Maria II

Maria II

Mary, die dogter van James en Anne Hyde, is gebore in St. James's Palace, Londen, in 1662. Saam met haar suster Anne is sy as Protestant grootgemaak en in 1677 met haar neef, William, prins van Oranje.

Charles II en sy vrou, Catherine van Braganza, het geen kinders gehad nie. Daar was twee moontlike kandidate om Charles op te volg: James en James Scott, hertog van Monmouth, die oudste buite -egtelike seun van die koning. Net voordat hy in Februarie 1685 sterf, erken Charles dat hy 'n Katoliek was. Hy het ook aangekondig dat sy broer James hom op die troon sou opvolg.

In Junie 1685 land die hertog van Monmouth in Engeland met 'n klein leër. Aangesien hy 'n protestant was, het hy verwag dat die grootste deel van die bevolking sy aanspraak op die troon sou ondersteun, maar mense in Engeland was nie bereid om by 'n ander burgeroorlog betrokke te raak nie. Monmouth is dus maklik deur die leër van die koning verslaan.

Na hierdie oorwinning het James probeer om Katolieke vriende in magsposisies te plaas. Die toetswette het dit egter vir hom onmoontlik gemaak om dit te doen. Toe die parlement weier om hierdie wette te verander, ignoreer hy dit en begin katolieke aanstel in senior poste in die weermag en die regering.

James het ook aangekondig dat hy van plan was om Katolieke volkome godsdiensvryheid in Engeland toe te staan. Toe die aartsbiskop van Canterbury en ses ander biskoppe hierteen beswaar maak, het James opdrag gegee dat hulle gearresteer moet word en na die Tower of London gestuur word.

Sommige lede van die Laerhuis het boodskappe aan Holland gestuur waarin Mary en haar man, William, prins van Oranje, uitgenooi is om na Engeland te kom. Daar is aan Mary en William gesê dat hulle, net soos hulle protestante was, die parlement se steun sou kry as hulle probeer om James omver te werp.

In November 1688 arriveer William en sy Nederlandse leër in Engeland. Toe die Engelse weermag weier om die bevele van hul Katolieke offisiere te aanvaar, het James na Frankryk gevlug. Aangesien die omverwerping van James plaasgevind het sonder 'n gewelddadige burgeroorlog, het hierdie gebeurtenis bekend gestaan ​​as die Glorious Revolution.

William en Mary is nou deur die parlement aangestel as gesamentlike soewereine. Die parlement was egter vasbeslote dat hy nie 'n ander monarg sou hê wat sonder sy toestemming regeer nie. Die koning en die koningin moes belowe dat hulle altyd die wette van die parlement sou gehoorsaam. Hulle het ook ooreengekom dat hulle nooit geld sou insamel sonder die toestemming van die Parlement nie. Sodat hulle nie hul eie weg kon kry deur geweld te gebruik nie, kon William en Mary nie beheer oor hul eie leër behou nie. In 1689 is hierdie ooreenkoms bevestig deur die aanvaarding van die Handves van Regte.

Mary sterf kinderloos aan pokke in 1694.

Klagtes kom uit alle dele van Engeland en kla oor die geweld wat tydens die verkiesing van 1685 gebruik is ... Die metodes was so suksesvol dat Jakobus II gesê het dat daar slegs 40 parlementslede was waarmee hy ontevrede was.

Lord Russell het ons meegedeel dat u Hoogheid gereed en bereid is om ons hulp te verleen ... u Hoogheid kan verseker wees dat negentien uit twintig ... in die koninkryk ... wil verander.


Maria II van Engeland ('n Oranje -dinastie)

Maria II (O.S. 30 April 1662 - 27 Augustus 1719) was die gesamentlike soewerein van Engeland, Skotland en Ierland, saam met haar man (en eerste neef)   William III en II   vanaf 13 Februarie 1689 tot haar dood. Gebore as die eerste dogter van die Rooms -Katolieke James II en VII, sou sy haar voorganger met die steun van die parlement omverwerp as gevolg van haar protestantse neigings en is onmiddellik saam met haar man koningin en koning regent verklaar.

Sy was 'n hervormer en wou 'n regering van beperkte koninklike inmenging met die verloop van die Handves van Regte in 1689 handhaaf, en hoewel sy probeer het om haar eie magte te krom, het sy terselfdertyd die grootste deel van haar gesag aan haar man afgestaan, hoewel hy moes vertrou op haar om die volksmag in hul nasies te behou. Sy moes egter gereeld alleen optree in Engeland en Skotland gedurende die tydperk waarin William in die buiteland veg, en bewys dat sy 'n bekwame, hoewel ontkoppelde administrateur is.

Na haar eggenoot se dood in 1712, onttrek sy haar egter stadig uit die openbare lewe en verleen sy meer mag aan haar seun en erfgenaam tydens die onstuimige vyftienjarige oorlog, die toekomstige William IV, en#160 wat per maand deur die parlement aangestel is voor Mary se dood om prinsregent te wees met die mag om in haar naam op te tree.


Mary is op 30 April 1662 in die St. James 'Palace in Londen gebore. Ten tye van haar geboorte was haar pa slegs die hertog van York, aangesien sy ouer broer Charles II nog steeds koning van Engeland, Skotland en Ierland was. Dit was ook voordat haar pa hom tot Katolisisme bekeer het, en daarom is Maria as 'n Anglikaan gedoop.

Wikimedia Commons

Koning Willem III en koningin Mary II (1689 - 1702)

William is in Den Haag in Nederland gebore. Hy was die enigste kind en het nooit sy vader William II geken wat voor sy geboorte aan pokke gesterf het nie. Sy moeder was Maria, die oudste dogter van Karel I van Engeland. William is in 1672 aangestel as Stadtholder (hooflanddros) en kaptein-generaal van die Nederlandse magte om die Franse inval in Nederland te weerstaan. Hy dwing Lodewyk XIV in 1678 om vrede te maak en konsentreer daarna op die opbou van 'n Europese alliansie teen Frankryk. In 1677 trou hy met sy neef Mary, die oudste dogter van James, hertog van York, die toekomstige James II. Die huwelik was bedoel om die verhouding tussen Engeland en Nederland te herstel na die Anglo-Nederlandse oorloë. William was 'n suksesvolle soldaat, maar het verskeie manlike gunstelinge gehad, was sterk, asma, 12 jaar ouer en 'n paar sentimeter korter as sy Engelse vrou Mary, 'n huiwerige bruid.

In 1688 is hulle deur die parlementêre opposisie teen die vader van Mary, James II, uitgenooi om die kroon op Engeland te neem en is verseker van Engelse steun. William het op 5 November 1688 in Torbay geland, in 463 skepe wat die Royal Navy onbestrede was, en met 'n leër van 14.000 troepe wat plaaslike steun bymekaargemaak het, het dit tot meer as 20.000 gegroei en gevorder op Londen in wat bekend gestaan ​​het as 'The Glorious Revolution'. James vlug na Frankryk, en in Februarie 1689 word William en sy vrou gekroon as koning William III en koningin Mary II. Die parlement het die handves van regte goedgekeur, wat die katolieke verhinder het om op die troon te slaag en te verseker dat Mary se suster Anne die volgende koningin sou word, en nadat die outokratiese reëls van konings Charles II en sy broer James II die magte van monarge beperk het sodat hulle kon wetgewing aanvaar of belasting hef sonder parlementêre toestemming nie.

William en Mary staan ​​in 1689 voor twee Jakobitiese pogings om die troon te herwin. In Skotland is regeringstroepe by Killiekrankie deur die Skotse Jacobiete verslaan, maar kort daarna in Dunkeld gewen, en James II het saam met Franse troepe in Ierland geland en Londonderrry beleër. Die vloot van William het die beleg verlig, en hy het die leër gelei tot 'n oorwinning tydens die Slag van die Boyne in Julie 1690. James vlug terug na Frankryk. William keer verskeie kere terug na Nederland, maar vind die Engelse parlement huiwerig om sy voortgesette oorlog met Frankryk te ondersteun. Die Bank of England is in 1694 gestig om openbare uitgawes te beheer. Williamsburg en die kollege van William en Mary in Virginia, is in 1693 na die koning en koningin vernoem.

Mary sterf in 1694 aan pokke en het geen kinders oorleef nie. William regeer nou alleen. Die Vrede van Rijswijk in 1697 was die einde van die oorlog met Lodewyk XIV in Vlaandere. William sluit 'n alliansie tussen Engeland, Holland en Oostenryk om die vereniging van die Franse en Spaanse krone te voorkom. Dit het bekend geword as die 'Oorlog van Spaanse opvolging'. In 1701 na die dood van prins William, die enigste oorlewende seun van Mary se suster Anne, is die Wet op Skikking aanvaar om die opvolging van Protestantse erfgename van Sophie van Hanover in plaas van die Katolieke erfgename van James te verseker. William sterf op 1702 aan longontsteking na 'n gebreekte kraagbeen na 'n val van sy perd. Omdat sy perd na bewering op 'n mol se gat gestruikel het, het Jakobiete 'die klein heer in die swart fluweel onderbaadjie' gerooster.


