômenos beperk die man wat hom begeer tot penetrasie tussen geslote dye. [78]

    Daar is geen visuele voorstellings van anale seks tussen pederastiese paartjies nie. Sommige vaasskilderye, wat Percy as 'n vierde tipe pederastiese toneel beskou, benewens Beazley se drie, toon die erastês sit met 'n ereksie en die erômenos óf nader of in sy skoot klim. Die samestelling van hierdie tonele is dieselfde as dié van afbeeldings van vroue wat opstaan ​​en sit wat omgang is. [79] As 'n kulturele norm wat apart van persoonlike voorkeur beskou word, word anale penetrasie meestal as oneerbaar beskou vir die een wat deurdringend of skandelik was [80] vanweë die "moontlike voorkoms daarvan om in 'n vrou verander te word" en omdat dit gevrees is dat dit die aandag kan aflei erômenos deur die aktiewe, deurdringende rol later in die lewe te speel. [81] A fable attributed to Aesop tells how Aeschyne (Shame) consented to enter the human body from behind only as long as Eros did not follow the same path, and would fly away at once if he did. A man who acted as the receiver during anal intercourse may have been the recipient of the insult "kinaidos", meaning effeminate. [82] No shame was associated with intercrural penetration or any other act that did not involve anal penetration. [83] Oral sex is likewise not depicted, [84] or directly suggested anal or oral penetration seems to have been reserved for prostitutes or slaves. [85]

    Dover maintained that the erômenos was ideally not supposed to feel "unmanly" desire for the erastês. [86] Nussbaum argues that the depiction of the erômenos as deriving no sexual pleasure from sex with the erastês "may well be a cultural norm that conceals a more complicated reality", as the erômenos is known to have frequently felt intense affection for his erastês and there is evidence that he experienced sexual arousal with him as well. [87] In Plato's Phaedrus, it is related that, with time, the erômenos develops a "passionate longing" for his erastês and a "reciprocal love" (anteros) for him that is a replica of the erastês’ love. Die erômenos is also said to have a desire "similar to the erastes', albeit weaker, to see, to touch, to kiss and to lie with him". [88]

    Athens Edit

    Much of the practices described above concern first of all Athens, while Attic pottery is a major source for modern scholars attempting to understand the institution of pederasty. [89] In Athens, as elsewhere, pederastia appears to have been a characteristic of the aristocracy. The age of youth depicted has been estimated variously from 12 to 18. [90] A number of Athenian laws addressed the pederastic relationship.

    The Greek East Edit

    Unlike the Dorians, where an older male would usually have only one erômenos (younger boy), in the east a man might have several erômenoi over the course of his life. From the poems of Alcaeus we learn that the older male would customarily invite his erômenos to dine with him. [91]

    Crete Edit

    Greek pederasty was seemingly already institutionalized in Crete at the time of Thaletas, which included a "Dance of Naked Youths". [92] It has been suggested both Crete and Sparta influenced Athenian pederasty. [92]

    Sparta Edit

    The nature of this relationship is in dispute among ancient sources and modern historians. Some think Spartan views on pederasty and homoeroticism were more chaste than those of other parts of Greece, while others find no significant difference from those. [93]

    According to Xenophon, a relationship ("association") between a man and a boy could be tolerated, but only if it was based around friendship and love and not solely around physical, sexual attraction, in which case it was considered "an abomination" tantamount to incest. [94] Conversely, Plutarch states that, when Spartan boys reached puberty, they became available for sexual relationships with older males. [95] Aelian talks about the responsibilities of an older Spartan citizen to younger less sexually experienced males. [96]

    Thomas F. Scanlon believes Sparta, during its Dorian polis time, is thought to be the first city to practice athletic nudity, and one of the first to formalize pederasty. [97] Sparta also imported Thaletas' songs from Crete. [92]

    In Sparta, the erastes was regarded as a guardian of the eromenos and was held responsible for any wrongdoings of the latter. [98] Researchers of the Spartan civilization, such as Paul Cartledge, remain uncertain about the sexual aspect of the institution. Cartledge underscores that the terms "εισπνήλας" and "αΐτας" have a moralistic and pedagogic content, indicating a relationship with a paternalistic character, but argues that sexual relations were possible in some or most cases. The nature of these possible sexual relations remains, however, disputed and lost to history. [99]