Vroeë lewe

Mary, wat in Londen gebore is, was die oudste dogter van die hertog van York (die toekomstige James II) en van sy eerste vrou, die Lady Anne Hyde. Die oom van Mary was koning Charles II, haar oupa aan moederskant, Edward Hyde, eerste graaf van Clarendon, het 'n lang tyd as Charles se hoofadviseur gedien. Alhoewel haar ouers agt kinders gebaar het, het slegs Mary en haar jonger suster Anne tot volwassenheid oorleef.

Die hertog van York het in 1668 of 1669 tot Rooms -Katolisisme oorgegaan, maar Mary en Anne het 'n protestantse opvoeding gehad, volgens die bevel van Charles II. Mary se ma sterf in 1671, haar pa trou weer in 1673 en neem as sy tweede vrou die Katolieke Maria van Modena, ook bekend as Mary Beatrice d'Este.

Op vyftienjarige ouderdom het prinses Mary verloof geraak aan die Protestantse stadhouer en prins van Oranje, William III. William was die seun van haar tante, Mary, Prinses Royal en Prinses van Oranje, en van Prins Willem II van Nassau. Aanvanklik het Charles II die bondgenootskap met 'n Nederlandse heerser gekant - hy het verkies dat Mary met die erfgenaam van die Franse troon, die Dauphin Louis, trou - maar daarna goedgekeur, aangesien 'n koalisie met die Nederlanders polities gunstiger word. Onder druk van die parlement het die hertog van York tot die huwelik ingestem en valslik aangeneem dat dit sy gewildheid onder Protestante sou verbeter. Die eerste neefs Mary en William trou op 4 November 1677 in Londen.

Mary is na Nederland, waar sy saam met haar man gewoon het. Sy het nie 'n gelukkige huwelik geniet nie; haar drie swangerskappe het geëindig met 'n miskraam of doodgeboorte. Sy het gewild geraak by die Nederlandse bevolking, maar haar man het haar verwaarloos of selfs mishandel. William het lank 'n verhouding onderhou met Elizabeth Villiers, een van Mary se inwagende dames.


Betekenis van die glorieryke rewolusie

Engelse Katolieke het sosiaal sowel as polities gely onder die Glorious Revolution. Vir meer as 'n eeu mag Katolieke nie stem nie, in die parlement sit of as militêre offisiere dien. Tot 2015 is die sitende monarg van Engeland verbied om Katoliek te wees of om met 'n Katoliek te trou. Die Engelse Handves van Regte van 1689 begin die tydperk van die Engelse parlementêre demokrasie. Nie sedert die inwerkingtreding daarvan het 'n Engelse koning of koningin absolute politieke mag gehad nie.

Die Glorious Revolution het ook 'n belangrike rol gespeel in die geskiedenis van die Verenigde State. Die Revolusie bevry die Protestantse Puriteine ​​wat in die Amerikaanse kolonies woon, van verskeie van die streng wette wat die Katolieke koning James II hulle opgelê het. News of the Revolution het die hoop op onafhanklikheid onder die Amerikaanse koloniste aangewakker, wat gelei het tot verskeie protesoptredes en opstande teen die Engelse bewind.

Die belangrikste is dat die Glorieryke Revolusie die basis was vir grondwetlike wetgewing wat die regeringsmag bepaal en definieer, asook die toekenning en beperking van regte. Hierdie beginsels rakende die verdeling van bevoegdhede en funksies onder goed omskrewe uitvoerende, wetgewende en regsprekende takke van die regering is opgeneem in die grondwette van Engeland, die Verenigde State en baie ander Westerse lande.


Vroeë jare

Mary Stuart is gebore op 8 Desember 1542 in die Linlithgow -paleis, Wes -Lothian, Skotland. Mary se pa is dood toe sy net ses dae oud was, wat haar koningin van Skotland maak.

Mary was die dogter van koning James V van Skotland en sy tweede vrou, Mary of Guise. Oupagrootjie van Mary was Henry VII, wat Henry VIII haar groot oom gemaak het. Elizabeth I was Mary & aposs neef.

Aangesien Maria slegs 'n baba was, het haar oupa Henry VIII 'n bod vir beheer gedoen. Haar ma het egter namens Mary en Aposs as regent opgetree.

Mary was aanvanklik verloof aan Henry VIII en aposs seun, prins Edward van Engeland, wat uiteindelik koning Edward VI geword het. Skotse Katolieke maak egter beswaar teen hierdie plan, aangesien Engeland van die Katolieke Kerk geskei het. Toe die wedstryd nietig verklaar word, val Engeland Skotland aan tydens aanvalle wat bekend staan ​​as "The Rough Wooing."

Op die ouderdom van 5 is Mary na Frankryk gestuur, waar sy grootgeword het in die luukse Franse hof. Die moeder van Mary en aposs was Frans, en die Skotte het 'n jarelange alliansie met Frankryk gehad, en Maria was toe verloof aan die vierjarige Franse erfgenaam.

'N Portret van koningin Elizabeth I (links) met Mary, Queen of Scots.

Foto's: DeAgostini/Getty Images National Galleries of Scotland/Getty Images


Koningin Victoria (24 Mei 1819 - 22 Januarie 1901)

  • Koningin van die Verenigde Koninkryk van Groot -Brittanje en Ierland: 20 Junie 1837 - 22 Januarie 1901
  • Kroning: 28 Junie 1838
  • Keiserin van Indië: 1 Mei 1876 - 22 Januarie 1901

Koningin Victoria van die Verenigde Koninkryk was die langste regerende monarg van Groot-Brittanje. Sy regeer tydens 'n tyd van ekonomiese en imperiale uitbreiding en gee haar naam aan die Victoriaanse era. Sy het getroud met 'n neef, prins Albert van Saxe-Coburg en Gotha, toe hulle albei sewentien jaar oud was, en het sewe kinders gehad voor sy dood in 1861 haar in 'n lang rouperiode gestuur het.


Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mary II (1662-1694)

MARIE II (1662–1694), koningin van Engeland, Skotland en Ierland, oudste kind van James, hertog van York [q. v.], en sy eerste hertogin, Anne Hyde [q. v.], is gebore in die St. James's Palace 30 April 1662. Haar geboorte, vanweë haar geslag, het 'niemand behaag nie' (Pepys, Dagboek, ek. 442), en verloor die betekenis wat dit gehad het deur die geboorte, vyftien maande later, van haar oudste broer. Toe sy twee jaar oud was, het Pepys (ib. siek. 44) sien die hertog van York met haar speel 'soos 'n gewone privaat vader' en hy sien haar weer, naby ses, ''n klein kindjie in moue hang, fynste dans, sodat haar ore amper so erg was goed '(ib. vi. 43). Haar vroeë dae was deels in die huis van haar oupa Clarendon in Twickenham, maar sy en die hertog se ander kinders is daarna in die Richmond -paleis gevestig onder die sorg van hul goewernante, Lady Frances Villiers, wie se dogters, saam met Anne Trelawney en Sarah Jennings , was onder die speelmaats van die jong prinsesse. Die hertog van York moes sy dogters as protestante laat opvoed uit die vrees dat hulle heeltemal van hom weggeneem sou word (Die lewe van Jakobus II, ek. 503). Dit lyk asof 'n soort algemene toesig oor hul opvoeding uitgeoefen is deur Morley, biskop van Winchester, wat die vertroue van die kanselier Clarendon geniet het, en 'n aansienlike invloed gehad het op die aanstellings in die hertog van York se huishouding (Plumptre, Ken se lewe, ek. 128). Die godsdienstige opleiding van Mary en Anne was egter hoofsaaklik in die hande van Compton, biskop van Londen, wat die grondslag gelê het van Mary se stewige protestantse sentiment, en aan wie sy altyd hartlik geheg bly (Burnet, iii. 111–12). In die latere jare van haar kinderjare was dr. Lake, daarna aartsdiaken en prebendary van Exeter, en dr. Doughty onder haar kapelane (Meer, bl. 8, 24 vgl. Krämer, p. 74). Haar Franse tutor was Peter de Laine, wat haar vaardighede (juffrou Strickland, x 247) hoog op prys stel deur die dwerge, Richard Gibson [q. v.] en sy vrou. Gibson het haar daarna na Holland vergesel. By 'n Franse dansmeester (Pepys) het sy 'n prestasie geleer wat sy in 1688 beskryf het as voorheen 'een van haar mooiste plesiere' (ap. Doebner, p. 5), en wat sy in Desember 1674 voor die hof uitstal, toe sy het met groot toejuiging die rol van Calisto in Crowne se masker met die naam ingeneem. Dryden het die prinsesse gekomplimenteer in 'n epiloog waarin die masker in 1675 gedruk is en aan haar opgedra is.