    Megara Edit

    Megara cultivated good relations with Sparta, and may have been culturally attracted to emulate Spartan practices in the 7th century, when pederasty is postulated to have first been formalized in Dorian cities. [100] One of the first cities after Sparta to be associated with the custom of athletic nudity, Megara was home to the runner Orsippus who was famed as the first to run the footrace naked at the Olympic Games and "first of all Greeks to be crowned victor naked". [101] [102] In one poem, the Megaran poet Theognis saw athletic nudity as a prelude to pederasty: "Happy is the lover who works out naked / And then goes home to sleep all day with a beautiful boy." [103]

    Boeotia Edit

    In Thebes, the main polis in Boeotia, renowned for its practice of pederasty, the tradition was enshrined in the founding myth of the city. [ aanhaling nodig ] In this instance the story was meant to teach by counterexample: it depicts Laius, one of the mythical ancestors of the Thebans, in the role of a lover who betrays the father and rapes the son. Other Boeotian pederastic myths are the stories of Narcissus and of Heracles and Iolaus. [ aanhaling nodig ]

    According to Plutarch, Theban pederasty was instituted as an educational device for boys in order to "soften, while they were young, their natural fierceness, and to "temper the manners and characters of the youth". [104] According to a tradition, The Sacred Band of Thebes comprised pederastic couples. [105]

    Boeotian pottery, in contrast to that of Athens, does not exhibit the three types of pederastic scenes identified by Beazley. The limited survival and cataloguing of pottery that can be proven to have been made in Boeotia diminishes the value of this evidence in distinguishing a specifically local tradition of paiderastia. [106]

    The ethical views held in ancient societies, such as Athens, Thebes, Crete, Sparta, Elis and others, on the practice of pederasty have been explored by scholars only since the end of the 19th century. One of the first to do so was John Addington Symonds, who wrote his seminal work A Problem in Greek Ethics in 1873, but after a private edition of 10 copies (1883) only in 1901 could the work really be published, in revised form. [107] Edward Carpenter expanded the scope of the study, with his 1914 work, Intermediate Types among Primitive Folk. The text examines homoerotic practices of all types, not only pederastic ones, and ranges over cultures spanning the whole globe. [108] In Germany the work was continued by classicist Paul Brandt writing under the pseudonym Hans Licht, who published his Sexual Life in Ancient Greece in 1932.

    K. J. Dover's work triggered a number of debates which still continue. Sociologist of the 20th century Michel Foucault declared that pederasty was "problematized" in Greek culture, that it was "the object of a special—and especially intense—moral preoccupation", which was "subjected to an interplay of positive and negative interplays so complex as to make the ethics that governed it difficult to decipher", [109] A modern line of thought leading from Dover to Foucault to David M. Halperin holds that the erômenos did not reciprocate the love and desire of the erastes, and that the relationship was factored on a sexual domination of the younger by the older, a politics of penetration held to be true of all adult male Athenians' relations with their social inferiors—boys, women and slaves—a theory propounded also by Eva Keuls. [110]

    Similarly, Enid Bloch argues that many Greek boys in these relationships may have been traumatized by knowing that they were violating social customs, since the "most shameful thing that could happen to any Greek male was penetration by another male." She further argues that vases showing "a boy standing perfectly still as a man reaches out for his genitals" indicate the boy may have been "psychologically immobilized, unable to move or run away." [111] From this and the previous perspectives, the relationships are characterized and factored on a power differential between the participants, and as essentially asymmetrical. [ aanhaling nodig ]

    Other scholars point to more artwork on vases, poetry and philosophical works such as the Platonic discussion of anteros, "love returned", all of which show tenderness and desire and love on the part of the eromenos matching and responding to that of the erastes. [112] Critics of the posture defended by Dover, Bloch and their followers also point out that they ignore all material which argued against their "overly theoretical" interpretation of a human and emotional relationship [113] and counter that "Clearly, a mutual, consensual bond was formed", [114] and that it is "a modern fairy tale that the younger eromenos was never aroused". [115]

    Halperin's position has been also criticized as a "persistently negative and judgmental rhetoric implying exploitation and domination as the fundamental characteristics of pre-modern sexual models" and challenged as a polemic of "mainstream assimilationist gay apologists" and an attempt to "demonize and purge from the movement" all non-orthodox male sexualities, especially that involving adults and adolescents. [116]

    As classical historian Robin Osborne has pointed out, historical discussion of paiderastia is complicated by 21st-century moral standards:

    It is the historian's job to draw attention to the personal, social, political and indeed moral issues behind the literary and artistic representations of the Greek world. The historian's job is to present pederasty and all, to make sure that … we come face to face with the way the glory that was Greece was part of a world in which many of our own core values find themselves challenged rather than reinforced. [117]


    4 Ancient Rome Was Lily White

    If we asked you to picture a coliseum full of ancient Romans, chances are you'd picture a sea of red mohawk helmets. And beneath those helmets? Scads of white, European-looking fellows in togas.

    It's not that you're racist. It's that almost every filmmaker in cinematic history has made that same assumption about the ancient Romans, with logic along the lines of: "Rome's in Europe. Europe's white-ish, so ancient Romans were white-ish." What difference could 2,000 years possibly make?"

    Here's a picture of the Roman Empire. Notice that a goodly chunk of the empire is in what some might refer to as "Africa" or "the Middle East."

    Based on that alone, it should be pretty obvious that Romans would've been a bit tanner than we tend to imagine. The Roman Empire would have been a pretty colorful place, considering it was a mix of North African, Semitic, West Asian, Latin, and Greek peoples -- although you'd never know it from modern cinema.

    But despite Hollywood's near-complete refusal to acknowledge it, ancient Rome was the original melting pot. See, back then, color and prejudice weren't linked -- unlike racism and stupidity today. Rome even had at least two African emperors, Severus and Macrinus. Rome was unique in the ancient world for its inclusive citizenship. In the past, a city-state like Sparta might have conquered a people and enslaved or slaughtered them all. Rome, on the other hand, blew ancient people's minds by assimilating or even naturalizing the conquered. The ancient Romans didn't even force conquered peoples to give up their own languages or customs.

    The important thing for the Romans was that people followed the law, paid taxes, and, oh yeah, fought in the Roman army. The Romans were no dummies: Little old Rome was never going to be able to populate the world it conquered, let alone defend it, so absorbing other peoples like a giant legionary sponge was the only way to keep enough bodies in the military and on its farms. Rome enrolled northwest Africans, Moors, Gauls, Celts, Jews -- pretty much anyone who could swing a sword or throw a spear -- which is how an Ethiopian soldier could find himself fighting in Britain (maybe that's why every film Roman speaks with a British accent).

    There are no exact numbers on ancient Roman diversity, but given Rome's constant contact with Africa and the Near East, the coliseum we asked you to imagine earlier should look more like Ellis Island and less like a Dave Matthews Band concert.

    Related: 6 Reasons Everyday Life In Ancient Rome Was Totally Insane


    Symposiums in ancient Greece (THE DRINKING PARTIES)

    AS we know from Plato and other writers, ancient Greeks much loved to have drinking parties or symposiums – and most any excuse could be used to party: a birth, marriage, or death, the arrival or departure of a loved one from abroad, a feast day or merely a change in the seasons. Actually in most cases, however, no purpose was required. The ancient Greeks loved to party. The drinking party or symposium was not however the ancient equivalent to a few guys getting together to pass the breeze and down a few drinks. On the contrary, it was a highly ritualized institution with its own precise and time-hallowed rules. Plutarch described the drinking party as “a passing of time over wine, which guided by gracious behavior, ends in friendship.”

    It was customary for the host to inscribe the names of his guests on a wax tablet, together with the day and hour appointed for the symposium and then hand the tablet to a slave who would make the rounds of the guest’s houses. The usual hour for convening was the ninth. Generally, the ideal number of guest was nine, including the host. In Athens in the fourth century B.C., however, the symposia grew so large that it became necessary to appoint a commission to insure that the number of guests did not exceed the legal limit. Since wives and daughters were not permitted to attend the symposia, the only females present were hired companions known as hetairai.

    The growing importance of the symposium was such that, from the fourth century B.C. onward, well-appointed houses possessed a special room for reclining and drinking known as an andron or men’s quarters. An andron can be identified in the archaeological record by its off-center doorway, so located in order to enable the room to accommodate the couches, which were arranged alongside each other and set against the walls. The basic andron held four couches, though some were considerably larger. The couches were made of either wood or stone. In front of each was three-legged table on which food was laid out and the drinkers placed their cups. As private houses became more elegant, androns acquired mosaic floors and their walls wee hung with tapestries.