Die weggooi van Maria se hand het gou 'n interessante politieke vraag geword. Na die dood van haar jongste broer Edgar, hertog van Cambridge (1671), het sy weer erfgenaam geword vir die kroon, en haar pa het by sy tweede huwelik geen kinders gehad nie, tot die geboorte van 'n dogter in 1675. Dit was duidelik dat die keuse van 'n man vir haar óf 'n ander skakel in die beleid van onderdanigheid aan Frankryk moet bewys, óf 'n tjek op die polis. Reeds in 1672 blyk die skema van 'n huwelik tussen William, toe in sy drie-en-twintigste jaar, en Mary in Holland bespreek te wees en in Frankryk bekend te wees (Kramer, bl. 75 en nota). Na die beëindiging van die Nederlandse oorlog wat in daardie jaar begin het, is die plan herleef (1674), maar nog steeds sonder om deur die Engelse hof in aanmerking geneem te word. Want sedert 1673 het die Franse diplomasie begin om die hertog van York te vlei met die hoop op die hand van die dauphin vir sy oudste dogter, en omdat William beide van die hertog en Karel II afkeer, wou hulle nie met hom onderhandel oor 'n huwelik nie, by alle gebeure tot vrede moes tussen die Verenigde Provinsies en Frankryk gesluit gewees het (Dalrymple, i. 148. 158, 178 seqq. en vgl. ib. bl. 159 Jones's Geheime geskiedenis van Whitehall). In 1675 is die Nederlandse huwelikskema egter deur Danby en sy kollegas aangeneem as deel van hul beleid om die parlement en openbare gevoel te verslap (Die lewe van Jakobus II, ek. 500-502) en Karel II het die afsending van 'n spesiale sending na Holland goedgekeur. Die Prins van Oranje het egter op sy beurt 'n koue ontvangs ontvang van die ouverture van die Engelse gesante, wat hom die hand van die prinses Maria beloof het as hy sou instem met die algemene vrede waarvoor konferensies dan begin, en dit was ook nie tot die in die herfs van 1677 dat hy die onderhandeling in eie hande belas het, 'n besoek aan die Engelse hof gebring het. Alhoewel Maria nog so jonk was - sy is eers in hierdie jaar deur biskop Compton bevestig - het haar pa, wat aanvanklik sy toestemming geweier het, toegegee aan die koning se bevel (ib. ek. 503 Macpherson, Oorspronklike referate, ek. 82). William het waarskynlik gedink daar is geen tyd om verlore te gaan nie, behalwe dat die Franse ontwerpe blykbaar sprake was van 'n Sweedse pak (Pufendorf ap. Klopf, ii. 75). Die vrede van Nimeguen was nog steeds ongeteken en beide in Holland en in Engeland, waar William persoonlik ongewild was, is gevrees dat hy die belange van die alliansie teen Frankryk sou verraai, sonder om die hand van die Engelse prinses te kry. Barillon is deur die hertog van York verseker dat geen resolusie oor haar huwelik geneem moet word sonder die advies van Lodewyk XIV nie, en die Oostenrykse ambassadeur was verbaas oor 'n ondersoek of die jong koning Charles II van Spanje as 'n moontlike vryer beskou kan word. Maar op 18 Oktober het William, met die toestemming van die koning, die hertog om sy dogter se hand gevra, en op die 21ste het die hertog, nadat hy hom so goed as moontlik vir Barillon verontskuldig het, aangedui dat hy die wedstryd goedgekeur het, wat aangekondig is deur Charles na 'n privaatraad wat die volgende dag gehou is as bewys van sy sorg vir 'godsdiens' (Die lewe van Jakobus II, ek. 509). Die publikasie van die aankondiging, hoewel dit in Engeland algemeen ontvang is en met vreugdevure gevier word, het blykbaar 'n paar vermoedens gewek dat William vasgevang was in die koninklike beleid, maar dit was eers nadat die huweliksartikels onmiddellik opgestel is deur Danby binne drie dae dat die prins onderhandel het oor die vrede. Die enigste hindernis vir die vinnige afsluiting van die huwelik was die vertraging wat veroorsaak is deur die bestelling van die trourokke in Parys, 'n stap wat soveel aanstoot gegee het in die stad dat daar besluit is om geen openbare feeste te beveel nie.

Op die middag van 21 Oktober was Mary in die St. James's Palace deur haar pa in kennis gestel van sy instemming met die wedstryd, 'waarop sy die hele middag en die volgende dag gehuil het' (Lake, p. 5). Diverse komplimentêre gehore het gevolg (ib. 5, 24) en op 4 November is die troue deur biskop Compton in die bruid se woonstelle gevier. Waller het die epithalamium (Werk, red. R. Bell. 1854, bl. 200): die jocosity is deur King Charles verskaf en daar blyk geen gebrek aan lojale betogings in Londen te wees nie (ib. bl. 6). Maar die nuus van die verlowing het groot woede opgewek in Lodewyk XIV, wat die pensioen wat hy aan Charles II betaal het, gestaak het (Dalrymple, i. 181 vgl.) Op die dag na die troue het William, deur Bentinck, aan sy bruid 'n morgengabe van juwele, ter waarde van 40 000l. (Meer). Maar die bittere ervarings van haar huwelikslewe het nie lank begin nie. Op 7 November het die hertogin van York 'n seun gebaar, en hoewel hy net tien dae oorleef het, was dit waarskynlik nie 'n gebeurtenis wat Wiliiam in goeie humeur sou bring nie. Ongeveer dieselfde tyd was die prinses Anne met pokke opgedoen, en Mary kon deur haar man nie aangespoor word om die besmette paleis van St. James te verlaat nie, waar sy troos van haar kapelaan, dr. 9). Teenstrydige winde het die vertrek van die prins en prinses vertraag, en in die tussenpose het William, wat in die vredesonderhandelinge opgeneem was, min aandag aan sy bruid geneem. Daar was 'n verskil van twaalf jaar tussen hulle ouderdomme; hy was swak en stilswyend, en die vooruitsig om Engeland te verlaat, lyk vir haar vol ellende in haar eensaamheid.

Op die oggend van 19 November het die prins en prinses in die geselskap van die hele koninklike gesin van Whitehall af boot geneem, maar ongunstige weer het hulle verplig om 'n détour deur Canterbury, waar hulle van 23 tot 26 November gebly het. Op die 28ste vaar hulle uiteindelik van Margate af (Lake, pp. 9-12 vgl. Plumptre, i. 137 n.) Na 'n onstuimige reis het hulle by Ter-Heyde aangekom, waarvandaan hulle onmiddellik herstel het na Honslardyke, die gunsteling landstoel van die Princes of Orange (Lake, p. 12). Hulle formele inskrywing in Den Haag is tot 14 Desember vertraag.

Mary is vergesel na Holland deur twee van die dogters van Lady Frances Villiers, Elizabeth en Anne, en deur haar gunsteling, Anne Trelawney, wat daarna uit haar diens ontslaan is deur "William. 'N Ander van haar erediensmeisies was Jane Wroth, wat Zulestein die eerste keer verlei het. Omring deur hierdie woelige meisies, en soms, soos blyk uit haar briefwisseling, self nie geneig was om aan hul vrolikheid deel te neem nie, blyk Mary van die eerste af dat sy volmaakte soberheid van gedrag in haar nuwe huis gehandhaaf het. (wat spottend 'Papa' of 'Pater' Hooper, later biskop van Bath and Wells genoem word), wat dr. Lloyd (daarna biskop van Worcester) opgevolg het as een van haar kapelane, het 'n gedetailleerde verslag van haar lewenswyse gelaat, waarin hy was bang dat hy haar in die agtien maande van sy bywoning nooit by haar gesien het nie, iets wat hy sou kon wens dat sy nie sou wou doen nie. was t maar sy het weer 'n gewoonte, waaruit hy haar vroeër aangeraai het, hervat om soms op Sondae kaart te speel. Hy was egter skaars minder ontsteld omdat hy verneem het dat sy af en toe aanbid by die Engelse nie-konformistiese kerk wat deur die State-Generaal in Den Haag (Lake, Dagboek, bl. 22, 26 vgl. Plumptre, ek. '146).

Haar gewone woning was die bekende 'House in the Wood' naby die Hasrue. In die hoofstad self, terwyl haar oom Clarendon 'n kort tydjie as Engelse ambassadeur gewoon het, het sy slegs by staatsgeleenthede gaan woon. Die paleis by die Loo, naby Apeldoorn, waarvan sy die grondsteen gelê het, is eers in 1680 opgerig. haar eetkamer, aangesien haar man nooit saam met haar geëet het nie (ib. ek. 141). Ongetwyfeld het haar karakter net geleidelik gevorm, en sy het nog nie in godsdiens 'n wondermiddel gevind vir haar probleme nie. Die Prins van Oranje, hoewel hy haar stiefma en suster met baie hoflikheid ontvang het tydens hul besoek aan die Den Haag in die herfs van 1678, het sy vrou steeds die koudste gebly. Die huwelik het kinderloos gebly, Mary se verwagtinge was vroeg in 1678 teleurgesteld, en weer in 1670 in die laaste jaar het die Nederlandse klimaat haar aan die aanval blootgestel, en sy is onder die sorg van die jonger dr. Drelincourt gestuur Aix-la-Chapelle (Clarendon Korrespondensie, ek. 42 vgl. Krämer, p. 109). Haar kwaal het moontlik bygedra tot William se onverskilligheid, waarop hy publisiteit verleen het deur Elizabeth Villiers as sy minnares te vestig. Die prins was besig met politiek, waarvoor Maria erken dat sy geen smaak het nie. Boonop was sy nie skuldig nie, maar sy was baie geknyp vir geld uit haar huweliksgedeelte van 40 000l. dit lyk asof slegs die helfte aan haar betaal is, en haar pa het haar nie 'n toelae gemaak nie en ook nie die gebruiklike juweliersgeskenke aan haar gegee nie (Burnet, iii. 1 33). dus het haar hele jaarlikse inkomste minder as 4 000 beloopl '., 'n tiende van die som wat later deur James II aan die prinses Anne toegelaat is (Kramer, pp. 107-8 Clarendon Korrespondensie, ek. 20 vgl. Macaulay, ii. 408. In 1686 'n jaarlikse inkomste van 25,000l. skynbaar deur die staatsgeneraal op Mary afgehandel in ruil vir 'n lening van William III sien Ellis Korrespondensie, ek. 188).