    There were strict rules to which the participants were required to adhere. The enforcement of these rules was in the hands of the symposiarch, or master of drinking. The ideal symposiarch, according to Plutarch, had to be the “quintessence of conviviality,” neither inclined to drunkenness nor averse to drinking. He had to be aware how each of his fellow symposiasts was affected by wine in order to determine what was conductive to the promotion of good cheer. He should be cordial and friendly, and objectionable to no one. Election to this office was made by a throw of dice, which meant it generally fell to one of the guests. The symposiarch had the authority to inflict a penalty in any drinker who infringed on the rules. In exceptional circumstances he could even order a guest to depart. As the Greeks did not drink undiluted wine, his inaugural duty was to determine the proportion of parts of wine to water – an important decision that would affect the tone of the whole evening. In addition, he decreed how many cups should be drunk, since only on rare occasions symposiasts permitted to drink as much or as little as they wished. The purpose behind this rule was to ensure that everyone attained approximately the same degree of inebriation. Finally the symposiarch arranged the entertainment and fixed penalties for those who failed to distinguish themselves in the games and competitions.

    Despite these precautions, however, much no doubt happened that was not in accordance with the rules. A popular Greek saying, “I hate a drinker with a good memory,” suggests that whatever was said or done by a symposiast when under the influence of alcohol was not to be held against him when he sobered up.

    For every day use, the Greeks drank out of glazed undecorated mugs. The well-to-do, however possessed a special set of drinking cups and wine containers, which the reserved for use at a symposium.

    Basic drinking equipment included a dozen or so kylikes or drinking mugs, a krater or mixing bowl, a psychter or wine cooler. An oinochoe or jug for pouring wine a hydria or jug for pouring water. The pottery was frequently decorated with figured scenes, often of a very refined draughtmanship. These scenes provide a major source of information about conduct at these gatherings.

    Finally, as Plato advises us, though the Greeks just loved a party, the drinking and entertainment, the symposium basically had a serious purpose. The purpose was serious conversation. In the midst of all the drinking philosophical questions were examined: What was the purpose of life? What is justice and truth? Can we live under unconditional loyalty? Are the gods to be trusted? Are women really inferior? Is drinking the answer? Many of Plato’s dialogues including the Symposium were first conceived in a drinking party when any questions asked and the tongue freed by wine would speak.

    As the conclusion of a symposium, or when moving from one symposium to another, it was customary for drinkers to kazein, or to roam about the streets in a gang. It was just such a gang of komastai, as Plato writes in The Symposium “Order went out of the window and they compelled everyone to drink huge quantities of wine.” Assaults by drunken komastai were not uncommon. It became a stock joke that the worst behaved guests at a symposium were the philosophers! This amused Socrates though he, himself, was not a serious drinker and was always the center of the philosophical discussions.

    For more information, my friend Robert Garland’s excellent book “Daily Life of the Ancient Greeks” is an interesting and authoritative source on the subject.


    Hedonism in Herculaneum – a guide to good living in a luxurious Roman villa

    A r ound the middle of the first century BC, as the Roman Republic teetered on the brink of collapse, a magnificent villa was constructed on the north-eastern coast of the Bay of Naples. Covering an area of more than 6,000 square metres, and incorporating a swimming pool, two peristyle gardens with fountains, and a circular belvedere with views across the bay, it was a bolthole that would have made even Berlusconi jealous. Among its luxurious delights, or deliciae as the Romans called them, were trompe l&rsquooeil wall paintings, some 90 bronze and marble statues, polychrome mosaics and an extensive library. The identity of the villa&rsquos original owner is disputed, but he must have been a Roman of high social standing, sophisticated tastes and abundant means.