Die hertog van York het vroeg in 1679 sy dogter in Den Haag besoek, en na 'n verblyf in Aix-la-Chapelle het sy besoek ontvang van Monmouth (27 September) en van die hertog en hertogin van York saam met prinses Anne (6 Okt.) Dit was Mary se laaste ontmoeting met haar pa. Dit lyk asof sy met haar stiefma speels vertroud was (die hertogin spreek haar toe as haar 'liewe suurlemoen', sien juffrou Strickland, x. 298). Prinses Anne is by hierdie geleentheid vergesel deur Lady Churchill, tussen wie en Maria is dit moontlik dat die sade van 'n blywende antipatie nou gesaai is (ib. bl. 301).

In Maart en April 1680 het Mary aan 'n ernstige siekte gely, en dit was onwaarskynlik dat sy op 'n tyd sou herstel (H. Sidney, ii. 3). Ken, wat nou haar kapelaan was, en wat, ondanks haar latitudinêre neigings, 'n groot belangstelling in haar gehad het, was so bedroef oor die onvriendelikheid van haar man teenoor hom dat hy met enige risiko besluit het om met hom oor die onderwerp te praat. Ken sowel as sir Gabriel Sylvius sou graag wou hê dat sy 'n besoek aan Engeland sou bring (ib. pp. 19-20, 26-7, 53 vgl. Plumptre, ek. 125, 146, 150). Ook D'Avaux, wat omstreeks 1682-4 die Franse ambassadeur in Den Haag was, het 'n minuut verslag gegee van die sombere manier waarop sy gewoonlik haar dae deurgebring het (juffrou Strickland, x. 323-6). Maar te midde van hierdie beproewings het die edelste elemente in haar natuur begin om hulself en deur haar vrolike onderdanigheid te laat geld, die produk van 'n natuurlike soetheid van geaardheid en van 'n pligsgevoel wat volwasse word deur die gewoonte van toewydingsoefeninge en deur die godsdienstige invloede rondom haar, het sy die harte van die Nederlandse volk gewerf. Tydens 'n besoek wat sy in Februarie 1681 deur die prins aan Amsterdam aan Amsterdam gebring het, was die entoesiasme wat deur haar opgewonde was, uitermatig (sir L. Jenkins aan Savile, in Saviie Correspondence, red. W. D. Cooper, Camd. Soc, 1857). Die gewildheid wat sy so verkry het, het sy nooit verloor nie, en William het daarna vrylik erken dat dit sy eie oortref het (Macaulay, iv. 6). In ruil daarvoor het sy 'n blywende liefde vir die Nederlanders ontvang (Dalrymple, iii. 123 gravin Bentinck, pp. 119 et al. En sien ib. bl. 141). Sy het die Nederlandse taal aangeleer, in elk geval voldoende om 'n brief daarin te kon skryf (Dalrymple, iii. 87).

Die betrekkinge tussen Maria en haar vader het blykbaar onveranderd gebly voor sy troonbestyging, hoewel die huwelik in 1683 van haar suster Anne met prins George van Denemarke, 'n staat wat destyds in bondgenootskap met Frankryk was, as 'n teenslag beskou word die Nederlandse wedstryd (Klopp, ii. 416 volg.) Selfs in 1684 erken die hertog van York, toe sy Mary gevra het om met die prins te betoog vir sy gemoedelikhede teenoor Monmouth en ander 'sterflike vyande' van haar vader, haar eie onthouding van die politiek ( Dalrymple, ii. 1, 70). Toe Monmouth egter in Januarie 1685 na Den Haag kom, het Mary, seker van haar man se goedkeuring, geen geheim gehou van die plesier wat sy in die besoekersgeselskap op die ys en elders geniet het nie (sien die bekende beskrywing, gestig deur Macaulay, i. 527, oor Birch s Extracts cf. Miss Strickland, x. 327). By die toetreding van James II, wat hy baie vriendelik aan Mary in kennis gestel het, moes Monmouth vinnig ontslaan word. Die spanning tussen die twee howe wat deur sy noodlottige ekspedisie veroorsaak is, word verder verhoog deur die onbeslistheid van Skelton, James se ambassadeur in Den Haag. Dr Coveil, Ken se opvolger as kapelaan van die prinses, het Skelton meegedeel dat die ontrouheid van die prins haar hart breek (Clarendon Korrespondensie, ek. 163-6). Die aanname van Macaulay (ii. 172-3) dat William op hierdie datum al jaloers was op die posisie van sy vrou ten opsigte van die Engelse opvolging, terwyl haar politieke onkunde haar verhinder het om deur te dring tot die oorsaak van sy ontevredenheid, berus op die verhaal van Burnet, wat volgens sy eie verklaring die moeilikheid heldhaftig opgelos het. Nadat hy in die somer van 1686 in Holland aangekom het, is Burnet, hoewel hy feitlik 'n vlugteling was, dadelik deur die prins en prinses ontvang, en nadat sy haar vertroue gekry het deur aan haar 'n ontwerp bekend te maak vir die moord op haar man, kon hy bespreek met haar die algemene situasie. Die gevolg was dat sy in sy teenwoordigheid die prins belowe het dat hy altyd die heerskappy moet dra, en slegs 'n belofte van liefde in ruil daarvoor eis (Eie tyd, iii. 131 sek.) Dartmouth se siening (ib. bl. 139 nota), dat die prins, voordat hy die Engelse poging sou aangaan, vir Burnet opdrag gegee het om hierdie belofte van die prinses te verkry, net te veel waarskynlikheid het. Macaulay (ib. 179) het homself oortuig dat voortaan 'volledige vertroue en vriendskap' tussen William en Mary geheers het, maar daar moet op gelet word dat Elizabeth Villiers se opkoms oor die prins voortduur gedurende die hele lewe van sy vrou, wat self verwys na die verband (Doebner, bl. 42 ). Wat Burnet betref, toe Jakobus II in 1687 twee keer aan Mary geskryf het om daarop aan te dring dat hy haar hof verbied word, is daar aan die eis gehoor gegee en het sy hom nie weer gesien tot 'n paar dae voordat William na Engeland gevaar het nie (Own Time, iii. 173) . Oor die besondere voorstellings van haar pa se nuwe gesant, D'Albeville, word Mary deur Burnet gesê (ib. pp. 177-8) met soveel eerlikheid geantwoord het dat hy haar beskryf het as in hierdie sake meer ondraaglik as haar man. Ongeag deur die geskrewe of gesproke welsprekendheid van die afgesant van haar vader, Penn, ondersteun sy konsekwent al die betogings wat William aan James gerig het deur D'Albeville en Dykvelt oor die Declaration of Indulgence (1687) (ib. bl. 173 vgl. Macaulay, ii. 232 Mazure, ii. 199). Tot op hede het James aan Maria teerheid getoon dat hy haar voorbidding namens biskop Compton verwerp het toe hy voor die hooggeregshof verskyn het (Macaulay, ii. 408), en hy het 'n dowe oor gedraai na haar versoek dat hy sy invloed met Louis moes gebruik XIV om die beslaglegging op die prinsdom Oranje te voorkom - 'n weiering wat blykbaar diep in haar gedagtes geplaas het (Mazure, iii. 16o). Op 4 November 1687, met behulp van 'n vraag wat Mary aan D'Albeville gestel het, het James 'n uitgebreide brief aan haar gerig op grond van sy bekering na Rome, wat die ambassadeur haar tydens Kersfees afgelewer het, met 'n boodskap waarin sy haar gratis versoek het kommentaar. She in reply argued the whole question with ability and candour, ending with a fervent declaration of her conviction as to the truth of the protestant faith, and of her resolution to adhere to it (both letters are printed by Countess Bentinck, pp. 4-17). James retorted by recommending his daughter to read certain controversial books, and to discuss the subject in detail with Father Morgan, an English Jesuit then at the Hague. On 17 Feb. 1688 she answered that while taking the former she declined the latter advice (ib. pp. 18-24) ​ 'Nobody,' she wrote, 'has ever been railed into conviction,' Furthermore, she sent an account of the whole transaction to Anne and Compton and (through her chaplain, Dr. Stanley) to Sancroft. A few months later, after again taking the sacrament, she read the papers left behind her by her mother on her conversion [see Hyde, Anne], and informed her father of the fact (ib. pp. 57-64 Clarendon Correspondence ', ii. 484 seqq. cf. Burnet, iii. 195-204).