    Unfortunately for its last occupants, but fortunately for the historical record, the villa was on the edge of Herculaneum. When Vesuvius erupted in 79 AD, the town was buried by volcanic debris, which also accumulated along the coast, pushing the shoreline farther out. Today the Villa dei Papiri, as it is known, is a partially excavated site, the remainder of which lies hidden beneath the modern town of Ercolano. To experience something of how it might have been in the first century BC, you have to go to the Getty Villa near Malibu, a 20th-century reconstruction by a man of comparable wealth and influence to the owner of the original. This summer, the Getty Villa will be the fitting site of an exhibition of the original villa&rsquos treasures, including both works of art and papyrus rolls. &lsquoBuried by Vesuvius: Treasures from the Villa dei Papiri&rsquo (26 June&ndash28 October) will explore what connections there may be between the villa&rsquos decorative scheme and the contents of its library &ndash which were rather unexpected.

    The Villa dei Papiri was rediscovered by well diggers in 1750, a few years after the ancient site of Herculaneum. A team of military engineers sponsored by Charles VII, King of the Two Sicilies, bored tunnels down through 27 metres of solidified rubble to rooms where they discovered a hoard of antiques. These were as much a status symbol in the 18th century as they had been in the first century BC. The workers dug up their finds, in pieces if necessary, and carted them away to the Royal Herculaneum Museum, a new wing of the king&rsquos summer palace in nearby Portici. The discoveries included heaps of shattered statues, their limbs never to be reassembled, frescoes cut from their walls and, remarkably, more than a thousand papyrus rolls containing Greek and Latin texts.

    Three carbonised scrolls (2nd century BC&ndash1st century AD), recovered from the Villa dei Papiri, Herculaneum, between 1752&ndash54. Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli. Alle regte voorbehou. All other use prohibited. Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali

    The rolls, which had been carbonised by superheated gas and rubble, were at first mistaken for logs and used as firewood, or chopped up and reburied. This stopped when one was broken open and writing discovered on the inside. Together, these papyri constitute the only literary library to have survived from the ancient world. Great was the disappointment of the cultured classes of Europe, however, when fragments of the papyri were read, revealing not the lost works of Pindar or Aristotle, but the professional library of an obscure Greek poet and Epicurean philosopher called Philodemus, who died around 40 BC. The texts deciphered so far include Philodemus&rsquos writings on ethics and logic, and Epicurus&rsquos own magnum opus: a theory of natural philosophy in 37 tortuous volumes.

    How did the library of a minor Greek philosopher come to be located in the holiday home of a Roman aristocrat? Theories abound much of the villa remains unexcavated, and there are many gaps in the evidence. A small but arguably important clue, however, lies in the dedication of one of Philodemus&rsquos treatises to Lucius Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus. Piso, who was probably Philodemus&rsquos patron, was one of the grandees of the late Republic, and father-in-law to Julius Caesar. We learn from Cicero that Philodemus was constantly at Piso&rsquos side, and instructed him in Epicureanism. He may even have lived for some time at Piso&rsquos home, perhaps in Herculaneum. A tame philosopher could be as much of a symbol of cultural refinement as an art collection, and Piso was not the only Roman nobleman to have one in his entourage Cicero had a similar arrangement with Diodotus, a Stoic.

    The discovery of Philodemus&rsquos library, and the dedication to Piso, suggests that the latter may have been the owner of the Villa dei Papiri. If Piso fits the bill, and if he studied Epicureanism at the villa, this raises an intriguing question: were the villa&rsquos artworks intended to reflect their owner&rsquos Epicurean beliefs &ndash and how far were those beliefs compatible with the lifestyle of a wealthy Roman statesman?

    That lifestyle would certainly have been luxurious. The villa is a particularly splendid example of the type of &lsquopseudo-urban&rsquo mansion in which the sophisticated Roman elite spent their otium, or leisure time, when they wanted to have a break from politics and business in the city. From the first century BC until the eruption of Vesuvius, a string of such mansions was built along the Bay of Naples, an area of sunlit glamour which Cicero called &lsquothat voluptuous mixing-bowl&rsquo.

    The art collection at the villa testifies to the strong Greek influence on the Roman dolce vita. After they sacked Corinth in 146 BC, the Romans became the dominant force in mainland Greece. From this time onwards, Greek culture, as Horace put it, captivated its captor, and &lsquointroduced the arts to uncultivated Latium&rsquo. Greek artworks, purchased or plundered, moved steadily into Roman homes, while the taste for &lsquoAsiatic luxury&rsquo was imported from the Hellenistic rulers of Egypt. The villa&rsquos collection of statues, frescoes and other furnishings includes both original Greek artworks and Greek and Roman reproductions of Greek originals. They testify to the thriving trade in art across the Mediterranean at the time when the villa was built.