In the transactions which followed the Princess of Orange completely identified herself with her husband. Pensionary Fagel's letter, printed early in 1688, was intended as a kind of joint manifesto by William and Mary on the English question ( Macaulay , ii. 261-2 cf. Burnet , iii. 215-17). She was much agitated by the attempted recall of the English regiments from Holland, and wrote on the subject to James, who thereupon angrily broke off his attempts for her conversion (Herinneringe ap. Countess Bentinck , p. 65 cf. Dalrymple , ii. bk. v. p. 10). At Honslardyke, whither she had accompanied William after the discovery of a plot against his life (Herinneringe, u.s., p. 72), they heard of the imprisonment of the seven bishops (8 June) —a proceeding which specially shocked Mary — and of the birth of the Prince of W r ales (10 June), at which neither the ladies designated by Mary to represent her nor the ambassador of the States-General had been present ( Tylor , iii. 41). Mary's autobiographical memoirs make it clear that she viewed this event with no feeling of personal disappointment (u.s. p. 73 cf. Burnet , iii. 260) but it is noticeable that not long before the birth she had felt herself, as she describes it, awaking from a kind of fool's paradise, and coming to perceive how much it behoved her for the sake of the protestant religion to wish that she might attain to the crown (Memoirs, u.s., p. 62). It is also clear that though on the arrival of the news the prince and the princess sent Zulestein to England with their congratulations, while she ordered that the Prince of Wales should be prayed for in her chapel, she at least cherished suspicions from the first (ib. bl. 74). She engaged in an active correspondence on the subject with Anne ( Miss Strickland , i. 364-5 cf. Account of Conduct, pp. 23-4). Anne's excessive vehemence at first failed to convince Mary when, however, the spuriousness of the birth was with increasing persistency asserted in England, and much dissatisfaction was there expressed with the offering of prayers at the IIa$rue, William and Mary absented themselves from D'Albeville's fete in honour of the birth, and ordered the prayers to cease. They were onlyresumed (against Mary's wish) when the indignation of James threatened an immediate rupture, and were once more stopped by her orders, so soon as William had started on his expedition (Herinneringe ap. Countess Bentinck , pp. 61-76 Burnet , ii. 259-60 and note Life of James II, bl. 161 Miss Strickland , x. 364-o Klopp , iii. 4 1 , 55 seqq. Dalrymple , vol. ii. Ellis , Original Letters, 1st ser. iii. 348-9). Mary's conduct on this occasion was never forgiven by her father, but she was sincerely convinced that fraud had been practised, and thenceforth regarded her father's dethronement by her husband as inevitable (Herinneringe, u.s., pp. 75-6).

As the time for William's expedition to England drew near, he and Mary were kept informed of James's secret proceedings by Lord and Lady Sunderland, of whom the latter appears to have corresponded with Mary. A former chamberlain of the princess, a Genevan named Verace, who had resigned his office under rather suspicious circumstances, and had been superseded by a nobleman much disliked by James, Lord Coote, nearly succeeded in bringing these communications to the knowledge of the king through Skelton but the revelation was averted by Sunderland (cf. as to Verace, Herinneringe ap. Countess Bentinck pp.65 seqq.) During William's absence at Minden Mary remained at the Loo, able to give more time to devotion, and, according to her wont in the great crises of her life, ' opening her heart to nobody' (ib. pp. 77-8). In September her father was still professing to her his hope that she was ignorant of her husband's designs but though she was well aware of them, she had not altogether abandoned the hope of a different solution. As late as the beginning of October she suggested to D'Albeville, according to the Danish minister at the Hague, that James should break off his alliance with Louis XIV, and place a large military and naval force at the disposal of the States-General for the purpose of offensive operations against France. The project, which D'Albeville circulated with a lijjrht heart, was of course strangled in the birth (see Mazure, iii. 201-3 cf. Klopp, iv. 147). Burnet, who saw the princess at the Hague a day or two before the sailing of the expedition, describes her as very solemn and serious. She was, he says, praying for the divine blessing on the enterprise, and declared she would spare no efforts to prevent ' any disjointing between her interests and those of her consort' (Chen Time, iii. 311). About the same time Wil ​ liam himself spoke to her, very tenderly as she says, on the subject of her marrying again should he fall ancl she answered him with effusive affection, ' If she lost him she should not care for an angel ' (Memoirs ap. Countess Bentinck, p. 81).

For a month after "William's departure Mary remained in absolute retirement, only emerging to attend the public prayers in addition to those held in the palace. The extra-ordinary sympathy of which she found herself the object inspired her with fears that the devil (as to whose personality she had a strong conviction) was tempting her with vanity. At last she received, though not from William himself, information of his landing, and began to hold receptions, but declined to play cards. Her pleasure when tidings arrived from his own hand was disturbed by the news of a fresh design against his life. On 30 Dec. she heard of her father's flight, receiving at the same time William's orders to hold herself in readiness for departure (ib. pp. 89-92). Before leaving, however, she had to entertain at the Hague the Elector Frederick III of Brandenburg and his wife, her kinswoman, Sophia Charlotte. Then she returned to her previous solitary ways, distracted by reports, deprived of all political counsel, and dependent for comfort upon her pious thoughts and her bible. In these days she resorted to what became a favourite habit with her — the composition of prayers and meditations — and indited a special prayer on behalf of the contention winch was discussing her future at Westminster (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 4-7, 12, 13). Although there can be little doubt that William purposely delayed her arrival in England, lest she should be in one way or another ' set above him ' (see Sheffield, Duke of Buckinghamshire, Some Account of the Revolution, Works, 1723, ii. 97-8 cf. Dalrymple, ii. 283 Macaulay, ii. 636, innocently attributes the delay to the perversity of the weather), yet Mary, even at a distance, seconded her husband's wishes. In opposition to the William ites, headed by Halifax, another party desired to raise Mary to the throne as sole sovereign, and its leader, Danbv, wrote to her in this sense. In reply she indignantly repudiated any attempt to raise her above her husband, to whom she transmitted the correspondence. It was, as Macaulay conjectures, after receiving it that William — whose views had, however, been already made known through Bentinck — openly refused to reign by his wife's courtesy. Burnet at the same time officiously proclaimed Mary's previous assurances to him on the subject. Thus it was settled that William and Mary should become king- and queen-regnant that he should administer the government in both their names and tbat the crown should descend in the first instance to the heirs of her body. The section of the church party which had advocated her being made queen in her own right accepted the situation. For herself, she afterwards confessed, she would have preferred her husband to become regent under her father (Burnet, iii. 391 seqq. Dalrymple, ii.284 Macaulay, ii. 633 seqq. Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 11).

On 1 Feb. 1689 Admiral Herbert (afterwards Lord Torrington) arrived with a yacht to fetch Mary home. On 10 Feb. she set sail. In the Thames she had foul weather but in the afternoon of the 12th she landed at Whitehall Stairs. She describes her pleasure in seeing her husband and her sister again, and the conflict between filial and conjugal duty which still oppressed her. She adds that after this meeting she ' was guilty of a great sin. I let myself go on too much, and the devil immediately took his advantage the world filled my mind, and left but little room for good thoughts ' (ib. pp. 10-11 ). After the offer of the crown she seems to have exhibited a mirthfulness which it is difficult to reconcile with her account of her real feeling. Her behaviour was certainly deficient in tact, though the narrative of the Duchess of Marlborough may be as exaggerated as her conclusion that Mary ' wanted bowels,' and Evelyn's that she ' took nothing to heart ' (Account of Conduct, p. 25 cf. Vindication of Account, p. 19 cf. Burnet, iii. 406-7, and Dartmouth's note Evelyn, Diaiy, ii. 69 Macaulay, ii. 652-4).

On 13 Feb. (Ash Wednesday), Mary, seated in state by her husband's side in the presence of the two houses in the banqueting-house at Whitehall, assented to the Declaration of Rights, and William in his and her name accepted the crown of England tendered by Halifax (Macaulay, ii. 654 cf. Life of James II, p. 308). Both sovereigns were hereupon instantly proclaimed (Dalrymple, i. 309). Their coronation took place on 11 April in Westminster Abbey, Compton, bishop of London, in the place of the absent primate, performing the ceremony, in most, though not all, points of which Mary as queen-regnant was placed on an equality with the king. Burnet, recently appointed bishop of Salisbury (cf. Oivn Time, iv. 3), preached the sermon. Among the queen's train-bearers was her cousin, Lady Henrietta Hyde, Rochester's daughter, though Mary had at first resented the conduct of both her uncles as to the succession (Clarendon Correspondence, ​ ii. 263-4 see Macaulay, iii. 117-20). Miss Strickland (xi. 18-28) states that on the morning of the coronation Mary received from her father the news of his landing in Kinsale, and used the heartless language attributed to her in 'Life of James II,' ii. 329 but anecdote and date are alike apocryphal. Much comment was aroused by the device of a chariot on the reverse of the coronation medal (Macaulay, iii. 120), and the comparison of Mary to Tullia became a cranibe repetita of the Jacobite wits (Miss Strickland, xi. 45-7). In April followed the proclamation of William and Mary in Scotland, with the settlement of the Claim of Rights, and on 12 May they took the oath of office at Whitehall, in the presence of the Scottish commissioners and all the Scotsmen of distinction then in London (Macaulay, iii. 287-93). Finally, by the new parliament which met in March 1690, and passed the Bill of Rights, they were recognised as rightful and lawful sovereigns.

Of the new ministry, Danby, now lord president, was a statesman whom she had good reason to trust to Shrewsbury, who received most of the king's confidence, it was rumoured that she was personally attached and the terrible 'Jack' Howe (i.e. John Grubham Howe) [q. v.], her vice-chamberlain, who at one time is said to have fancied her to be in love with himself, told Burnet that had she survived the king she would certainly have married Shrewsbury (Own Time : v. 453 Dartmouth's note). The great office of groom of the stole to the queen was be- stowed upon the Countess of Derby, the sister of the Duke of Ormonde according to the Duchess of Marlborough

The queen had no wish to interfere in public business, and accordingly few persons cared to pay court to her, so that she found herself very much neglected except in the way of censure (Memoirs ap. DoEBNER,p. 14 cf. Burnet, iv. 3). But William largely depended on her to make up for his own want of popularity. It is even said that about December 1689 he was with difficulty prevented from executing a design which he had kept secret from Maryof retiring to Holland, and leaving her in England to bear the brunt of the conflict (ib. iv. 71 : cf. Macaulay, iii. 530 but see Klopp, v. 87). On account of his state of health the court had very soon moved from Whitehall to Hampton Court, where among the odd novelties introduced was Mary's collection of Chinese porcelain, and where she indulged her tastes for gardening and architecture. But the distance from London proving too great, the king and queen fox some weeks from October 1689 resided at Holland House in Kensington, which they at one time thought of purchasing, and finally on 23 Dec. settled in toe mansion which they had bought from the Earl of Nottingham in the same suburb, and which henceforth became known as Kensington Palace.

In the midst of misrepresentation and scandal Mary strove to put as pleasant as possible a face upon things, but she was painfully affected by the moral laxity which on her arrival she found generally prevalent in England. Xor did sne confine herself to private musings on the subject. By her desire, when things seemed going ill in Scotland and Ireland, a public fast was proclaimed (cf. N. Luttrell, Brief Historical Relation y &c. i. 542), and, in accordance with her puritanising tendency, she abolished the singing of prayers in the Chapel Royal at Whitehall, and introduced Sunday afternoon sermons there (Herinneringe ap. Doebner, pp. 12 et al.) These innovations gave great oflence to the Princess Anne, who took her cue from the high church party. Notwithstanding Mary's dislike of Lady Marlborough, she had for some time after her arrival maintained friendly relations witli Anne. The queen showed great interest in the birth (24 July) and infant troubles of the Duke of Gloucester, and in the birth of Anne's next child, who was christened Mary (ib. p. 15 Countess Bentinck, p. 123), but a coolness had set hi between the sisters before the latter event. The Duchess of Marlborough (Account of Conduct, pp. 27-8) attributes its origin to Anne's disappointment at being refused some additional apartmentsat Whitehall and Richmond Palace. Mary says that in the latter part of 1689 she discovered that Anne was secretly 'making parties to get a revenue settled upon her,' and that both at the commencement and in the course of the transaction which ensued she had occasion to speak reproachfully to her sister, who only asked pardon of her and the king in order to compass her end (Memoirs a p. Doebner, pp. 1 7-27 cf. Account of Conduct, pp. 29-38 Dalrymple, ti. iii. 108 sq., iv. 155 sq. Macaulay, iii. 559-66). Though Anne obtained her parliamentary settlement of 50.000l. a year, the sore rankled, while further umbrage was given to Anne by William's rude treatment of Prince George in Ireland (1690), and by Mary's refusal, of course under orders, to allow him to serve at sea during the king's absence in Holland (1691) [see Anne, 1665-1714 and George op Denmark].

Before William started for Ireland, in June ​ 1690, an act of parliament had been passed empowering Mary during his absence to exercise the government in his name as well as in her own. William had, according to Burnet (iv. 87), repeatedly said to Shrewsbury that, though he could not hit on the right way of pleasing England, the queen would. As she had, with her usual modesty, told him that the real responsibility must after all lie with the privy council (Memoirs, ap. Doebner, pp. 22-3), he was at special pains to furnish her with a suitable confidential committee of that body on which she might rely. To the loyalty of its nine members, who together with Carmarthen (Danby) in- cluded Kussell as chief naval and in the ultimate selection Marlborough as chief military adviser, William made an earnest appeal, but her letters to him show that she entertained no high esteem for most of them (Macaulay, iii. 593, f>98 Burnet, iv. £3 Clarendon Correspondence, ii. 31(5 Klopp, v. 101-2). She had recently recovered from an illness, but she promised Carmarthen 'not to be governed by her own or others' fears, but to follow the advise of those she believed had most courage and judgment ' (Memoirs ap. DoEBNER,p. 31). From her ' Memoirs,' and from her daily outpourings to her husband in the pathetic series of letters, it is abundantly clear that her piety and her affection for her husband enabled her to do her duty. Almost the first occasion on which she felt constrained to speak in her council was to approve of a warrant issuing for the arrest of her uncle Clarendon, who was involved in a plot against William. The French fleet, under Tourville, had entered the Channel, and an insurrection was daily expected. Furthermore, the conduct of Torrington, who was in command of the English fleet, gave rise to the gravest suspicion, but the queen followed the advice of the majority of her council, and, while sending him orders to fight, agreed that Russell and Monmouth should go down to the coast to supervise his proceedings. They were too late to prevent his losing the battle of Beaehy Head (30 June), and the queen, who had moreover just received the news of the disastrous battle of Fleurus. shared the sense of humiliation which filled the nation (Dalrymple, iii. 83-5). Shrewsbury's chivalrous offer of his services may have contributed to encourage her at this crisis(MACAULAT, iii. 613 Dalrymple, iii. 88-9), and after being distressed beyond measure by the news of William being wounded (ib, pp. 89-92), she was on 7 July rewarded by the news of his decisive victory of the Boyne, with which the fear of invasion virtually ended (ib. p. 600 cf. Macaulay, iii. 165). In the letter in which she confessed to William the ' confusion of thought ' into which she had been plunged, she begged him for his and her sake to see that no hurt should come to the person of her vanquished father, and characteristically added an entreaty that he would provide without delay for the church in Ireland, which everybody agreed was ' the worst in Christendom' (Dalrymple, iii. €2-6). Torrington, who had hoped for an audience from her, was straightway ordered to the Tower (Klopp, v. 135). The king, after raising the siege of Limerick, returned to Hampton Court 10 Sept. (Dalrymple, iii. 126-9), and she had the satisfaction of finding him ' very much pleased with her behaviour' (Memoirs ap. Doebxer), while both houses of parliament, when they met in October, voted her thanks for the prudence of her government (Macaulay, iii. 716). She at once relinquished all participation in public business (Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 34).

During the king's absence in Holland, from Jan. to 10 April 1C91 , she dissembled her anxiety, played every night at comet or basset, and allowed dancing at court on the occasion of her sister's birthday (ib. p. 36). But, with the sole exception of Henry Sidney, who had succeeded Shrewsbury as secretary of state, she was surrounded by enemies or cold friends. On the night before the king's return she was alarmed by a serious fire at Whitehall, from which she is said to have made her escape with difficulty (Miss Strickland, xi. 189-90: Macaulay, iv. 334). In the middle of April 1091 the sees of the deprived eight nonjuring bishops were at length tilled. Since their deprivation the queen had, through Burnet, Rochester, and Trevor, endeavoured to obtain a lenient treatment for thestt prelates (Burnet, iv. 128), more especially for Ken and Frampton and to her seems to belong the saying, attributed by Macaulay to William, that however much they wished to be martyrs, care should be taken to disappoint them (Plumptre, u.s., ii. 09-70 cS. Doebner, p. 41 ). In some of the many admirable appointments now and soon afterwards made, especially in the elevation to the primacy of Tillotson, for whom, as more moderate, her faithful Compton was, to his bitter chagrin, passed over, the influence of the queen seems distinctly traceable (cf. Burnet, iv. 137 Macaulay, iv. 34 seqq. C. J. Abbey, The Em/Hsh Church and its Bishops, 1700-1800 (1887), i. 94). Tillotson henceforth became the regular adviser as to church preferments of Mary, to whom William delegated such matters, but notwithstanding the moderation and conscientious ​ ness of both queen and primate, they were unable to check the increase of factiousness among the clergy (Burnet, iv. 211).

After William's departure to the continent, on 1 May 1691, Mary was thoroughly alarmed by the intrigues which had for their object the supplanting of the king and herself by Anne, and of which the moving spirit was Marlborough. The emptiness of the exchequer, which seriously affected the progress of the war in Ireland, weighed upon her, as did the necessity of assenting to sentences of death when she could not, as in Preston's case, approve of their commutation (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 40-1). It was about this date that she burnt most of her meditations, putting her journals into a bag tied by her side, to be in readiness if necessary for the same fate. About the same time she removed to Whitehall, where she fancied herself in more security than out of town (ib. pp. 38-9). To her apprehensions for the king's safety were added regrets for the death of Lady Dorset, whose place in her household was filled by the Countess of Nottingham. On the return of William (19 Oct.), this time without laurels, the court went back to Kensington, where, 9 Nov., a fire again caused Mary much inconvenience (ib. p. 43).