    The study of philosophy, like the collecting of sculpture, was a valued aspect of Roman otium, and one imported from Greece. Even the association between free time and study was a Greek import: the concept of the philosophical &lsquoschool&rsquo derives from scholê &ndash the Greek for &lsquoleisure&rsquo. Philodemus, one of many Greek philosophers to emigrate to Italy, was conscious of catering to a demand in the cultural market. In one of his treatises, he claims that the best way of earning a living is by &lsquoreceiving thankful gifts in return for philosophical discourses with men capable of understanding them&rsquo &ndash such as Piso.

    Bust of Epicurus (1st century BC&ndash1st century AD), Roman. Photo: Giorgio Albano courtesy Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli

    The villa&rsquos owner clearly spent part of his otium engaged in study of Epicurean philosophy &ndash or at least wanted to convey that impression. Multiple copies of bronze busts of Epicurus and his colleague Hermarchus have been discovered, at least two of them in rooms with papyrus rolls. The Epicureans were well known for surrounding themselves with images of their founder, in pictures and on cups and rings by contemplating his serene countenance, they hoped to bring their state of mind closer to his. In their new Roman context, the busts would also have celebrated the intellectual life of their owner.

    Epicurus had founded his school in Athens in around 300 BC. He had argued that the universe consists of nothing but indivisible particles (&lsquoatoms&rsquo) and empty space. Happiness, and the proper goal of human life, consists in pleasure, by which he meant the tranquillity (ataraxia) of mind and body which arises when our mental and physical wants are satisfied. He stressed that the highest pleasures are friendship and philosophical contemplation, but is also recorded as saying that &lsquothe beginning and root of all good is the pleasure of the stomach&rsquo.

    Based on uncharitable interpretations of remarks like these, the Epicureans, both Greek and Roman, were often accused of being nothing more than hedonists, devoted to the transient pleasures of the flesh &ndash in particular, to gluttony. This charge was still being repeated long after the eruption of Vesuvius: at the turn of the second century, Plutarch accused Epicurus of obsessively recalling his &lsquosumptuous dinners&rsquo, while Athenaeus, in his third-century narrative Scholars at the Dinner Table, describes how an Epicurean character wolfs down an eel before anyone else can touch it.

    The ease with which the Epicurean pursuit of tranquillity could be elided with the hedonistic indulgence of the senses was exploited by Cicero in a speech against Piso, his personal enemy. Cicero accuses Piso of adopting Epicureanism simply because he has &lsquoheard pleasure praised by a philosopher&rsquo, and seizes on it as an excuse for debauchery. Cicero contrasts Piso unfavourably with his &lsquoGreekling&rsquo, Philodemus, who he concedes is cultivated and writes witty verses. Philodemus&rsquos learned accomplishments, Cicero observes sarcastically, distinguish him from most Epicureans. In addition to gluttony, the school had a reputation for boorishness, which derived from another notorious maxim of Epicurus: &lsquoHoist sail and steer clear of all culture.&rsquo

    Drawing on the Epicureans&rsquo reputation for gluttony and boorishness, Cicero attacks Piso for living in a way which, although it is extravagant, does not conform to the cultural standards of a man of his high station &ndash the sort of man who lived at the Villa dei Papiri. Piso allegedly prefers the &lsquopleasures of the stomach&rsquo to those of the eyes and ears. He has no embossed silver, but only &lsquoenormous drinking cups&rsquo instead of shellfish (another delicacy), he serves half-rancid meat and his wine comes from the common barrel rather than from a private cellar. In other words, Piso has the sensual appetites of an Epicurean, unrefined by the tastes of an aristocrat. These tastes were both exotic and expensive &ndash as will be shown this summer in an exhibition devoted to the Romans&rsquo eating habits, at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (&lsquoLast Supper in Pompeii&rsquo, until 12 January 2020).