Early in 1692 it became impossible for the king and queen any longer to ignore Marlborough's complicity in the conspiracy against them, and after an explanation between the queen and the princess he was deprived of his appointments on 10 Jan. Three weeks later, on Anne's venturing to bring the duchess to court, Mary wrote to her sister a decisive letter (printed in Account of Conduct, pp. 43-47, where an utterly perverted account is given of the transaction). Hereupon Anne, who refused to part from her favourite, removed to Sion House, and the rupture between the sisters was manifest. Although in April the queen visited Anne on the premature birth of another child, in October, when Anne had returned to town, Mary passed her without notice in the park, nor do they seem to have ever met again. It is highly probable that the intrigues now carried on by Anne with her father were known to Mary (Klopp, vi. 55 seqq.) By a curious irony of fate Mary, who deeply regretted the alienation from her sister (see Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 43, and cf. her letters to the Duchess Sophia, ib. pp. 93, 97), incurred the reproach of cruelty, while Anne received the pity due to injured innocence nor can it be doubted that the queen's popularity was diminished by the transaction (see, however, Klopp, vi. 32). Rochester, who in the dispute had judiciously taken the queen's side, was not long afterwards sworn of the privy council.

During William's absence on the campaign of 1692 (5 March to 18 Oct.) the burden of the administration once more fell on Mary's shoulders. She was again resident at Whitehall, where in April she was seriously ill (' it was the first time in 12 year I had missed going to Church on the Lord's day,' Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 47). On her recovery she was beset by fears of a French invasion, as well as of conspiracies, directed in part against her own person, which, much against her wont, she appears to have sought to counteract by gaining information through double-dealers with her father's court (Ralph ap. Dalrtmple, i. 564). In April a private letter from her father reached her. through one of the ladies ostentatiously invited to be present at the birth of a royal infant at St. Germains (Klopp, vi. 53-4). Though King William had promised to return, in the event of the actual landing of an invading force (Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 48), Mary felt obliged to hold back several regiments destined for Flanders (Klopp, vi. 56). In May James was at La Hogue, after issuing a declaration which, as self-condemnatory, Mary had the courage to allow to be circulated in England (Dalrymple, iii. 239 Macattlay, iv. 230). Fears were rife of treason on the part of many officers of the navy, and the queen showed great spirit in addressing to the admiral, Russell, a letter expressive, of her confidence in the loyalty of the service (ib. pp. 234-5 Dalrymple, uls. Life of James 12 li. 490). ' God alone,' she exclaims (Memoir' ap. Doebner, p. 49), ' delivered us,' by the winds which contributed to the decisive victory of La Hogue (19 May). Though she sanctioned a large gratuity to the sailors, opened St. Thomas's and St. Bartholomew's Hospitals to the wounded from the fleet, and declared her design of establishing a permanent hospital for disabled seamen at Greenwich (Macattlay, iv. 243), Mary delayed a public thanksgiving for the victory, in order to await the news from Flanders. When it came it was disappointing. Namur had fallen, and the defeat of Steinkirk soon followed a projected naval attempt upon the French coast likewise came to grief, and Mary's troubles were brought to a height by the discovery in Flanders of Grandvaal's design against William's life, in which she found her father to be involved (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 51-4 cf. Burnet, iv. 170-4 Macaulay, iv. 285-6). It is therefore not surprising that the queen and her advisers should have attached credence to Young's revelations of a pretended plot, in conse ​ quence of which Marlborough was for some weeks lodged in the Tower.

During William's sojourn in England in the winter of 1692-3 she took great comfort from his unaccustomed kindness. He approved the orders she had during his absence given to the magistrates all over England for enforcing the law against vice and immorality, including what to her was specially abominable, the desecration of the Sunday (Burnet, iv. 181-2). She had also issued on 13 Sept. 1692 a much-censured proclamation, offering 40l. a head for the apprehension and conviction of any burglar or highwayman (Miss Strickland, xi. 256-8). She could now hardly repress her indignation at the treachery and disloyalty surrounding the throne, and her dislike of the necessity to which William found himself reduced of courting the tories (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 58-9). After he had again quitted Engand (24 March 1693), and she had to resume the regency, everything seemed to go wrong, nor had she when he came back (29 Oct.) the satisfaction of finding him approve her administration (ib.) Yet whether or not she acted judiciously in getting rid of Lord Bellamont, she was responsible neither for the loss of the Smyrna fleet, which caused an alarm she sought to allay by the prompt appointment of a committee of the council on the grievances of the Turkey merchants ( Macaulay , iv. 416, 469), nor for William's defeat at Landen. The anarchy in the council which she had been unable to stay obliged him after all to fall back on the whigs, out of whom he gradually formed a more solid ministry. Things began to improve, and, as she says, every one was resolving to try one year more at least (Herinneringe ap. Doebner , p.61).

During William's absence on the campaign of 1694 (6 May-9 Nov.), the queen's popularity in the city was proved Dy the ready response to her courageous request for a loan of 300,000l. (Klopp, vi. 217 see Shrewsbury Correspondence, pp. 69 seqq. Klopp, vi. 340-341). The death of Tillotson (22 Nov.) greatly grieved her. Burnet (iv. 243) says that for many days she spoke of the archbishop ' in the tenderest manner, and not without tears' she pressed the king and Shrewsbury to name Stillingfleet as his successor, but Tenison was preferred as less 'high' in 'his notions and temper.' Soon afterwards the queen was herself taken ill. Already in the previous spring she had described herself as increasingly subject to the infirmities accompanying age— but she was only thirty-two — or the troubles and anxieties which every returning summer I brought to her (ap. Countess Bentinck, p. 146). On 20 Dec. she felt unwell, but the indisposition seemed unimportant, and on the 22nd she felt stronger, though by way of precaution she put her papers in order. It must have been on this occasion that she wrote to her husband a letter dwelling on his conjugal infidelities, and exhorting him to mend his ways, which she afterwards gave to Tenison to be transmitted after her death (Plumptre, ii. 79 note). On the 23rd an eruption ensued, which the nurse and Dr. John Radcliffe [q. v.] thought to be measles. By Christmas day the king and court were much alarmed deep emotion was manifested at the services in the Chapel Royal, and already political speculations were rife on the consequences of her death. In the evening the physicians agreed that she was suffering from a virulent attack of small-pox. On 26 Dec. Tenison was commissioned to inform her of her danger, when she expressed her perfect submission to the divine will. The king's grief, which he freely imparted to Burnet, was most vehement sympathetic crowds blocked all the approaches to Kensington Palace. The Princess Anne's request to be allowed to visit her sister was by medical advice declined by the king. On 2,' Dec. Mary, who had been almost continuously in prayer, received the sacrament, and bade an affectionate farewell to the king. Half an hour later, at one a.m. on 28 Dec, she died (Klopp, vii. 6-10 Lexington Papers, pp. 31-6 Burnet, iv. 245-8 cf. Macau lax, iv. 350-2). The queen's body, after being opened and embalmed, was removed from Kensington to Whitehall on the night of 29 Dec. The king, who had at first wished her funeral to be private, deferred it, and it was ultimately celebrated on 5 March with great pomp in Westminster Abbey, where Queen Mary rests in Henry VI Fs Chapel. Tenison preached the funeral sermon, an answer to which, reproaching the primate for not having exhorted the queen to a deathbed repentance on her fathers account, is thought to have been written by Ken (Plumptre, ii. 86-94 as to the replies which followed, see State Papers during the Reign of William III, 1706, ii. 522 seqq.) Both houses of parliament, which contrary to usage had not been dissolved, attended the service (Macaulay, iv. 534-5). Public funeral solemnities were also held in the United Provinces at Utrecht Grsevius preached before the Provincial Estates. Other notable sermons were delivered in England by Burnet, Sherlock, Wake, and many other divines and the queen was mourned in verse by Prior, Swift, Congreve, the Duke of Devonshire, and Lord Cutts, who had already in 1687 dedicated his ​ poems to Mary, in the ' Lacrymae Cantabrigienses,' edited by Thomas Brown, as well as in ' Clarendon Correspondence,' ii. 450 note. The city council was anxious to erect her statue with William's in front of the Royal Exchange but he preferred to honour her memory by carrying out her scheme of Greenwich Hospital. James II put on no mourning, and forbade the wearing of it by his court (Life of James II, ii. »525-7), and Pope Innocent XII took occasion to deliver an edifying discourse on the fifth commandment (Letters of James, Earl of Perth, ed. W. Jerdan, Camden Soc., 184o, p. 57). The hopes of the Jacobites were largely raised by her death.