    Fresco with ducks and deer (c. 40 BC), Roman. Photo: Giorgio Albano courtesy Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli

    The artworks discovered at the villa certainly do not suggest that their owner was an unsophisticated glutton. Nevertheless, some of them may contain Epicurean &ndash or hedonistic &ndash overtones. One example is a fresco, dating to around 40 BC, of ducks and deer ready to be killed and eaten. The ducks dangle from the ceiling, one with its head drooping despondently one of the deer rests its head on the floor, its legs pathetically trussed. The fresco is an example of a Greek genre called xenia (&lsquohospitality&rsquo) paintings: still lifes representing exotic displays of food, which were used to emphasise the host&rsquos munificence. However, this painting, in addition to its generic function, may also &ndash viewed in an Epicurean light &ndash refer to the tranquillity which can come from the satisfaction of hunger. Or perhaps it is simply hedonistic.

    In fact, some Roman students of Epicurus may not have been too interested in subtle distinctions between pleasure as a means and as an end. This is suggested by the discovery, in a corner of the villa&rsquos larger peristyle garden, of a small bronze statue of a one-month-old female piglet. Despite not being the usual subject of an objet d&rsquoart, the piglet is elegantly cast, her front hooves raised, her ears flattened back along her head and her tail coiled up playfully. This statue may be a self-deprecating, or even self-indulgent, allusion to the Epicureans, whom their opponents regularly compared to pigs, the animals most naturally associated with gluttonous eating. (Cicero calls Piso an &lsquoEpicurus from the pigsty&rsquo.)

    This interpretation of the piglet is further supported by a pair of silver cups unearthed nearby at Boscoreale. These depict skeletons at a symposium, each representing a Greek philosopher or poet. One skeleton, labelled &lsquoZeno&rsquo (founder of Stoicism), leans on a staff as he disputes with another skeleton labelled &lsquoEpicurus&rsquo, who takes some food from a table. At his feet, a pig raises its snout up towards the food. Above the table is the inscription &lsquopleasure is the goal of life&rsquo. Once again, Epicurus&rsquos lofty ideas about tranquillity are ignored: pleasure is about food and drink.

    Portable sundial in the shape of a ham (1st century BC&ndash1st century AD), Roman. Photo: Luigi Spina courtesy Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli

    If the piglet at the Villa dei Papiri, like the Boscoreale cups, symbolises Epicureanism, it may also, like them, equate the philosophy with simple hedonism. Another object that may refer playfully to this tradition is a curious piece of technology also found at the villa: a portable bronze sundial &ndash the earliest known in the Roman world &ndash in the shape of a ham. This may reiterate the connection between the passing of time and sensual enjoyment, and allude again to the Epicurean &lsquopig&rsquo. Since the sundial can be dated to 8 BC or later, if it does carry Epicurean associations, these would have to be with an owner after the elder Piso&rsquos death. The most obvious candidate would be his son, Piso Pontifex, who was an Epicurean like his father, as well as a (far from boorish) patron of poets, and close adviser to the emperors Augustus and Tiberius. The sundial would thus bear witness to an ongoing tradition in which Epicureans both celebrated and gently mocked their own love of eating.

    Bust of Lucius Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus Pontifex (15 BC&ndash33 AD), Roman. Photo: Giorgio Albano courtesy Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli

    In one of his epigrams, Philodemus invites Piso to a feast at his humble &lsquocottage&rsquo in honour of Epicurus&rsquos birthday. He delicately contrasts the luxury of Piso&rsquos table, with its &lsquosow&rsquos udders and toasts of Chian wine&rsquo, with the simplicity of his own. At the same time, he flatters his patron&rsquos intellect by alluding to the Odyssee and suggesting that Piso will appreciate the learned conversation of the Greek Epicurean community. This epigram, like the villa&rsquos wall paintings, implies that wealthy Romans such as Piso, who studied Epicureanism in their leisure time, incorporated it into their own lives in a less thoroughgoing way than those observed by their poorer tutors from Greece, for whom philosophy was both a profession and a way of life.

    Another sign that the villa&rsquos owner was a less than fully committed Epicurean is the presence, among the villa&rsquos statues, of more than a dozen herm busts of kings and queens from the eastern Mediterranean of the Hellenistic period, such as, for example, that of Demetrios Poliorketes, king of Macedon, which was found in the larger peristyle garden. They may have been intended to function as models of the proper (and improper) behaviour of the Greek ruling class. The villa&rsquos owner could reflect on their successes and failures before returning to his political career in Rome. As a symbol of the glory and responsibility of ruling, the busts are inconsistent with Epicurus&rsquos command to &lsquokeep out of politics&rsquo. However, Piso and other Roman Epicureans seem simply to have ignored this rule, which did not fit with their public careers. Philodemus went along with his patron: the treatise he dedicated to Piso is an un-Epicurean &lsquomirror for princes&rsquo, in which Demetrios Poliorketes and other rulers are compared negatively with Homeric ideals of kingship. We can imagine Philodemus and Piso strolling through the colonnades, pondering the excesses and downfalls of the monarchs before them, and tactfully avoiding comparisons with Piso&rsquos son-in-law.

    Bust of Demetrios Poliorketes (1st century BC&ndash1st century AD), Roman. Photo: Luigi Spina courtesy Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli

    The Roman poet Lucretius, also an Epicurean, was a much sterner critic of his aristocratic patron Memmius than Philodemus was of Piso. Lucretius uses Epicureanism to satirise Roman society, which he perceived as corrupted by a feverish obsession with extravagance and political power. The fact that Lucretius could have such a different interpretation of Epicureanism from Piso, his contemporary, demonstrates that Greek thought, like Greek art, was not simply imported wholesale into Roman culture. Instead, individuals could pick and choose from it according to their needs.

    But Lucretius would surely have approved of some aspects of the Villa dei Papiri &ndash in particular, the belvedere. &lsquoIt is pleasant,&rsquo he says, &lsquowhen the winds are stirring up the waves of the great sea, to watch a shipwreck from the safety of the land.&rsquo The villa would have been an ideal spot for philosophical contemplation &ndash even if its owner, summoned back to business in Rome, would not always have been there to enjoy it.

    &lsquoBuried by Vesuvius: Treasures from the Villa dei Papiri&rsquo is at the Getty Villa, Pacific Palisades, CA, until 28 October.

    From the June 2019 issue of Apollo. Preview the current issue and subscribe here.


    Debauchery

    Some people come to find debauchery through the Bible, in a manner of speaking.

    In a number of modern versions the word may be found in Ephesians 5:18, as in The New International Version's translation: “Do not get drunk on wine, which leads to debauchery. Instead, be filled with the Spirit. ” The Greek word that is translated here as debauchery may be interpreted in many different ways: the King James Version uses excess, whereas the American Standard Version uses riot.

    Debauchery always involves behavior—especially sexual behavior or behavior involving alcohol or drugs—that some find morally objectionable. In biblical and spiritual contexts, the word debauchery is deadly serious, but in other situations the word often has a playful connotation, as when a group of friends goes out for a "night of debauchery."

    Debauchery began to be used in English in the beginning of the 17th century, and is formed from the earlier word debauch. As a verb debauch initially had the meaning of "to lead astray," especially when referring to leading someone away from another person to whom he or she has an allegiance or duty. In its earliest use as a noun debauch was often used to refer to an instance of eating or drinking too much.


    5) A long day of drama

    Theatre of Dionysos reconstruction

    Likely everyone knows that drama – most notably tragedies and comedies performed on stage – originated in Ancient Greece, specifically in Athens.

    I didn’t know, however, that the Greeks invented theatre festivals – the ancient equivalent to modern fringe festivals – as well.

    The City of Dionysia was a four-day festival held in March…. Because the City Dionysia coincided with the beginning of the sailing season, many foreigners and tourists would have been able to attend, including Athens’s allies. (p. 271)

    The festival took place at the Theatre of Dionysos in Athens, which could accommodate some 20,000 spectators.

    Garland is quick to warn, however, that,

    Going to the theatre was hardly a relaxing experience in the modern sense of the word, because the audience was expected to sit through four plays a day at least, or five if the tragic plays performed in the morning were followed by a comedy in the afternoon. That amounts to about ten hours of uninterrupted performance a day. There were no intervals, except between plays. Not surprisingly, audiences became extremely restless if they were bored or displeased. (p. 274)

    Such boredom, Garland adds, at times led the crowd to bombard the performers with stones and fruit.

    Now a modern-day comedic media trope for expressing derision toward a public performance, the throwing of fruit in particular is in reality both an artefact of history and as old as the act of public performance itself.

    Do you know any surprising or little-known facts about the ancient world, from either Ancient Greece or elsewhere? Let me know in the comments.


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