It was Mary's fate in life, as she herself avers, to be misinterpreted. Placed under the fiercest light of publicity, in the most painful Eossible dilemma — between her father and er husband — she chose distinctly and definitely, and thereby drew upon herself the rancorous misjudgment of half a world. But both James and others who were without his excuse grossly erred in supposing that Mary either made or adhered to her choice with a light heart. Her solicitude for her father is unmistakably shown in numerous passages of herprivate memoirs (ap. Doebner, pp. 81-2). William warned Carmarthen that the queen never forgave disrespectful words concerning her father. Halifax lost credit with her for inopportune jests on the subject (Burnet, iv. 241 note), and Titus Oates's pension was suspended because he had darea to offend in the same sense (Klopp, v. 123). Nottingham, who enjoyed much of her intimacy, was even convinced that if she had survived her husband she would have restored her father, but though this passes probability she never seems to have cut herself loose from him till after she discovered his. cognisance of Grandvaal's design upon William's life.

Her affection for William thus became the only human anchorage of her life. She was childless, brotherless, and, after the quarrel which Anne had forced upon her, sisterless. To her husband she was absolutely loyal. Though in fact fully equal to the responsibilities thrust upon her, and wanting neither in application nor in firmness and courage, she regarded herself as unfit for politics, and felt assured that it was not through them she would find a place in history (ib. ii. 92). Year after year she cheerfully relinquished the conduct of affairs when relieved of it by the king's return, only to resume it on his departure with renewed misgivings. In an age and belonging to a family prolific of strong-minded women, she was not one of them. Buckinghamshire ( Works, ii. 74) truly calls her ' the most complying wife in the world,' and Macaulay hardly goes beyond the mark in asserting that her husband's ' empire over her heart was divided only with her God,'

Profoundly convinced that Williams was a providential mission, to further his political ends was for her a religious duty. Brought up in a spirit of militant protestantism, she had accustomed herself in Holland to a fervent, pietistic way of looking at the experiences of life. She was a great bible-reader (cf. Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 25 cf. C. J. Abbey, i. 125), and never swerved from her own standard of orthodoxy, of which she was capable of giving a very clear account. But she was wholly devoid of theological arrogance, and her 'Meditations' and 'Prayers,' as well as her 'Memoirs,' which were manifestly intended for no eye but her own, breathe a spirit of simple piety. It was inevitable that, though an affectionate daughter of the church of England, and extremely regular in all practices of devotion, she should attract little sympathy from the high church party. She would gladly have reconciled parties in the church, and the church itself with the presbyterians. She even shared William's tolerant feelings towards the Roman catholics. Thus her warm interest in ecclesiastical affairs, and more especially in the matter of preferments, though altogether single-minded (cf. ib. pp. 104 seqq.), met with a return anything but grateful from the embittered-clerical spirit of her age. Her endowment of the William and Mary College in Virginia for the training of missionaries (Burnet, Own Time, iv. 216-16), and her interest in Thomas Bray [q. v.], the founder of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (Abbey, i. 83), attest her religious interests while, according to Burnet (Memorial, pp. 106 seqq.), she had formed a design for the augmentation of poor livings at home, and entertained a strong objection to pluralities and non-residence. Her efforts on behalf of public morality were not ill-timed. Her public and private charities were alike numerous and unostentatious, her special protection was extended to the French protestant refugees, both in England and in the Low Countries (ib. pp. 143 seqq.) The charm of her character lay in her moral qualities. She was amiable, cheerful, and equable in temper, and gifted with both intelligence and reasonableness of mind. Genuinely modest in a shameless age, and hating scandal, she was not wanting in vivacity (Burnet, Memorial, p. 87). Her letters contain some sprightly turns of phrase, and her memoirs some good sketches of character. She was, moreover, unlike her sister, fond of conversation. Indeed, the Duchess of ​ Marlborough (Account of Conduct, bl. 25) pretends that she soon grew weary of anybody who would not talk a great deal. At court a saying circulated according to which the queen talked as much as the king thought and the princess ate ( Klopp , iv. 397). Miss Strickland insinuates that in the last respect both of Anne Hyde's daughters resembled their mother. The defects of Mary's education had, more especially in the quiet Dutch days during Hooper s chaplaincy, been supplemented by reading, and she never gave up the habit. She was well-informed, not only in controversial divinity, but in history, and took up the study of English constitutional history as late as 1691 (Herinneringe ap. Doebner , p. 44). According to Burnet (Memorial, bl. 80) she was very exact in geography, and had a taste for other sciences. She wrote with ease and fluency in both French and English, and could put together a letter in Dutch (ap. Dalrymple , iii. 87). Her weak eyesight, however, at times obliged her to resort to female handiwork in her desire to avoid idleness ( Burnet , Own Time, iii. 134 Memorial, pp. 81-2). At Hampton Court many evidences of her horticultural taste are still extant, and three catalogues of her botanical collections are in the British Museum (Sloane MSS. 2928, 2370-1, 3343 see Law , Hampton Court, iii. 30-42).

A large number of portraits remain from the successive periods of Mary's short life. In youth an elegant dancer, and slight in figure, she afterwards grew more, but never excessively, full in person, and was always a good walker (ap. Doebner , pp. 102-3).

The earliest portrait of her is probably Necksher's, taken at about two years of age. Wissing's was painted in duplicate between 1085 and 1687. There is another Dutch portrait, belonging to Lord Braybrooke, of 1688. The latest is Vandervaast's, of 1692.

[Genuine materials for a personal biography of Mary II are to he found in her letters to William III, covering the period from 19 June to $ Sept. 1690. and printed in Dalrymple, iii. 68-129 in the Lettres et Memoires de Marie Reine d'Angleterre, &c published by Countess Bentinck at the Hague in 1880. and comprising a fragment of Marys Memoirs (in French) from the beginning to the end of 1688, together with a series of Meditations hy her, dating from 1690 and 1691, and a short series of letters written by her to Baroness de Wassenaer-Obdam and others at various times in the six years of her reign and in the Memoirs and Letters of Mary, Queen of England, ed. by Dr. R. Doebner, Leipzig, 1886. The last>named volume carries on her summary autobiographical narrative (in English) from the beginning of 1689 to the close of 1693, and contains in addition a series of letters from the queen to the Electress Sophia, dating from 1689 to 1694. These materials have been largely used by Kramer in his Maria II Stuart (Utrecht, 1890), the best extant biography of Queen Mary. Miss Strickland's life of her in vols. x. and xi. of the Lives of the Queens of England, 1847, which is full of interesting details as to the queen's earlier years, afterwards degenerates into spiteful gossip. For Mary's early years and marriage see Diary of Dr. Edward Lake, ed. by ft. P. Elliott for the Camden Society, Camden Misc. vol, i. (1847). For her life in Holland see tho extracts from Hoopers MS. in Trevor's Life and Times of William III. 1836, reproduced by Miss Strickland and II. Sidney's Diary and Correspondence from 1679, ed. R. W. Blencowe, 2 vols. 1843. Burnet's Hist. of his own Time (here cited in the Oxford edit. 1833) is a first-hand authority from 1686 10 the queen s death. His Essay on the Memory of the late Queen (here cited as Memorial in the original edition) first appeared in 1695. See also Clarendon Correspondence, ed. S. W. Singer, 2 vols. 1828 Clarke s Life of James II, 2 vols. 1816 Evehn's Diary and Correspondence, ed. Bray and Wheatley, 4 vols. 1879 Shrewsbury Papers, ed. Coxe, 1821 and as to the relations between Mary and Anne [Hooke's] Account of the Conduct of the Dowager Duchess of Marlborough, 1742. See also Dalrymple's Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland, 3 vols. 1790 edit. Klopp's Der Fall des Hauses Stuart, espetially vols, ii-vii. (1875-9) Macaulay's Hist. of England, especially vols, ii-iv. (here cited in the 1st edit.) F. A. Mazure's Histoire de la Revolution de 1688 en Angleterre, 4 vols. Brussels, 1843 PIumptre's Life of Ken, 2 vols. 1888 C. J. Abbey's The English Church and its Bishops, 1700-1800, 2 vols. 1887. For a bibliography of the political as distinguished from the personal history of Mary's life, see under William III.]


History & Traditions

William & Mary is the second-oldest institution of higher learning in America. While our original plans date back to 1618 — decades before Harvard — William & Mary was officially chartered in 1693.

Birth by Royal Charter

On February 8, 1693, King William III and Queen Mary II of England signed the charter for a "perpetual College of Divinity, Philosophy, Languages, and other good Arts and Sciences" to be founded in the Virginia Colony. And William & Mary was born.

Workers began construction on the Sir Christopher Wren Building, then known simply as the College Building in 1695, before the town of Williamsburg even existed. Over the next two centuries, the Wren Building would burn on three separate occasions, each time being re-built inside the original walls. That makes the Wren the oldest college building still standing in America, and possibly the most flammable.

Alma Mater of the Nation

William & Mary has been called the Alma Mater of the Nation because of its close ties to America's founding fathers. A 17-year-old George Washington received his surveyor's license through W&M and would return as its first American chancellor. Thomas Jefferson received his undergraduate education here, as did presidents John Tyler and James Monroe.

W&M is famous for its firsts: the first U.S. institution with a Royal Charter, the first Greek-letter society (Phi Beta Kappa, founded in 1776), the first student honor code, the first college to become a university and the first law school in America.

William & Mary became a state-supported school in 1906 and went coed in 1918. In 1928, John D. Rockefeller, Jr. chose the Wren Building as the first to be returned to its 18th-century appearance as part of the iconic Colonial Williamsburg restoration.

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